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MR. TALBOT, M.P., ON COUNTY…

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MR. TALBOT, M.P., ON COUNTY FRANCHISE. IMPORTANT SPEECH BY MR. CHAMBERLAIN. At the Albert-hall, Swansea, on Thursday night a complimentary banquet was given to Mr. L. LJ. Dillwyn, M.P., who hao; represented the borough in Parliiliament for 27 years uninterruptedly. The interior of the building presented a gay and festive appearance, the balconies, numerously filled with ladies, being hung with white and crimson gauzo. whilst the platform, the front of which was covered with scarlet cloth, had tropical plants placed upon it. Here the principal table, ot horse- shoe shape, was laid, whilst the body of the hall was occupied by six long tables, which accommo- dated about 330 diners. Mr. Thomas Phillips, the president of the Swansea Liberal Association, occupied the chair. The guest of the evening sat at a table on the orchestra, and was supported bv the Right Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, M.P., President of the Board of Trade Lord Kensington. M.P.: Sir H. Hussey Vivian, Bart., M.P.; Sir E. J. Reed, K.C.B.. M.P. Mr. C. R. M. Talbot, M.P.: Mr. C. II. James, M.P.; Mr. H. H. Fowler, M.P.; Nl r. Henry Richard, M.P.; Mr. H. C. Allen, M.P.; Mr. Thomas Phillips, President of the Association; Mr. E. R. Daniel, Mayor of Swansea; Mr. Rowland Thomas, Mayor of Neath; Mr. J. II. Rowland (Neath); Mr. J. Cole ichnll (Merthyr Mawr); Mr. Morgan B. Williams, Mr. F. A. Yeo, Dr. C. W. Siemens, Mr. Abel Thomas, Mr. j. D. Thomas, Mr. George Sidney Da vies, secretary of the association, Imd Mr. Alfred Thomas, ex-Mayor of Cardiff. Among the general company were.-—Mr. F. J. Camilla, the R>v. A. J. Parry, the Rev. D. Saunders, the Rev. James Owen, Dr. Rawiings, the Rev. Dr. Rees. Mr. Thomas Glas- brook, the Rev. F. Samuel, Mr. Edward Strick, the Rev. J. M. Gibbon, the Rev. W. Emlyn Jones, Mr,1 C. H. Perkins, Mr. Rd. Martin, the Rev. J. E. Man- ning, Mr. R. D. Burnie, Mr. C. T. Wilson, Dr. J. Evans, Dr. D. A. Davies Mr. J. Aeron Thomas. Mr. Jamos Livingston, Dr. Edwards (Cardiff), Messrs. A, 1..1. Pearse, W. J. Rees, F. E. Williams. R. T. Levshon, Philip Rogers, W. Stone, H. J. Goss, James .Jones, Wm. Howell (Llanelly), W. J. Player, John Player, John Dowle Jones, Robert Hancorn. the Rev. E. Welby, W. Saunders, Richard Richards, E. J. Morris, J. Buse, Thomas Davies (ex-mayor of Swansea), William Thomas, William Watkins, David .Jenkins, R. J. Letcher, Geo. Thomas (Carmarthen), J. Ivor Evans, T. R. R. Davison. James Walter. T. Ford, T. Freemnn, David Isaac. Richard Hughes, L. Tulloch, Daniel Jones, A. W. Halden, J. T. Davies (Neath), Arch- jeacon Griffiths, James Aberncthy, Joseph Thomas (Haverfodwest), W. Rosser, D. H. Thomas. Robert "apper, John Thomas (town-clerk of Swansea), A. Curtis (Nenth), W. T. Lewis (Neath). Thomas Phillips,jun., T.W. Islay Young, Dr. Joseph Davies, Benjamin Evans, H. Chalk, Dr. Jabez Thomas, Thomas Trew, Frank James, the Rev. J. S. Davys, the Rev. B. Williams, William Thomas (Lan), John Lewis (St. Thomas). The Rev. Dr. RRES, Swansea, having said grace. The CHAIRMAN gave the toast of "The Queen," which was well received. The Chairman, in pro- posing the next toast, The Prince and Princess of Wales, and the Rest of the Royal Family," referred -,o the visit of the Prince and Princess to Swansea, tnd the cordial reception that was given them. Mr. ABRL THOMAS proposed "The Bishop and Clergy of the Diocese and Ministers of all Denomi- nations." The Rev. Mr. WRLBT replied on behalf of The Bishop and Clergy of the Diocese." Dr. REES. of Swansea, replied on behalf of the Nonconformists. Dr. SIEMENS, who was loudly applauded on rising, said he had travelled all night to do honour to his old and esteemed friend Mr. Dillwyn, and he was not prepared for such an honourable, but difficult, task as to bring before them the old and valued toast of The Army, Navy, and Auxiliary forces." Being himself of foreign birth it might jeem strange that the committee should have fixed upon him to propose this toast. But while he felt flattered at the confidence thus placed in him, he might say that, though not a native of this land. he yielded to no one in loyalty to the Queen and the liberties and constitution of the land—(ap- plause)-which had been his adopted country for nearly 40 years. Captain BUBNIE, responding, said that he appre- ciated the honour done him in coupling his name to the toast. Mr. HBNRY RICHARD, M.P., rising to propose the next toast, was loudly applauded. He said he was convinced the large company before him would respond with the utmost cordiality and enthusiasm to the toast which he had to propose, The Health of the Lord-Lieutenant and the Senior Member for the County." (Cheers.) He (Mr. Richard) felt that there would be something of impertinence in him were he to speak in terms of eulogy of the gentlemen in their presence—they knew him so well and honoured him so well. Many of them were better acquainted than he was of the way in which Mr. Talbot had discharged his duties of Lord-Lieutenant of the county for so many years. He was the mem- ber of Parliament and representative of that great county, and his experience was, he (the speaker) thought, absolutely unique; at least, he knew of no parallel case. Be believed Mr. Talbot entered the House of Commons in the year 1830, before the passing of the first Reform Bill, and he had con- ;inued ever since a member af that assembly. And what was still moro remarkable, Mr. Talbot was the representative of the lIame constituency, without .nterruption and without interval. (Cheers.) Nrow, he (Mr. Richard) held that that circumstance was honourable alike to the representative and the constituency; honour- able to the representative, for it implied the possession of some valuable and estimable qualities, in order to have inspired such strong and lasting confidence in the past two or three genera- tions of the men of Glamorgan—(applause)—and honourable to the constituency as implying that they were an intelligent and discerning commu- nity, who knew how to stick to him with a reso- lute and unswerving tenacity. (Applause.) lie remembered some four years ago that very distinguished gentleman, lecturing, he relieved, at King'3 College, London—and he .upposed the lecture was upon some profound .jupstion of political and social phiiosophy-made this remark: That the physical condition of Wales tended to (levelope discontented habits of (Laughter.) That he thought was a very curious utterance as applied to the commu- nity of which it might be said that perhaps there was not throughout the whole extent of her Majesty's dominions, from Caithness to Cabul, a more contented people. (Applause.) The reason assigned for this extraordinary dictum was this- that the people of Wales were very much addicted to change their representatives in Parliament. He remembered, after the report of this lecture had appeared in the public press, pointing to the fact that the political history of Wales alone was a signal refutation of the charge. Col. Stuart—(applause)—the former member for Ouditf. had represented the same constituency for 23 years: Mr. Vivian—(applause)—had repre- sented the same constituency for 26 years Mr. Dillwyn—(loud ,ippi.,iu.e)-for 28 years, and Mr. Talhnt for 53 yfears. (Applause.) Another gentleman wilt) represented a Glamorganshire borough had been tolerated by the same constituency for more than fifteen years. (Laughter and applause.) He had no reason to suppose but that if Mr. Talbot were obliged to offer himself for re-election Mr. Talbot would be returned. This did not look as if they were given to change, when for 53 years Mr. Talbot had represented the same constituency. (Cheers.) As he (Mr. Richard) was coming down that morning he was thinking how many great and distinguished figures Mr. Talbot must have seen act ing their part on the political stage during that tinw, He should think that. Mr. Talbot, in looking back some time. saw before him a shadowy procession — Fuel and Wellington, Brougham, and Lyndhurst, Stanley, Russell, Palmerston, O'Connor, MRetul-ty, Cobden, Disraeli, and others hardly less conspicuous and how many great political conflicts had not Mr. Talbot witnessed .trld shared during those 53 years—(applause)— conflicts about the first Reform Bill. the almost p<|U:i!iy fierce conflict of the second Reform Bill, An' i-Slaverv, the Reform of Corporations, the forin of the Poor Law, the Ballot, the .Abolition of Church Rates, the Burials Bill, and many others—(applause)—in which he bore a part always faithful to the Liberal prin- ciple—(applause)—-and now, having shared in all those conflicts, and having seen so many great mt-n appear and disappear, Ir, Talbot continues with us to thi day, still vigorous in body and mind, with. he (Mr. Richard) hoped, his eve not much dimmed nor his natural force abated—(loud .•liars')—the Nestor of politicians, the father of the House of Commons. (Cheers.) It was this' gentleman's health he had to submit for their H'cept'ince, and this toast, he was sure would be Jrunk with the utmost cordiality. (Loud cheers.) Mr C. R. M. TALBOT. M.P., who was most enthu- siastically received, remarked it was true, as the proposer of the toast said, that lie had been 53 years in Parliament, and only a year ago a IGem- Ixti- of Parliament came to him in the lobby of the House of Commons, and observed, You and I ars the only two men left that went all through the Reform Bill." Within a year from that date he saw this gentleman's death in the papers, and now (Mr. Talbot) was the only individual left who went through that great ordeal. It was true, and bo was sorry for it, that he was the father, in a metaphorical sense—(laughter)—of the House of Commons. He wished he was not, because he desired as long as he could to promote the Liberal but being the father he was bound to say that he had got a most unruly lot of sons. (Laughter.) But lie was happy to say of his Welsh sons that he had nothing but praise to accord them. He thought it was impossible for any borough or for anv county to be more laithfully represented than those of Giamorgan. Where could two men be found who more accurately or critically represented public opinion than the two members for Merthyr Tydvil. If they went to Cardiff, that most important shipping station, they found it represented in Parliament by a man who was second to none in the kingdom on merchant :Id marine matters. Look, again, at his (Mr ,'¡lbot's) worthy colleague. Where would they I.. nd a man who so 1\ecumtely represented the agn- cultural, commercial, and manufacturing interests as did Sir Hussey Vivian ? (Applause.) He had establishments all over the world. His name was known from the Arctic circle to San Francisco. (Laughter.) Beyond that, he carried off all the prizes at agricultural shows. (Applause and laughter.) Then he came to Mr. Dillwyn. (Loud cheers.) Where could a man be found better qualified to fill the post which he occupied than was Mr. Dillwyn. (Renewed cheers.) It was true that there had been a Conservative banquet at Swansea lately. That meant opposi- tion to Mr. Dillwyn. He had no doubt the banquet was attended by one of the men to whom Lord Beaconsfield applied the term light and leading." The late Chairman of Committees of the House of Commons was present at the banquet, but he thought he was not going too far when he said that the Rake's progress" was not likely to take root. (Loud laughter and applause.) He (Mr. Talbot) should always feel grateful to the Liberal party of this country for what they had done. Those who were born long after he came into Parliament might not be able to appre- ciate his feelings when he thought of the things that used to happen in the olden times. When he first entered Parliament there was no re- presentative of the Liberal party at all. The boroughs and counties were represented by a few great noble lords or by the Treasury. There were Treasury boroughs, or boroughs which were the property of dukes or marquesses, and he recollected how as a young man he went to one of these great people and asked to be put into one of his seats, when he replied, You must go to my solicitor." He (Mr. Talbot) went to the man of law, who said, Now I shall tell you three things one is that you vote exactly as his lordship wishes, another that you you give me 16,009, and the third, thatyou never go near your constituency from the beginning to the end." That disgraceful state of things was put an end to by the Liberal party. Again, if there was a Noncon- formist who wished to be a. member of a corpora- tion, he was not allowed. That was put an end to by the Liberal party. Again, a man could not get into Parliament without subscribing to the Thirty- nine Articles. He remembered that he de- clined to subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles. He was then sixteen years of age. The Vice-Chan- Qcllor of the University was sent for to reason with him, and he said to that dignitary, My good sir, I don't object to the Thirty-Nine Articles, but I dont't know what they are." (Laughter.) At the same time there were the disabilities of the Roman Catholics. It was a scandalous fact thatif a Roman Catholic professed his religion he could not rise in the army, the navy, or the law. The conse- quence of this was that the best men were lost to the service of the country. That again was put an end to by the action of the Liberal party. He would say that he for one should always look upon those Bills among the greatest benefits conferred 0 upon the country by the action of the wise men who lived in those days. But they would say all that is gone by and past. Gratitude had been well defined as a lively sense of future favour, and pro- bably they wanted to know what the Govern- ment were going to do in the future. He would not venture to anticipate what they would do in the presence of a Cabinet Minister. j Perhaps they would ask that Minister. He (the speaker) would venture to say that he would not tell them daughter); he must not let out Cabinet, secrets—(renewed laug-hter)-but the circular which had been recently issued by Mr. Gladstone -( loud cheers)—stated that business of the greatest importance would come on immediately Parliament met. Therefore if they would only restrain their curiosity for fifteen days they would know what they would know. (Laughter.) Speaking then of ultra ex-Parliamentarv utterances which produced those interminable articles in the papers, he was glad to have this opportunity of saying why he held different opinions from some of his colleagues upon certain questions. He alluded to the question of the extension of the County Franchise. He was not a bit afraid of any addition to the franchise so far as the welfare of the country went, but he was very much afraid the welfare of the Liberal party would be affected by it. (" Oh, oh.") If they extended the franchise he was afraid it would not conduce to the stability of the Liberal party in Parliament.. Sixty countv members nowsat in the Liberal interest, and he was firmly convinced that, if they could give the fran- chise to labourers they would lose a great number of those 60 seats. Let them take this county, for instance. There were 80,000 houses in it in round numbers. Fifty thousand of those might be said to belong to the towns. There were 30,000, therefore, left in the county. At the Last election there were 4,100 Liberal voters and 3,500 Conser- vative voters. Now, he asked them what would be the consequence of adding to those 20,000 voters ? They did not know how they would 'go. They could not be absolutely certain, but he felt that very many labourers would vote as their landlords did. Then another question for the future, like the millenium, was the division of the country into equal electoral dis- tricts. It could not be now dealt with, and in re- gard to this and the other questions mentioned, his views would have the consideration of his friends. (Applause.) Mr. F. A. YEO next proposed Her Majesty's Ministers," remarking that it would be extremely 11 y difficult to single out any period in recent times which presented so many difficulties to a Govern- ment, and which had been so fertile of so many emergencies, and in which any false step was so cal- culated to try to the utmost the energies of their statesmen. He asserted the Government, in such exceptional circumstances, had a problem to solve, but they had retained their hold upon the country, and in spite of all influences the Ministry stood in a position with the approval and the confidence of the country. (Cheers.) Might they not safely argue that a Government which had done so well in the past would not be found wanting in the future ? (Applause.) When the present Government came into power great things were expected of them, but they had found that those Liberal measures upon which they had set their hearts had not been realised. The Government had been obliged to postpone their programme of reform. They had had to grapple with anarchy in Ireland, and had had to deal a blow, he hoped a fatal one, to the systematic obstruction which had disgraced our land. They had had also to defend British interests and honour in the East. It was not so long ago that the Liberal Government was taunted with having neglected British interests in the Transvaal, and with buying peace at any price. The Government Was now charged with entering into an unjustifi- able war in Egypt. He hoped the way had now been made for passing reforms, and he hoped that before the present session expired something would be accomplished in that direction. He was quite sure that they would heartily join with him in drinkin- the toast he was going to propose. (Applause,) The assembly he saw before him had shown by the manner in which they had received the toast their high appreciation of the Government, and their confidence in it. (Cheers.) Mr. Gladstone was the head and the soul of the Government. Of him it was impossible to speak in too high terms. Seldom had any man served any country so faith- fully seldom had any man been prized so highly as Mr. Gladstone, who, by his many accom- plishments, had breathed into the affairs of St;ite a higher and purer spirit. All through Mr. Glad- stone had sought nothing for himself. It had boon all for his country. (Cheers.) We owed Mr. Gladstone a debt of gratitude for what he had done in the best and deepest interests of the country— for his splendid labours in the generous, broad, and just laws he had put on the statute book! (Cheers.) That evening they had amongst them a distinguished member of the present Government. (Applause.) Mr. Chamberlain had come to Swansea to do honour to one whom they all most highly respected. (Applause.) No member of "the Cabinet had been so heavily abused by the Conservatives as Mr. Chamberlain. Where a Liberal statesman was pointed out as a dangerous rival by his opponents, as a man capable of any mischief, the Liberals might depend upon it that man was capable of doing, and had done, and was likely to do, good work in the Liberal service (applause)—for the Conservative idea of a Liberal Cabinet Minister was a Minister who was as little liberal as possible. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Judged by the Conservative standard no doubt Mr. Chamberlain fell short, but tried by the Liberal standard the Right Hon. Joseph Cham- berlain would be pronounced an excellent speci- men of a Liberal statesman. (Cheers.) He (Mr. Yeo) was quite sure that they would all join with him in wishing Mr. Chamberlain very many years of honourable and useful service. (Cheers.) He called upon them to drink "The Health of the Cabinet Ministers," coupling the toast with the name of Mr. Chamberlain. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) Mr. CHAMBERLAIN, who was received with loud and prolonged applause, said: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,-I thank you very sincerely for the cordial reception which you have given to this toast. It has been a great pleasure to me to come down here to take part in your proceedings, and to share in the well-deserved tribute of respect and esteem which you are paying to my old friend Mr. Dillwyn. (Loud cheers.) I am very glad to find that he, at all events, is a prophet honoured in his own country—(applause)—and that the feel- ings of affectionate regard in which he is held by those who know him in the House of Commons are shared by the neighbours amongst whom he lives, and by the constituency which he has served so faithfully and solong. (Cheers.) According to some pessimist writers and speakers, Mr. Dillwyn belongs to a class which is fast dying out. ("No and laughter.) He is the typical indepen- dent mornber-(Ioud laughter)—the man who is to be gagged by the Cloture and enslaved by the Caucus. (Laughter and applause.) In spite of the existence of these terrible inventions, I do not doubt that Mr. Dillwyn will be able to hold his own. (Hear, hear.) And although he has never thought it nocessary to advertise his independence by abusing- his friends and flattering his opponents, nor to assert his superior virtue by ascribing the meanest motives to every other member of his party, yet I do not think anyone will be found to say that lie has ever been false to his convictions or untrue to his principles and prejudices. (Applause.) The fact is, it is a mistake to suppose that indepen- dence can only be asserted in isolation. A man may hold very honest opinions himself and yet may be perfectly able to co-operate heartily with those who do not go so far as he does upon matters which they are willing to pursue in moderation, and if I dwell upon this at all to-night it is because it is one of the characteristics of English Radicalism which has brought about important results in our past history. English Radicals may be unreasonable; of course this is an extreme I supposition, but it is never irreconcilable. The Anarchists of France, the Nihilists of Russia, and the Fenians of Ireland have very few sym- pathisers in this country. (Cheers.) We Radicals —for I am proud to be one of them—(cheers)—do not think the worse of those ,who do not come quite up to our expectation. On the contrary, we make some sacrifice of our preference for quicker travelling if only we can keep all our fellow-pas- sengers with us. (Cheers.) This spirit of con- cession must be preserved if we go somewhat slower for some of our friends, or try to get others along at a quicker pace than they are accustomed I to. This spirit it is which promotes the union of the Liberal party, and gives to it force. I know no one who would do that unless it is some very in- dependent gentleman who cannot agree wit' myone, and who would be ready to denounce tl, Apostles themselves because they did not fall OUt by the way. (Cheers.) Now it is easy to see that the spectacle of domestic happiness which at the present time is enjoyed by the Liberal party must fill the Conservative breast with painful reflec- tions, presenting, as it does, a startling contrast to their own experience. (Cheers.) I don't like to allude to this question, which is a somewhat delicate one. The party is now represented by speakers who are stating first one thing and then another, and now it is to have a new magazine, which is to meet a very extraordinary and excep- tional demand. (Laughter.) This organisation is a new thing for the country, and cannot but be for the advantage of the Liberal party itself. (Cheers.) Under these circumstances, I am going to mlke a respectful suggestion, which I think, if adopted, might possibly tend to a satisfactory solution of the painful altercations of which we are compelled to be witnesses of. All those Conservatives are com- plaining of their leaders. (Laughter.) They say they are not vigorous enough, and the only diffi- culty seems to be that they cannot settle amongst themselves who is to take their places. (Laughter.) It seems to me that a plan which is in vogue among a barbarous tribe in Central Africa might be adopted. When those untamed savages have cause to be dissatisfied in their chiefs they set them up in a tree to hold on by their hands. (Laughter.) Those who fall off first are imme- diately killed and eaten—(laughter)—and those who endure longest are promoted at once to chief authority. (Laughter.) You see at once the ad- vantage of a proposal of this kind. (Laughter). It would, of course, create a great many vacancies on the front Opposition Bench—(laughter)—but they would very soon find the leader, by a process of natural selection. (Laughter.) Whoever may be destined to lead the Conservative party in future, her Majesty's Government will look at the prospect with tolerable equanimity—(applause)— to any change that may take place. The only ques- tion with them is whether we should be able to come up to the natural expectations of our friends. To them we have incurred a heavy debt of grati- tude during the time through which we have passed. They have given us a faithful and loyal consideration; which it would be difficult for us to repay they have made allowances for the diffi- culties by which we have been surrounded-diffi- culties which they have recognised to be not alto- gether of our own creation, and, if I may use a simile not altogether inappropriate for a Minister entrusted with a Bankruptcy Bill.—(applause)—I would say they have watched the difficulties of litigation in which we have been engaged with a most friendly eye. They have not been impatient in expectation of a dividend, and while we have been endeavouring to free ourselves from the diffi- culties in which this great pressure has involved us, they have done everything they could to smooth our path by foregoing their claims. (Applause.) Well, now, there seems to be a chance of this great winding-up, and at last I hope the Liberal Govern- ment will go to business of its own, and that it will be able to clear up some portion, at all events, of the long list of arrears which has accumulated during the interval. I have been asked to speak about the session which is to open a fortnight hence. It has been supposed, of course, that I know Cabinet secrets, but secrets there are noue to tell. (Applause and laughter.) The subjects to be dealt, with on the opening of the session are, I think, subjects, the discussion of which will make them extremely interesting. The subjects which we are already pledged to call the attention of the House of Commons to are not subjects which lend themselves to any party treat- ment, although they are matters intimately con- nected with the comfort and prosperity of a large section, of the community—(cheers)—they are subjects which involve a large consideration of details, which will make room for many minor points upon which differences of opinion exist, and it will no doubt be in the power of the Oppo- sition, if so minded, in spite of any rules of pro- cedure, to spin out until our discussion mini- mises the work accomplished. I have seen it said, Oh, that will be their policy; they will endeavour to prevent the Government from accomplishing its programme, and then they will attempt to discredit us in the country and taunt us with a failure of legislation." I sav I have heard this said, but do not believe it; I" say I do not believe it because such a policy would be un- worthy of a great party; and in the second place, I am quite convinced the country would soon see through such transparency, and the country would show its displeasure with such frivolous waste of time, and that the nation should be better employed in asettlemont of the questions which are so urgently in need of reform. It is true I have read in a re- cent speech which was made by Sir Richard Cross when he was addressing his constituents in South- port, that the leaders of the Conservative party were determined to meet in a spirit of undying hostility proposals which emanate from her Majesty's Government. Sir Richard Cross also said that at last the time had come for vigorous action. You will observe all Tories agree that their action is to be vigorous—(laughter)—but they do not know what to be vigorous about. (Laughter and cheers.) Then they say Conservatives must not be afraid of showing what Conservative principles are. Certainly not; but I am reminded of what the Lord-Lieutenant said about the 39 Articles. (Laughter.) I have no objection to Con- servative principles, but I do not know what they are. (Laughter and cheers.) And, finally. Sir Richard Cross said all motives for silence being now removed the Conservative leaders in the next session will strike, and strike home. When I read this candid declaration I was reminded of the amusing account given to us in the Pickwick Papers when Sam Weller under- takes the rescue of his master from the special constables, and when Mr. Snodgrass, in a truly Christian spirit, and in a loud tone of voice, not to take anyone by surprise, announced that lie was just going to begin. ("Hear," and applause.) I hope Sir Richard Cross's expressions of opinion are to be taken in a Pickwickian sense, and will not be found very terrible when we meet. him on the other side of the table in the House of Commons. In any case, I w;jnt to know upon what subject he is going to show his vigour and strike home. If it will be on the Bill for the Prevention of Corrupt Practices at Elections, a frank declaration of Conservative opinion on the subject of corrupt practices must, no doubt, be of very great interest. Some account of the motives which induced that gentleman who came down from the Carlton with Y,1,500 to the City of Ox- ford, there to carry on a system of out-door relief without any application of labour test, mav be obtained. (" Hear, hear," and applause.) Or is it on the Bankruptcy Bill or the Patents Bill that Sir Richard Cross is going to show this tremendous hostility ? That does not appear to be improbable. I remember last session an hon. gentleman on the Conservative side of the House actually did me the honour to take the Bill which I reproduced in the previous year and, with some slight alterations, try to pass it as a private member's Bill. But imitation is the sincerest kind of flattery, and I was obliged to him that he did so; but candour appears to be a thing which is offensive to the Conservative members. Many points of the Patents Bill have long been agreed upon by members on both sides of the House. The Criminal Courts Bill, we are told, is the work of the late lamented and respected Attorney-General for the Conservative party. On the question of compensation for tenants' im- provements, the Conservatives have assured us that they have as vivid and active an interest in the measure as we ourselves can possibly have. Under these circumstances, and with such a pro- gramme, 1 feel that the field of party conflict is of necessity a narrow one, and although I should be very sorry to venture anything in the shape of a prediction, I cannot help entertaining a sanguine hope that the House of Commons next session will be set to work in a truly English and bu,,iness like fashion to deal effectually with the subjects I have named. (Applause.) There aro two other matters which may possibly give rise to more pronounced differences of opi- nion thus, for instance, the reform and extension of the mu nicipal govern ment of the City of London. I hope, and I believe, that a Bill for the purpose will be introduced early in the session by the Home Secretary, and I may say en passant that there is no more'skilful pilot of legislation in the House of Commons that my right hon. friend. He is not a man to ignore just claims and rights of existing institutions and interests, and although he has un- dertaken a very arduous and complicated task, I am sanguine that his proposals. will commend themselves, not only to the most zealous reformers, but also to the most influential and most intelli- gent of those persons who are now taking an active part in the working of an incomplete and ineffec- tual and ineffective system, and who ought, and will, rejoice at the prospect of a wider field of influence, of increased dignity and importance, and of proper foundations to their authority which the provisions of the new Bill will certainly supply. (Hear, hear.) There is also the question of county government. Sir Richard Cross told us that it would be out of the question that we should propose to deal with this matter unless we were prepared to say that county business at the present time is inefficiently managed. Well, if he supposed that to be a necessary condition, he must have satisfied his own mind on the subject or he would not have been a party to the bringing in of a Bill to deal with the matter last session. I submit it will be quite sufficient for us to show that a large pro- portion of the population has no share in the administration of its own affairs; no control of the expenditure to which it is forced to contribute; no voice in the decisions which may intimately affect its prosperity, its health, and its own part in that great work of political and social education which municipal institutions have developed in our towns. But, sir, while I am deeply sensible of the importance of extending widely a sense of civic responsibility, and asso- ciating the largest possible number of the people in the work of local self-government, still I feel that if time should be wanting for this measure, I, for one, shall be reconciled to the delay if it is postponed until after the extension of the county franchise. 1 think no settlement of this matter can be altogether satisfactory or can be accepted as final if a large proportion of those who are directly concerned have not been consulted and are not represented. (Applause). The pro- gramme which I have sketched out, chiefly of arrears, is an exceedingly modest programme. If it errs at all, it errs on the side of moderation, and it is not calculated to alarm the most serious. We cannot re-assure the people who are determined to be,i,fraid-(Iaugliter)-who are never so happy as when they are in a mortal fright. (Laughter and applause.) Now there is a case in point in Lord Carnarvon, who was yesterday addressing a Con- servative Club at Colchester. He is a sort of English Government, always playing at windmills. He has managed to evolve out of his own inner consciousness a terrible bug- bear—a sort of revolutionary spectre which he keeps always before him, and, with the wild cry of a Carnarvon to the rescue, he charges upon the creation of his own disordered devices. (Ltuglirer.) Well. now, the other night Lord Carnarvon was more than usually depressed. Everything dis- agreed with him. He complained recklessly of the mismanagement of the House of Commons by Mr. Gladstone; he deplored the vicious principles which, he said, were under-mined with great trouble; he was dissatisfied with the policy of the Government in Egypt and in Ireland; he was shocked at the extravagance of our expenditure; he sympathised with the falling off of trade (by-the- 'ye trade has not fallen off, the Board of Trade oturns showing that it is steadily if slightly im- proving), and lie was almost overcome when he came to consider the serious diminution in the consumption of intoxicating liquors (which fills the breast of my friend Sir Wilfrid Lawson very naturally with almost boundless exultation.) (Loud applause.) When Lord Carnarvon came to the future he was not one whit more cheerful than in his retrospect ot the past. (Laughter.) He was not satisfied with the things which he says we propose to do in the immediate future. He was still more dissatisfied with the things which he suspects we shall want to do rather later on in the day. (Loud laughter.) He said he thought there were no grounds, or he could not see any grounds, for the reform of the munici- pality of London, he would prefer to postpone any legislation on the subject of county govern ment, and declined to express an opinion on the question of the county franchise, and satisfied himself in some way or another that if a redis- tribution of seats were to take place it would involve some sacrifice on the part of some of the smaller boroughs. He wound up a flaming peroration, in which he begged the Conser- vatives of Colchester to organise and rally to their watchward, and retain their landmarks, and, finally, to get themselves into a state of frantic ex- citement for no visible reason. (Loud laughter ) Well, gentlemen, I do not know how it strikes you, but it seems to me a theory which has been origi- nated to Lord Carnarvon himself, to the effect that at the present the activity of the Conservative party is in a dormant condition. Well, now there is one other matter to which I wish to refer before I sit down. You will observe that the measures of which I have spoken concern chiefly, though not exclusively, the interests of this country, but I have no doubt that the claims of Scotland will also be acknowledged -(loud al)piause)-anci that the hcotcn members, with that shrewdness and that practical business aptitude which we all so much admire, will suggest the important requirements of their country, and will get what they want without very much assistance or interference from their English colleagues. (Applause.) But what of Ireland ? Well I do not think that public opinion in this country would justify, or that the House of Commons would accept, another session to be devoted chiefly or exclusively to Irish business. (Hear, hear.) At the same time, I say it will be the fault of the Irish representatives themselves if they do not claim and obtain their fair share of the attention of Parliament for such practical reforms they may suggest, which are of a similar character to those measures which will be proposed for Scotland and for Englandv the action of the Government would be largely guided by the opinions which will have to be expressed by Lord Spencer and by Mr. Trevelyan. (Applause.) All our colleagues have the fullest confidence in the firmness, wisdom, discretion, and impar- tiality of the Lord-Lieutenant and Chief Secretary. (Cheers.) I do not doubt that they will avail themselves of such an opportunity as would be presented by what we may call a quiet session to make many improvements and remove many abuses in the administration of the law which may not be of great magnitude themselves, but which will tend to allay irritation and to make the Government popular. Whether they will go further I do not know but one thing is certain, we must not deceive ourselves, sve shall shortly be called upon again to give no inconsiderable part of our timo and attention to Irish affairs. Lord Hartington, speak- ing the other day, said with the greatest emphasis and with the greatest truth that the Irish problem was the most important one of all the problems with which the English Government has to deal. After 80 years of a stormy union we find Ireland still hostile and irreconcilable, and that coercion has done very little, as has concession, to produce a better feeling. It may be that despair is ready to fill the minds of men after the unexampled and unremitting efforts of the last two sessions of the English Parliament to do justice to Ireland, all of which has been met by words, menaces, and insults, and followed by crimes of disorder and cowardly assassination. Every nerve should be strained to detect and punish the authors of those deeds. (Cheers.) We shall be losing sight of the teachings of our own history and the experience of other countries if we do not recognise the existence in connection with these crimes of the unfor- tunate fact that a large proportion of the population sympathise with those who commit them, and indicate the social condition to be such as will require the statesman fully to inves- tigate and, if possible, to reform. (Clieers.) Some writers and speakers have urged the abandonment of Constitutional Government in Ireland, and to rule the country as a conquered dependency. How long would such a state of things be tolerated by Englishmen, who are fond of free institutions, in a country within four hours of our own shores o it is too late for such a scheme as that now, at any rate it would be entirely impracticable. (Cheers.) The other alter- native which has been put forward is separation, which, I believe, would jeopardise this country, and which, I am sure, would be fatiti to the pros- perity and happiness of Ireland. (Cheers.) I reject both alternatives as impossible and equally intolerant. It is to this conclusion you would be inevitably driven if you accept the arguments of these public writers and speakers in urging you to give up the work of conciliation on behnlf of Ireland. So long as there is any iust cause of discontent it is our duty to apply remedies which would abolish all pretexts for that state of mind. We shall not do justice to Ireland, nor ought we to be satisfied, until all the powers of true statesmanship have been exhausted. The present crisis tries all our faith in Liberal principles. (Cheers.) Do not let us be too soon cast down because after 400 years of oppression Ireland is what she is. We cannot all at once realise what we desire. We have no right to expect that in a few months or a few years bene- ficial legislation can undo the mischief. (Cheers.) Let us go on steadfastly in the path which our great leader has marked out for us—(loud cheers) unmoved by clamour and unshaken by panics let us keep on the even tenour of our way, upheld by Liberal principles and commended by every consideration of justice and peace. (Loud and protracted cheering.) Mr. H. C. ALLKV, M.P., said lie need hardly assure them that, having a very short political experience from which to draw any lessons that might be useful or interesting to them to learn, and also not being gifted with the power of exposition with regard to future measures, he would not de- tain them long. He was one of the happy family of South Wales members who had acted together, with scarcely any exception, during the time he had been in Parliament. Although it had been said by his right hon. friend that it was no longer a pleasure to be in the House of Commons, and although they had had great sorrows and a vast amount of patience to exercise, it had always been a great pleasure to him to think that the members for South Wales—indeed, he might say of the whole of Wales—had acted so thoroughly together as they had done. They had been re- turned to Parliament as supporters of the Liberal Government, and, with scarcely any exception, they had voted for all the measures that had been proposed by the present Government, some of which had been of special interest to Wales. The rights of burial were formerly refused to certain sections of the community, but that disability had been removed. The Secretary read letters of apology for non- attendance. The PRESIDENT said that now the task devolved upon him of proposing the toast of the evening, viz., that of their hon. member, Mr. L. Ll. Dillwyn. (Applause.) They in Swlilaica wer3 fully aware of the fact that they had in him a gen- tleman living in their midst who was able to so worthily represent them. (Applause.) They had been eagerly looking forward to that night, when they should be able in the pre- sence of so many distinguished guests show their regard and approbation of their hon. member. He, in conclusion, asked them to drink the health of their worthy member, and to give him three cheers. (Applause.) (Three cheers were then given for Mr. Dillwyn.) Mr. DILLWYN, who met with quite an ovation, said that the flattering manner in which the toast had been introduced, and the more than kind and cordial way in which it had been responded to, called for the very warmest acknowledgment on his part. He wished that he had the eloquence of Mr. Gladstone (apphuse) in order that he might acknowledge their kindness in suitable terms. Not possessing the eloquence, he felt that words would weaken the earnestness with which he desired to return thanks, and he should, therefore, in a very few words, simply assure them that he had never in his life experienced a greater difficulty in express- ing than on this occasion. Those who had not, perhaps, entirely agreed with him had given him a kind cheer to-night, in consequence of his having been supposed to be, and ho hoped he had been, a tolerably consistent politician. (Applause.) Whether they agreed with him or not, there was nothing a constituency liked better than to know when to have their man. He believed that his friends and opponents— he thought he had no enemies in this borough — know where to have him. The kind reception which had been accorded him was mainly due, he felt sure, to an entire agreement with the line of policy which he had pursued. They knew that he was an advanced politician. thear, lrear.) His right hon. friend, Mr. Chamberlain, had said that he was a Radical. So was he (Mr. Dillwyn). Radicals and Whigs did not differ much. The Whigs would come up to the mark by-and-by. He (Mr. Dillwyn) was a Radical, and had always been one, and he believed the great mass of his constituents were of the same politics as himself. (Loud applause.) Because he had faithfully represented them was the reason why he had retained their confidence so long, and the reason why the splendid demonstra- tion of that evening had been made. Many of his friends in that borough did not go so far as he did in politics. At the same time Ue thought he was justified in saying that the great majority of his constituency were Radicals, advanced Liberals lie should say to use a milder term. (Laughter and applause.) When lie entered the House the Government of the day was not 30 advanced, or anything like so advanced, as his right hon. friend Mr. Chamberlain and himself. Lord Palmerston was Prime Minister at the time, but the Govern- ment was not at all advanced. He (Mr. Dillwyn) often had occasion to differ from them. He was considered one of the very uncertain ones but when he came back to his constituents lie always found that in cases where he had taken a more advanced line of policy than the Government of the day that line always met with the approval of his constituents. From that day to this advanced politics had been those which most commended themselves to the great majority of his constituents. Now, they had a very different Government to what there was then. They had now the Government of Mr. Gladstone-(hear. hear)—whom they all respected and revered, and who was supported by colleagues one of the most distinguished of whom had just spoken, and he was sure they would agree with him in saying that, after hearing that speech, their confidence it Mr. Gladstone's Government, was stronger than it had ever been before. He had confidence in the Government, not only from what they had done but from his personal knowledge of their members. Many of them came from the Radical benches, and the Radicals were sorry to lose them. However, they could say as King Henry said of the death of Lord Northumberland, in the ballad of Chevy Chase." "I trust I have within my realm 500 as good as he." (Applause.) The Radicals felt that those members were likely to become a little more Conservative or n. little less Radical, but their friends, Mr. Chamberlain, Sir Charles Dilke, Mr. Fawcett, Mr. Courtenay, and Mr. Cross, the htest addition to the Government Benches, were all good men and true, and he and his friends felt their loss very much. He believed, as Mr. Chamberlain had just told them, that they had not changed their politics, but that they re- mained Radicals, and had infused some of their spirit into the Government. He had said they were all good men and true. There was one who was an old friend of his--Mr.Fow ler,of Wolverhamp- ton. Mr Chamberlain had given them an indication of what the Government may do in the coming ,4 e, session. He was glad to hear that they had con- sidered the matters mentioned. They had not pressed forward their measures, for they saw the enormous difficulties which oeset the Government. They were reticent because the Government were unable to fulfi pledges made to the country. He was sorry to see the obstruction that was practiced, and that the coming session would again show those who resorted to that weapon to defeat the Government. He was'also sorry to see that the Conservatives, or at all events some of them, had occasionally used the weapon. With the Irish difficulties in the way it was absolutely im- possible for the Government to fulfil those pro- mises which it gave when it assumed office after we last general election. They (the advanced Liberals) never pushed their own views incon- veniently before the Government, knowing (as he had already said) the extreme difficulties which surrounded them. Now those difficulties were overcome. He hoped the home rule passed last session would enable the Government to pass such measure, which he (the speaker) believed ought to be passed. He had listened with great satisfaction to the assurances which his friend Mr. Chamberlain had given them that now the measures affecting the English people would be urgently dealt, with in the coming session. He (Mr. Dillwyn) was rather disappointed in hearing his right hon. friend laying so much stress upon the measure dealing with the govern- ment of London.' Whilst he wished to see the government of the municipality of London re- formed he would prefer those measures of reform which the Government were pledged to push on. He wished to see large measures—like the County Government Bill, the Corrupt Practices Bill, the Redistribution of Seats, and measures of that sort, not measures like the local government of London. He did not wish to say a word against the Govern- ment but now they had the power, by the passing of the new Rules of Procedure, he hoped they would pass measures affecting the whole of the country, and not one section. (Applause.) There were large questions which the whole of the country was waiting for, and he hoped thev would be dealt with before questions like tht; government of London. As there were manv other members to speak he would not detain them any longer, but he would repeat that he never re- turned thanks with so much difficulty as that evening, for he was overcome with their kindness. (Applause.) Mr. M. B. WILLIAMS, in proposing "The Houses of Parliament," said he hoped the obnoxious Par- liamentary oath would soon bo abolished. (Ap- plause.) Sir H. S. VIVIAN*, on rising to respond, was re- ceived with loud applause. He said it was difficult for a Commoner to return thanks for the House of Lords, because he could not feel the same as members of that House did. He was one of those who admired that most ancient institu- tion, because the House of Lords was the direct descendant of the old Saxon H'itena Gemot. At times he thought their debates were often more able than those in the Lower House, and he often had occasion to admire the way in which they conducted their business. No doubt they were not always absolutely in accord with the feelings of the House of Commons, which was a subject they must all regret. The Conser- vative majority in the House of Lords was some- thing like 64, and he did not know whether it had ever occurred to anyone to analyse that majority. find if not he was sure they would be surprised to hear that it consisted of those who were called representative peers of Scotland and of Ireland. They would bo surprised to hear that out of the 44 who were representatives of Scotland and Ireland 43 were Conservatives, and he thought, in view of the undoubted sentiments of those countries, they could hardly be called representative peers. If there were a really repre- sentative peerage for these countries, he believed that the Conservative majority of the Houseof Lords would be extinguished, because he thought that the Liberals might at least claim two-Hiirds of that body, and if they took forty from one side and put them on to the other the Conservative majority would pretty nearly disappear. He did not know whether he would be accused of Radical principles, but he would be delighted to see some scheme pro- posed which would bring about a change in this respect. (Appliiuse.) The House of Lords would thereby be strengthened, and he desired to see it strengthened. So far us tho House of Commons was concerned, they knew very well that the House of Commons was passing through a very evil time, lie hoped that, through the ex- traordinary ability and the indomitable courage 21 0 -ti nndporseveriMiceor'tbegreatstatesman who guided that House, they had now passed such measures as might enable tho House of Commons to get through its work in a way which would satisfy the joint, requirements of the country, and they might rest assured that that great man at the head of the Government (Mr.Gladstone)--(cheers)--andthose by whom he was surrounded, would not have supported any measure which would curtail the freedom of debate, which was the very essence of Liberal principles. (Cheers.) The borough member for Swansea would not have assented to such a measure. He {Sir Hussey) was very glad to be present upon this occasion to bear his testimony to the valuable services rendered by Mr. Dillwyn. (Cheers.) Mr. Dillwyn was amongst his oldest and dearest personal friend, and as one who had been in the House of Commons rather longer than Mr. Dillwyn he (Sir Hussey) could bear testimony to the high position occupied by Mr. Dillwyn—a position occupied by no other man. Mr. Dillwyn was the censor, and the general censor, whether of those by whom he was not strictly in accord or of those by whom he was in accord, when he saw anything vyrong in their. line of conduct. ^Applause.) Mr. Dillwyn had done good work. Mr. Dillwyn called himself a Radical. (Cheers.) Now, something had been said about the Thirty- nine Articles. He (Sir Hussey) knew what was in the Thirty-nine Articles. They wore printed, and he knew more about the Thirty-nine Articles than he did about Radicalism, for he had seen no exposition of what Radicalism meant. If it meant tho uprooting of everything that was wrong, why then there- was, certainly no Liberal who was not a Radical. But if it infant the uprooting of our ancient Con- stitution. then he had no doubt but that many Liberals might rightly decline to designate themselves Radicals. (Applause.) They knew their member was not only a good member, but he was good all round as an orni- thologist, and he was one of the best shots. With regard to the latter qualification of his he might tell_ another story. (Laughter.) Ho then related an incident in which Mr. Dillwyn when shooting figured. Someone asked who he was, and the reply was He looks like a parson, but he shoots like an angel." (Laughter.) He thought they would agree with him Mr. Dillwyn was a good all-round man, and they hoped he would long continue so. It was a very long time since they had had a good sound Liberal banquet in Swansea. The older men whose hairs were matured—(laughter)—did not need these things to strengthen them. (Laughter.) Glamor- ganshire returned Liberal members, Swansea had returned a Liberal ever since it had been made a constituency, but if they wanted a greater proof of the constancy of Welshmen and the constituencies of Glamorganshire they had only to look, as he had said betore, at their Lord-Lieutenant, and the oldest member in the House of Commons. (Ap- plause.) What they wanted was to train those who were coming after them, and train their sons in a Liberalpath. (Applause.) They wanted them to look at the outcome of Liberal legislation during the past 50 years. (Applause.) They knew that the messengers of Conservatism whispered in their ears. and said their fathers would not have sup- ported measures which they supported, that there was a Radical tendency to destroy the country. (Laughter.) It was not so. (Hear, hear.) Those measures which their fathers supported in days gone by were then regarded as being quite as Radical as, if not more Radical than, those measures which they now supported. (Applause.) There was nothing proposed in Parliament by any sensible man with which he (the speaker) could not agree —(applause)—and yet he did not call himself a Radical, and did not intend doing so. He called himself a Liberal. Thij country had been governed by the Liberal party during two-thirds of the past 50 years, that was to say, the Liberals had been in power 36 years out of 52, and the country was never so prosperous as it was as this moment. If we read our history, and saw what the condition of the country was duringthe 50 years which preceded the Reform Bill, we should find that there were then riots and dis- content, taxation and grinding down of the people until they could scarcely exist; there were wars with almost every country of Europe, at any rate with three of the great countries of Europe, and the country was in a most wretched con- dition. But kt us look at what it was now. and tell our sons that it was due to to Liberal legislation. If they passed the redis- tribution or equalisation of the county franchise in the next session they would have to perform the office of happy dispatch which they did not wish to do. That would be the death of the pre- sent Parliament but by And by, and before this Parliament ceased, these great and necessary mea- sures must be passed. He hoped that the coming session might be devoted to good and useful home legislation, and that Parliament might not be troubled in the way it had been by that most difficult and anxious problem, the settlement of Ireland. Sir E. J. REED, C.B., M.P., said that, whether he rose in the capacity of a Radical or a Liberal or some higher or lower grade he really did not know, but, this he knew. that he came there from Cardiff for a double purpose—first, to represent, the Liberals of Cardiff on this occasion, some of the most distinguished and earnest of whom were present in the room at that moment, and for the purpose of declaring to them that the name and fame of the member for Swansea was as dear to them as it was to the people of Swansea: and, secondly, he came gladly for the purpose of seizing the opportunity of bearing his personal testimony to the zeal and ability and the unflagging energy of their member in the conduct of the business of the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) Before he went into the House of Commons himself he used to share the popular delusion that it was alike a very honourable and a very pleasant thing to be there. Since be had been there the honourableness of the position tad in no way diminished in his judgment, but the pleasure had passed away altogether. (Laughter.) He did not believe from the expe- rience he had had in Parliament during the last year or two that he should enjoy the place again; he did not believe that he could listen even to the speeches of the member of the Government who had spoken that night with the same pleasure there as he could listen to him here but it might happen that Parliament would cease to become a scene of the worst waste and extravagance of that dearest treasure of man, namely, that time with which God endowed him, and possibly when the time passed away, as he hoped it would soon do, Parliament would apply itself to the performance of the work which the country laid upon it. Accustomed as he had been all his life to having a knowledge of improved machinery and appliances for doing the work which had to be done, he could say that he had never seen a more rickety, crazy, old machine than the British Parliament had proved itself to be within the last two years. He thought the new rules would tend to amend this state of things, and they might possibly have in the House of Commons a chairman who would not be overburdened with traditions of the past, but who would know in a lively sense indeed of what was due to the present House. (Hear, hear.) He thought the gratitude of the House of Com- mons to Swansea had been expressed in a very re- markable manner by the attendance of at least a dozen members to show their approval of^Mr. Dillwvn's conduct. If at the end of a long period of service he were to be asked to an assembly like the present, he should feel the occasion dis- tinguished far beyond its merits if there were pre- sent a member of the House of Commons such as they had now in the person of Mr. Chamberlain. (Cheers.) When he was in America he was some- what surprised at the way in which some of the leading men spoke of the course taken by Mr. Chamberlain. They had entirely mistaken him. He (Sir E. J. Reed) believed the right hon. gentle- man to be one of the greatest statesmen the country had had for a long time—(cheers) — because he was a man who, while on one side he sympathised with every Liberal movement that could possibly be started, on the other side he would sink his own individuality in consideration of prudence and policy. (Loud cheers.) Mr. H. H. FOWLER, M.P. (Wolverhampton) said he thought the Cloture ought to be rigidly applied to hon. members at a bahquet such as that. He wished to express the pleasure it gave him to testify his respect for their honoured member. (Applause.) He had not been in the House of Commons very long, but he had been there long enough to know and to value the power and the advantage of a Radical, a genuine Radical member who could discern what was practicable as well as what was desirable. Mr. O. H. ROWLANDS proposed "The Members of Parliament for South Wales," coupling with the toast the names of Lord Kensington, Mr. Charles James, and Mr. Henry Allen. (Loud applause ) Lord KENSINGTON, who responded, said that he could not deny himself the pleasure of accepting the invitation of the Liberal Association of Swansea, the more particularly because by so doing he could in some small way show his respect and admiration for the worthy member for Swansea. (Applause.) Long might Mr. Dillwyn's health be spared to serve the country which he so well loved. (Cheers.) Not a single word which was untrue had been said of Mr. Dillwyn that evening. (Cheers.) He listened with great attention to that part of the speech of his hon. friend the member for Merthyr -(applause)-in which he said that the Welsh constituencies were not in the habit of changing their members. Had he made that remark four years ago he (the noble lord) would have said that lie sincerely hoped the words would not come true, but as he had made the statement in 1883 he sincerely hoped that it would always be true, Although he did not feel any alarm on the subject, lie might say that only the other day he read in a newspaper with which some of those present would be acquainted, he meant the Western Mail, that a gentleman belonging to his county made a speech. He must be considered a most excellent judge indeed of the subject on which he spoke when it was remembered that he was the rejected Conservative candidate for a county of Pembrokeshire at the last election. As it was de- scribed in the newspaper named, he expressed his feeling that at the next general election Pembroke- shire would return three good Conservatives to Parliament. The excellent member for Pembroke- shire was unable to be present; but if any great gloom overshadowed his (Lord Kensington's) face, or the faces of other members, he hoped they would not attribute it to the speech delivered by Mr. Phillips at Llanelly. He would venture to put his judgment of the political feeling in Pembrokeshire against that of Mr. Phillips, and he said most confidently that he be- lieved the people of Pembrokeshire were as sound and true to the Liberal principles as ever they were. The Welsh Sunday Closing Billhadalso been passed; and although they had heard of late some symptoms of disagreement from the town of Cardiff with respect to that measure, he believed that throughout Wales it had been received with universal pleasure. He hoped and trusted that some of the serious diffi- culties which they had at first to contend with had passed. Referring to the statement that drunkenness on Sundays in Cardiff had increased since the passing of the Sunday Closing Act, he hoped those facts were capable of some explanation, and if they were not he believed that Cardiff stood in a singular position, and differed from other parts of the country if the removal of facilities for drinking did not reduce drunken- ness. With respect, to other measures, lie thought that the feeling which had been prevalent that evening, that they were out of the Irish troubles, was well founded, and that Parliament might now proceed with beneficent measures in which the whole country was interested. (Applause.) Personally he feared that they had not entirely got rid of their Irish difficulties yet, though he hoped the measures which had been passed might be the means of arriving at a solution of those difficul. ties. (Applause.) Mr. C. H. JAMES, M.P., said it was with very great pleasure he came to support their worthy member. He had always held the member for Swansea as a model member, not merely a model member of Wales, but the model member of the House of Commons. He was always there, and always watchful in every respect. He thought that as a whole Wales was well represented, and spoke of the unanimity shown in the matter of the Sunday Closing Act. (Cheers.) Mr. DILLWYN proposed "The Health of the President of the Swansea Liberal Club, Mr. Phillips." The PRESIDENT, in responding, said he could not but admit he was a veteran in politics. The Liberal Association, which was formed in Swansea some three years ago, was a perfect organisation that day, "although they might, not feel it so. He might add that Mr. E. M. Richards was the gentleman who was the instrument in forming the Liberal Association in Swansea, and when he died, by some means or other he (Mr. Phillips) got placed in his position. The proceedings terminated shortly after eleven o'clock.

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