Weekly Mail

AFFAIRS IN BURMAH. RANGOON, WEDNESDAY. Intelligence received from Mandalay states that on February the 21st Prince Htait Tin Sain, son of tbe late Crown Prince, died from fever, and that his force of 3.000 men is dispersed. Colonel SlaJen reports that on February 27 Prince Moung Thai a was surprised and killed by Sitkay of Sapanago's men. Sitkay, of Sapanago, is a loyal Burmese official. Mr. Colquhoun reports two brushes with dacoits.

THE EASTERN CRISIS. fFACE ASSURED. BUCHAREST, WEDNESDAY (12.30 P.M.) It bas been officially announced in the Political Correspondence to-day that peace is now assured. The single article was signed this morn- ing by the representatives of Servia, Bulgaria, and Turkey, and is on the lines of that drawn up by the Servian Government, the draft of the Porte not having been adopted.

CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES. THE OUTRAGES ON CHINAMEN. WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY. The Chinese Minister has received a telegram from the Governor-General of Canton, stating that the inhabitants of that city are furious at the recent assaults on Chinese in the United States and threaten to retaliate.

FRANCE AND MADAGASCAR, PARIS. SATURDAY EVENING. The Chamber to-day resumed the debate on the Madagascar Treaty. Comte MUD de Mahy, the Clerical leader, denounced the Treaty as an aban- donment of the rights of France, and as leaving the island to the English Methodist missionaries. M. Perrin. on the other hand, objected to the Treaty on the ground that the war ought never to have been undertaken, and that the best thing to do now was to abandon Madagascar altogether. The adjournment of the debate was then moved, and opposed in an energetic speech by M. De Freycinet, who declared that, whatever might be the defects of the Treaty, it was really the best that could be possibly obtained under the circumstances. ltimately a division was taken, with the result that the ratification of the Treaty was approved by 459 votes against 29, the members of the Right abstaining from voting.

THE DECAZEVILLE STRIKE. CRITICAL STATE OF AFFAIRS. DECAZEVILLE, MONDAY. Another battalion of infantry arrived here this ncrning. The situation continues exceedingly rave. An outbreak may occur at any moment, and the consequences would be certain to have the most serious and widespread character. DECAZEVILLE, TUESDAY. The situation here is unchanged, as neither the ompany nor the men show any disposition to ;ive way. The GovernITlent m1.intains a neutral ittitude, its only care being the maintenance of

GREECE AND TURKEY. ATHENS, WEDNESDAY. Orders have been given for troops in Thessaly to concentrate nearer the frontier. Warlike pre- )arations continue, and public feeling is still 'ellicose. THE EGYPTIAN ARMY. CdIRO, TUESDAY. The Council of Ministers has decided not to till ap the vacacies in the Egyptian Army caused by -he retirement of the English officers pending the egotiations for the re-organiaation of the Army. THE LATE DUKE OF ALBANY. \YING THE FOUNDATION STONE OF A MEMORIAL CHAPEL. CANNES, SATURDAY. The first stone of the chapel to be erected to the nemory of the late Duke of Albany was laid to-day jy the Prince of Wales. Prayers having been said oy the clergy, the stone was lowered into its place, Prince pronouncing the following words:— • Thus, thus, and thus I lay this stone, in the name if the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 3host, and may God prosper the work. Amen. lere let true faith, the fear of God, and brotherly ove ever remain." The foundation stone bears the following inscrip- tion :— To the glory of God, and in loving memory )f Leopold, Duke of Albany, this stone was laid by Albert Edward, Prince of Wales. A.D. MDCCCLXXXVI." GALE ON THE ATLANTIC COAST. NEW YORK, SATURDAY. Telegraphic communication is interrupted in some parts owing to the terrific gale raging on the North Atlantic coast. The gale on the Atlantic coast has continued throughout to-day, though with less violence. ENGLAND AND FRANCE IN EGYPT. THE OCCUPATION OF DONGOLA. PARIS, MONDAY. A rumour, which I believe to be devoid of foundation, is current here that the British Cabinet are taking measures for the re-occupation of Dongola with the consent of Turkey, and, basing their speculations on this report, many people in political circles prophecy that a new phase of the Suez Canal question, involving the interests and desnes of England and France, will result from England's rumoured aggression. THE PANAMA CANAL. PARIS, MONDAY. The news which appears in a London news- paper to-day, and which has been telegraphed here, to the effect that M. Rousseau, the delegate of the French Government, bas submitted an un- favourable report of the Panama Canal, is in- correct. M. Rousseau was not sent to repcrt upon the undertaking. His mission was confined to a study of the boring operations and of the machinery used for carrying out the work. DEATH OF CARDINAL JACOBINI. ROME, TUESDAY EVENING. Cardinal Angelo Jacobini died to-day, aged 61. THE DUKE OF SEVILLE'S TREASON HEAVY SENTENCE. MADRID, MONDAY. A sentence of eight years' imprisonment, with oss of military rank, has been pronounced upon he Duke of Seville, who had been found guilty of nsultingly using treasonable utterances towards King Alphonso's widow. The duke, on hearing iie sentence formally read to him, protested strongly, and in most violent language. THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH. MALTA, MONDAY, The Tamar, with the Duke of Edinburgh on board, arrived here yesterday. His Royal High- ness landed this morning, and met with an enthusiastic reception. OSMAN DIGNA'S STRENGTH AND PLANS. SUAEIM, TUESDAY. Xii3 roods are reportsd to daily increasing in strength. Osman Digna persists in declaring'his intention to attack Suakim. In the meantime, he is said to be expecting the usual spring expedition of the British to Tamai, and he has accordingly drawn levies from all parts. His forces are esti- mated to number from 7,000 to 3,000 men, includ- ing 300 soldiers from the Kassala garrison and numbers of mercenary Arabs. Tokar is deserted Osman Digna is angry with the Amrars for losing their camels, and has ordered an attack on ua to be delivered in order to punish the tribes. Abdullah has sent Osman Digna a present of a standard and a sword, with orders to lead the attack in person Yesterday our vedettes, covering the woodcutters. and patrols, were warmly attacked. The enemy advanced to within 400 yards. The rifle fire was bad, and we had no casualties. THE PARNELL FUND IN AMERICA. NEW YORK, TUESDAY. The official total of the Parnell Parliamentary Fund is announced to-day to be a little over 66,000 dollars. In closing a long address, the committee say:—u We shall watch with solicitude the course of events across the Atlantic, in the hope that liberally-inclined men in England, under the leadership of Mr. Gladstone, will be dis- posed to listen to the voice of humanity, as repre- sented by the demand of Mr. Parnell and his able colleagues, that the present Parliament should accord Ireland that measure of freedom and liberty for which the whole civilised world is pleading. if accorded, an end can be for ever made to the irrepressible conflict that has for centuries attracted universal attention." THE REBELLION IN CARTHAGENA. EXECUTION OF THE RIOTERS. CARTHAGENA, WEDNESDAY. The insurgents sentenced to death in connection with the recent revolt and attempt to seize the forts were shot here at three o'clock this after- noon. THE READING RAILWAY. NEW YORK, WBDNESDAT. President Sow and the Drexel-Morgan and Co. Syndicates have coalesced. It is understood by this action that a general agreement has been arrived at, and that a common policy will be pur- sued in reference to the Reading Railway, all the interests of the stockholders being protected.

PAABT AND ROCKE'S art the

THE GOVERNMENT POLICY TO BE CHALLENGED. The London correspondent of the Liverpool Post gives currency to the following rumours with respect to Mr Gladstone's Irish policy, and the probability is that they will be found not to be far wide of the mark:—I do not know whether what has come within my hearing this evening is a secret, but it has so much the appearance of accuracy that I am inclined to give it wing and let it take its chances among the pregnant rumours of the day. It is nothing less than that the Premier has conclusively made up his mind to a definite project of a separate Parliament for Ireland, and that Mr. Parnell is not only cognisant of, but practically accepts, Mr. Gladstone's programme. I am not sure that the Irish leader has communi- cated to all his Parliamentary followers the course to be pursued, because the basis of co- operation still wanes ratifying by the Cabinet; but he certainly has informed some of the more influential members of his party of it, and has, I am informed, succeeded in per- suading them that Mr. Gladstone is to be entirely trusted in what he will shortly pro- pound to the House of Commons. In the House of Commons on Tuesday night Mr. Holmes, who was Attorney-General for Ireland in the late Government, gave notice of the following motion on going into Com- mittee of Supply on the Civil Service Esti- mates :— That this House is unwilling to entertain Esti- mates for civil establishments in Ireland before being placed in possession of the policy which her Majesty's Government intend to pursue for the restoration and maintenance of social order in that country. Mr. Holmes's notice of motion has excited great interest in the House of Commons, and a strong whip will be issued on both sides. The only other motion on the paper on going into Committee on the Civil Service Esti- mates—in addition to Dr. Cameron's, which has been ruled out of order—is that of Major Saunderson with regard to the state of Ireland, which, under the circumstances, will not be pressed. The London correspondent of the Bristol Times and Mirror says :—The Government is negotiating another treaty with its Irish allies, the probable result of which will be the abandonment by Mr. Sexton of his reso- lution censuring Lord Randolph Churchill for his Belfast speech. The Irishmen them- selves are not keen for the debate, and Mr. Gladstone thinks that discussions on Irish subjects, especially when Lord liandoiph Churchill is the sub ject of debate, may injure his Irish proposals for Home Rule. With the object of staving off the debate on Lord Randolph Churchill, a debate was kept up until a late hour on a miserable Belfast Drainage Bill. Mr. John Morley predicts an early dissolution, and his significant words point to the result of the conflict in the Cabinet. Mr. Gladstone sees that if he and Mr. Morley are to lead there must he a split that will cost him the most influential part of his Cabinet. The crisis cannot now be de- layed many weeks, and in the lobby and clubs a wholesale resignation, led by Mr. Chamber- lain and Mr. Trevelyan, is looked for.

LORD SALISBURY ON THE SITUATION. The Marquess of Salisbury was the principal speaker on Wednesday evening at a banquet in the Concert-room of the Crystal. Palace, given for the purpose of celebrating the return of eight Conservatives in the new divisions of Lambeth. About 1,300 gentlemen sat down to dinner, and a large number of ladies were accom- modated with seats in the gallery. Mr. John Scott (late chairman ot the Lambeth Central Association) presided. After the usual toasts had been duly honoured, Sir R. N. FOWLER, M.P., gave "The Conservative Cause." The Marquess of SALISBURY, who on rising to re- spond was greeted with hearty and prolonged cheering, said that the reception which the toast had met with proclaimed the great Conservative triumph in the ancient borough of Lambeth. The triumph was no common one. It was not merely the addition of a certain number of voters to the Conservative party, but it proved the existence of that which their adversaries had affected to doubt- THE EX;STEN"CE OF THP. CONSKBYATIVEWOESIXG MAN. The truth was that working men had supported the Conservative party very largely, and that they had done so conveyed to the Conservatives a lesson which they should bear in mind, and which their adversaries would do well not to neglect. It was mainly in London—nowhere else, perhaps, except in L.:Lncashire-tbat the Conservatives had received that great support of the working men. But why was it that London had been for centuries the centre of political affairs? In no other part of the country had the attention of the inhabitants been so closely drawn to all the political questions that had agitated the people, and the working men of London came, therefore, to the consideration of that problem better fur- nished in experienca and in knowledge than the working men of any otlier part. Cheer,) That disposed for ever of the idea that Conserva- tives had any cause to fear the judgment of the working men. Sir Robert Fowler had said the question of Ireland practically thrust out all other questions at the present moment HOME RULE. There were indications that Mr. Gladstone was in favour of Home Rule, because they had had the adhesion of one distinguished man and the abstension of another. (Hear, hear.) Sir H. James had told them that, after a careful interview with Mr. Gladstone, he had arrived at the conclusion that, consistently with his pledges, which were adverse to Home Rule, he could not accept office with Mr. Gladstone. Well, this decision had not been arrived at lightly, for they all know that the matter of the Lord Chancellorship was an important element in the matter. (Hear. hear.; Mr. Morley, again, had been placed in a moat prominent position, although he had no political experience. At the same time that gentleman's utterances, pro- nouncedly in favour of Home Rule, might be taken as an indication of the Premier's intentions. Mr. Morley might be a literary man, but he had no title to fame. The acceptance of Mr. Morley and the refusal of Sir Henry James told its own tale. If that were so, he did not understand, on the hypothesis that Home Rule was to be adopted, the dignity of men of honour and peers who were pledged against it—on the hypothesis that Home Rule was not to be granted, ho could not understand the self-denying conduct of Sir Henry James, or the reverse of that self- denying conduct on the part of Mr. Morley. How- ever that might be. there was no doubt that, to the head of the Government, this ambiguity was peculiarly advantageous. A REVERSIBLE PROG E A MM E. They had no doubt seen the garment known as the reversible coat, usable either in fine weather or foul. (Laughter.) If in our changeable English climate it was advantageous to have such a garment, in our changeable English politics it was very useful to have a. reversible programme. (Laughter.) When Mr. Morley called upon him (Mr. Gladstone), now dressed in the garment of Home Rule, Mr. Morley would go away convinced of the sincere, and he might say the holy, attri- butes of the Minister with whom he had been conversing. When Mr. Gladstone con- versed with Lord Spencer or Lord Kim- berley, or any of the great number of other peers whose opinions had always been adverse to Home Rule, he turned the coat inside out, and they went away convinced of the splendid integrity of the defender of the unity of the Empire. (Laughter.) But there were other phenomena in the fog to which he had alluded. Figures became distorted, and persons were misled as to their way. It seemed to him that something of the same delusion had extended to the people who commented upon political events at the pre- sent time. (Hear, hear.) COERCIVE LEGISLATION. Mr. Gladstone's Government passed a Crimes Act deliberately timed to expire in 1385, and they passed a Reform Act whose effect was that no dissolution could take place before last November. The result of these two operations was that in June last the Crimes Act was about to expire, and jet the Parliament could not be dissolved. The Conservative party was placed in a position absolutely unprecedented, and a position not of their own choosing. They saw that Mr. Gladstoce's Government, was hastening to its fall, and they consulted as to the best course to adopt. His own opinion was, and he took the whole responsibility of it, that if any criminal legislation for Ireland was absolutely necessary the Conservatives could not take office. Such a course would have been impossible with their party in a great minority in the House of Commons, and exposed to the hostility of the Parnellites and the treachery of the Liberals. (Cheers.) The party considered the matter carefully from all the information they could get, and they came to the conclusion that, in view of the state of foreign affairs—(cheers)— and of other domestic affairs, it was, on the whole, more important that they should take office, even if their doing so involved the suspension of addi- tional criminal legislation for Ireland. (Cheers.) RADICAL SLANDERS. The resolution to which the party came bad been abominably caricatured, and Sir Henry James had stated that an impetus was given to the action of separatists when a secret conclave of respectable Tories determined to oppose the renewal of the Crimes Act. They never came to such a resolution, and they never resolved that, if the renewal of the Crimes Act were proposed by their opponents, the Conservatives would oppose it. (Cheers.) Sir Henry James had stated that that determina- tion was confided to the Nationalist leaders, and kept from the Conservative party. He was sur- prised at such an imputation, but it had been made before by Mr. Herbert Gladstone, who was the vehicle of half the political slanders that were uttered. Sir Henry James's statement had been denied, not only by himself, but by Lord Randolph Churchill, Mr. Rowland Winn, and by Mr. Parnell himself, and was absolutely untrue. (Cheers.) But Sir Heury James wenton to say that the 75 Nationalist members would not forget the Tory promises of May last. MIS-STATEMENTS REPUDIATED. There was no truth in the statement that there were anv Tory promises of May last, and he regretted" that Sir Henry James, whose position in the country had been raised by his disinterested- ness, should have lent an ear to such statements. (Cheers.) Sir Henry James went on to insinuate that the latu Government had never prepared any measure for the repression of crime in Ireland. The fact was that the late Lord Chancellor of Ireland, who was present—(hear, hear)—drew up the Bill,and it, was carefully considered by the Cabinet before Parliament met". Silo Henry James's suggestion was utterly destitute of foundation. (Cheers.) POLITICAL ETHICS. Mr. Gladstone, in a recent speech, was pleased to reproach lr M. Hicks-Beach and himself that they had not imitated the example of Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington. Mr. Gladstone said that if they could have braced themselves to do that they should have done wonderful things. In passing he would state, on benulf of political ethics that he did not subscribe to Mr. Glad- stone's view, that the action of Sir Robert Peel in the matter of C:ttholic Emancipation or the repeal of the Corn Laws was in honour of any nolitical man. He did not dispute that those measures Wfre necessary. What he said was that a man who had gained office by promising to oppose them had no right to rennin in office by pa-sing thetn. (Cheers.) LAND PURCHASE. He was told that a great, measuve of land purchase wag to be the first measure of the G,wernmeuL Tho principle Of land purchase, carried out circumspectly and With dUf reference to all the interests involved, had much, he did not dtDY, to do with the hope of the future of Ireland. But if any violent or hasty system of land pur- chase were adopted, in what condition would it li-ave Irish society ? Who would be left there when they had hunted out the country gentlemen ? Did they imagine the merchants, bankers, and manufacturers would stay ? He deeply feared thev would be left with a vast uninstructed peasantry, governed by a hierarchy that was not too wise. And there was another matter. He did not think that that much-euduring animal, the British taxpayer, was altogether to be left out of account. THE EFFECT OF HOME RULE. If we once ailooted Home Rule—that was to say, if we once relinquished our power—in Ireland, we might depend upon it Ireland would not pay. We might advance millions on millions, but, if we relinquished a solid hold of power, we might write those investments as though they had been subscribed to the maintenance of the Mexican Republic. THE ATTITUDE OF THE GOVERNMENT. He could not help noticing that the fog to which he had alluded might be removed if there was good-will on the part of those who had created it. It was deliberate delay on the part of her Majesty's Government, and it required something more than credulity to believe that the men who had devoted their attention to the Irish problem for five years, and had only been interrupted seven months, could not under seven weeks say whether they were in favour of the integrity or the dissolution of the Empire. The concealment had been long planned. THJo: DEFEAT OF THE LATE GOVERNMENT. An hon. member had called the manoeuvre by which the late Government had been defeated reprehensible. Lord Randolph Churchill, who put his dots upon his i's, called it a profligate manoeuvre—(laughter)—and the Irish Secretary was indignant at the designation. That manoeuvre was wholly unprecedented. They would search the annals of Parliamentary warfare in vain to find a case where a Ministry was ejected upon the Address—not upon a clear Vote of Confidence, but upon a bye issue raised by a particular paragraph. The departure from precedent gave an oppor- tunity to mislead, and enabled the Liberal party to pretend that they alone were in favour of a particular measure of relief to the I agricultural population, and no doubt suggested that the Conservatives had no intention of dealing with the question of allotments. Tho fact that it dealt with allotments had nothing to do with the deadly character of the amendment. Any amend- ment to the Address was a. censure and a, destruc- tion of the Ministers of the day. It was necessary to remember the subtlety and duplicity of the course that was adopted. THE QUESTION OF ALLOTMENTS. Nothing could be more absurd than the sugges-1 tion that the Conservatives were averse to dealing favourably with the question of allotments. The first statute in favour of allotments was passed in 1819 by an intensely Tory Ministry in an intensely Tory Parliament, at a time when they had nothing to fear from the agricultural labourer or his supporters. The question of allotments was maintained with great vigour by the Young England school, which included within its ranks Lord Beaconsfield. (Cheers.) If, instead of a vague, ambiguous, and unmeaning resolution upon the Address, the opposite party had allowed the Conservatives to produce the measures which they had prepared, they would have seen that the late Government had no want of sympathy for the necessity of allotments to the agricultural labourer, and that they were prepared to afford all reasonable facilities to enable the creation of those allotments. The Con- servatives, as a party, Imd always been in favour of tying to the land as much as they could as large a proportion of the population as possible, and their efforts had always been directed to Igivingan interest in the land, as far as legiti- mateiy possible, to all who could draw profit from it. A MISLEADING RESOLUTION. The advantage of the resolution to the party that proposed it was that they were able to suggest that which was absolutely faise, that the Conservatives were not in favour of giving legiti- mate facilities for the creation of allotments for the labouring classes. (Cheers.) Moreover, it gave Mr. ühclst0ne an oDPortunitv of escaping all early necessity of stating what his Irish proposals were. If he had missed this opportunity he would have been compelled to make a terrible disclosure. Perhaps he (Lord Salisbury) was to blame for not having so suggested the Royal Speech that it should have forced Mr. Gladstone in the first instance to deal with the Irish question. But he did not think Mr. Gladstone's supporters could object to the.denunciation of his manoeuvre when the effect of it was to conceal, and so long, the Irish policy which he was ever interested to conceal, and which must, when brought forth, shatter his party to atoms. (Cheers.) The policy of concealment and delay was accentuating every antagonism in Ireland. He submitted that the Roman Catholics in this country deserved to be highly spoken of, considering what they had to bear and to hear and forget. A GOVERNMENT BY PRESENTS. But the worst government in the world was a government by presents. Their beauties were so trying, the interests which they dealt with were so transcendant, that if they descended from them to handle the coarser and more vulgar and less im- portant interests of secular politics their fault was in proportion to the height from which they came, THE ACTION OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC HIERARCHY. In the interests of Christianity he dreaded the course taken by the Roman Catholic hierarchy in Ireland. By putting themselves at the head of a. movement opposed to the Government under which they lived they had risked the mixing up of sacred doctrines with those lower struggles into which, without provocation or necessity, they had wantonly descended aad their example would tell with terrible force in many another land. If the Roman Catholic hierarchy rose on the one side, they might depend upon it the Protestants would rise on the other, and the Protestants of Ulster were preparing themselves for the worst. He was rather amused at seeing Mr. Morley's terror when the Lords acted within their Constitutional right. That gentleman went about stumping the country, and declaring that the House of Lords should be amended or ended. If, which was pro- bable, the House of Lords should not agree with Mr. Morley on the Irish question, he would, no doubt, again call upon the citizens of this country to put down their opposition. A WARNING. In that case it would be a. wholesome thing that the House of Lords should not have to rely upon the high sanction of its constitutional right, but should have a taste of physical force in the background. (Cheers.) The one thing the work- ing classes wanted was stability and confidence, as wanten and needless change checked enter- prise. No doubt there was a heavy com- mercial depression over the world, but it weighed with intensely-aggravated force over England and France, and those were the countries over which THE CURSE OF POLITICAL INSTABILITY Was hanging. If they would support the great principles included in the Conservative policy, they would do much to meet the terrible evil of the mistrust which the Government was creating. If they did all in their power to propagate the views and feelings of the Conservatives they would lend to the institutions of the country that stability which they were lacking now, and would produce that confidence which had almost disappeared. They would bring hundreds of thousands of suffer- ing people to hope. to happiness, and industry, which they did not now possess and they would fulfil, in the highest sense, the mission of the Empire, which was industry and peace. (Loud cheers.)

LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL AT MANCHESTER. On Wednesday night, at the Manchester Free Trade Hall, Lord Randolph Churchill was pre- sented with an address from the Lancashire Union of Conservat'~T Associations. On rising to respond his lordship was received with great enthusiasm. Lord RANDOLPH CHURCHILL said he had never felt greater difficulty in doing justice to the ex- pectations of the occasion. Such a mark of confi- dence as the address was invaluable to one who might be called upon to take a responsible place. He had been assailed with envenomed fury from all sides by his opponents. But as a reply to every stigma on bis poli- tical character he offered the address before them. The Radicals said he had been inconsistent, and that his policy had never been for six months the same. His opponents took a sentence out of one speech, and another out of another, without regard to the context or general meaning of the speeches, and did not hesitate to misconstrue his meaning when necessary for their purpose. That was the course pursued by Mr. John Morley, who did not seem at all anxious to meet him in the House of Commons, but he went to a hole and corner meeting of a ridiculous association and there charged him with not advocating the policy now which lIe did in July. He claimed that during the twelve years he had been in Parliament, though he might have committed blunders not a few and errors a great many, he had no other obiect before him than the good, of the Con- servative party. That had been his daily and nightly thought. Whom did his opponents follow ? They followed Mr. Gladstone, who was not only the personification, but he might say the ossification, of inconsistency. (Cheers.) He had be- longed to every political party. (Laughter.) As soon as any new party was formed he straightway attached himself to it—(Iaughter)-«-and it was by an interposition of Providence that Mr. Glad- stone did not belong to the Fourth Party. (Laugh- ter and loud cheers.) Now, at Mr. Gladstone's time of life it was imposssble that any more political parties could be open to him, but he had embraced, with all the ardour of a convert, the principles of the party of Mr. Parnell-(cheers)- and it was the followers of that man who charged him with inconsistency. (Laughter.) His lordship then turned to the address, and, speaking of a reference to India, claimed that some great and useful work was done during the seven months he was at the India Office. He spoke of what had been done in the defence of Afghanistan, nnd said he hoped for very good results from the opening up of the trade of Thibet and Burmah. He said the Conservatives were charged with being, the pioneers of annexa- tion, but he asked them to compare the annexations made within recent years by the Liberal and Conservative parties, and see on which side lay the balance of prudence. But in the matter oi Burmah the Conservative Govern- ment had no alternative but to annex; and he believed that no Government ever acted on more legitimate grounds. (Cheers.) He expressed great hopea for the future of Burmah, com- mercially and politically; but warned his hearers from taking too sanguine a view of the immediate future. (Hear, hear.) He paid a warm tribute to the capabilities of Lord Dufferin, of whom he spoke as one of the most enlightened statesmen who ever left these shores for India. He thanked Provi- dence that he had not had to deal with Lord Hipon, whom he described as a foolish and arrogant doctrinaire Radical, with an extravagant amount of mental instability. It was impos- sible to exaggerate and over-estimate the harm which Lord Kipon did to the Indian Empire, but now he was proud to say that their Indian Empire was in no danger, and might safely be left to Lord Rosebory and Lord Dufferin. (Cheers.) Speaking next on the question of the depression of trade, he "aid that ttw pre:5ence of so large a number of unemployed constituted a great social danger. The late Government did whatever they could to revive British trade, and in the pre- sent serious crisis they would not have folded their hands and looked quietly on. (Hear, hear.) He doubted whether the present Government had any policy on the subject of depressed trade, and he fully expected that in a few months they would hear fcoui the Government that they pro- posed to add to the number of the unemployed by reducing the staffs of the naval and military establishments. ("Shame.") That was a bad policy, not only on economical, but on national grounds. (Cheers.) He next congratu- lated the Manchester people on the splendid victory they had achieved at the general election, and called attention to the gtowth of Con- servative principles which had taken place, not only in the towns, where they had been successful, but also in those centres which were accounted the strongholds of their opponents. This, he declared, had been achieved without it being necessary to issue any captivating and seductive programme, such as they were accustomed to hear from Radical platforms, and in spite of the fact that the Tory party was weaker than its opponents in the arts of oratory. He regretted that the Tory party in the House of Commons was not able to utilise the services of Lord Salisbury, who, he did not hesitate to say, would be able to turn Mr. Gladstone inside out, and in the short space of a fortnight or three weeks make him definitely retire from public life. (Cheers.) His lordship then called attention to three aspects of the late election which he called disagreeable and dangerous aspects. In consequence of the action of Mr. Gladstone that election was taken on a false In the second place, although the town population declared in favour of the Con- servative Administration, their voice was com- pletely overborne by the new and unformed opinion of the country voters; and, in the third place, England was not now being governed by England, but by Ireland and Scot- land. On the first of these points, he maintained that Mr. Gladstone had during the last 20 years been guilty of all kinds of electioneering frauds, but up to the last, election the frauds were of a smail character, and might be forgiven, but in his addresses to his constituents and in his speeches in Edinburgh during the late campaign Mr. Gladstone declared that one of his primary objects was to secure the unity of the Liberal party; and, further, that unless the Liberal party was in an independent majority it would be impossible for them to consider any great measure for Ireland. That was the issue on which the election was takeu, and yet Mr. Glad- stone was about to produce, with the support of the Irish party, tho largest measure of Irish policy which any Minister had yet ventured to produce. (Groans.) Mr. Gladstone had within three months deliberately falsified both of those two declarations. He had divided, if he had not shattered, the Liberal party by bringing for- ward a measure which he had previously described as being, under present circumstances, impossible. (Cheers.) With respect to the third aspect of the question, lie pointed out that in the vote by which the late Government was defeated the immense majority caire from Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, and that so far as the English members were concerned the Government had a majority of 35 votes. That really meant that England did not wish Lord Salisbury's Government to be disturbed, and was not desirous to give effect to the principles promulgated by those who brought about the defeat. He asked was it right, or fair, or just that such a state of things as he had indicated should continue. Eng- land had taken the lead, and still did take the lead, in everything with which her Empire was inte- rested, and he protested against her voice being silenced by Repealers for Ireland and Radicals for Scotland and Wales. He urged that the Tories put forward a very straightiorward answer to the appeal for separate Parliaments, and he was pre- pared to submit a better remedy for the state of things which prevailed. Ho suggested that Englishmen should unite and forget all the records of faction and of differences. (Cheers.) There was now no real difference between the moderate Liberal and the moderate Con- servative. (Cheers.) Had not the time come when in the ftce of great dangers they might join their forces for the common national good ? Sir Henry James had condemned the policy which Mr. Gladstone was about to propose as desperate, dangerous, and fatal; yet he declined to do any- thing to oppose the Government which brought forward thnse proposals. Was it not, he asked, foolish, imbecile, lunatic, to perpetuate those meaningless differences of party opinion which had their origin pro- bably in family quarrels, and had been perpetuated by personal dislike. (Hear, hear.) What was the position of the Tory party now? They cared nothing for office except as a means of benefitting the Empire. They were pre- pared to support any Government which was formed on patriotic lines and which would preserve the interests and integrity of the Empire. They would give any such Government not only a Parliamentary, but a general, support. They would allow the Government to dictate its own terms. If those gentlemen to whom he referred preferred to keep the Government Offices amongst themselves the Tories would Ilpport them. If, on the other hand, they wished for a personal co-operation of the Tory party it should be placed at their disposal, and, further than that, if there were in the Tory party any persons to whom that moderate Government objected those objectionable persons would stand cheerfully aside. (Cheers.) The one object of the Tory party was that the government of the country might b9 wisely carried on. (Cheers.)

LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL AND THE DAILY NEWS. Lord Randolph Churchill has sent the following letter to the editor of tbe Daily yews 2, Con naught-place, 2nd March, 1886. •4 SIR,—In your impression of this morning a statement is made by the writer of the leading article that I endeavoured to persuade the late Governt to accept a scheme for Home Rule in Ireland ch, in conjunction with Lord Carnarvon and Lord Ashbourne, I had drawn up. This statement is, without doubt, the most false of all the false statements which, since the inven- tion of newspapers, has been circulated. My opinions as to the absolute impossibility of Home Rule for Ireland, and as to the nature of the resistance which should ba offered to a policy of repeal, were stated very fully in a speech which I made Edinburgh on December 20, 1833, which is accurately reported in the Times. What I say now in public or private on the same question is in exact accord with what I said then. I would draw your attention to the nature of the accusation which you so lightly make against me this morning, viz., that 1 advocated in June last a policy about which I used such language as I did last week in Belfast; and I would ask you what would be the nature of your comments if so foul and false a charge were made against Mr. Gladstone or any of his colleagues by his opponents. It is absolutely false to assert,, as you do with persistence, that the late Government ever wavered from an attitude of resolute hostility to the policy of repeal, or, indeed, to any policy which, under any circumstances, might involve repeal or conduce to it. I stated this in Parliament on the first night of the session, so that there is no excuse which you can put forward on the ground of ignorance I trust that you will now discontinue the dif- fusion of calumnies and falsehoods on this ques- tion of the intentions of the late Government with which you have recently been so free. Any expression of apology or regret I, of course, do not expect from the Daily Netos. I am, yours obediently, RANDOLPH CHUCHILL. "P.S.—There is another falsehood in this morn- ing's Daily News which I may as well take this opportunity of contradicting—viz., the statement that a meeting of the Conservative party was held yesterday at the Carlton in respect of Mr. Sexton's motion of censure against myself." THE DAILY NEWS STATEMENT. A meeting was held at the Carlton Club on Mon- day, which, though summoned for a particular purpose, not in itself of far-reaching interest, may have important results. The gathering was called to consider what steps should be taken in respect of Mr. Sexton's motion drawing attention to Lord Randolph Churchill's inflammatory speech at Belfast. Out of the warmth of the discussion was engendered the idea that the incident fortuitously supplied the Conservative party with a new and attractive cry. Lord Randolph, it will be remembered, having in June last brought about a coalition with the Irish Catholics with the object of throwing out the Government of Mr. Gladstone, and having suc- ceeded. was bound in honour to further their efforts in the direction of Home Rule. It must be said, in justice to the noble lord, that he did his best to fulfil his pledge. In conjunction with Lord Ashbourne and Lord Carnarvon, he towards the end of December had succeeded in drawing up a scheme of Home Rule of which it suffices to say that he was able to assure the late Cabinet that it would have the support of Mr. Parnell. LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL'S EDINBURGH SPEECH. The following extract contains the gist of Lord Randolph Churchill's remarks at Edinburgh re- ferred to in his letter: Now, I believe that the Tory party is not prepared to give way an inch to the Irish party in this matter it is resolved to stand firm, and I tell you truly and sincerely, that on this question the Tory party is entitled to your support. It is time, and high time, to pull up. Concede nothing more to Mr. Parnell, either on the land or on the franchise, or on local self-government. We have gone in three short years too far, and we have have gone too fast; the hill is very steep the drag has not been sufficiently weighted, and, unless we take a long pull and a strong pull the horses will get away from us, and there will be a terrible smash. Develope, if you like, in any way you may, the material resources of Ireland, advance public money on the easiest terms for railways, tram- ways, canals, roads, labourers' dwellings, fisheries, and objects of that kind. But do not, if you value your lite as an Empire, swallow one morsel more of heroic legislation, and, by giving a continuous sup- port to the Tory party, let the Irish know that though they cry day and night, though they vex you with much wickedness and harass you with much disorder, though they incessantly divert your attention from your own affairs, though they cause you all manuer of trial and trouble, that there is one thing you will detect at once in whatever form or guise it may be presented to you, there is one thing you will never listen to, there is one thing you will never yield to, and that is their demand for an Irish Parliament, and that to their demand for the repeal of the union you answer an unchanging, and unchangeable, and an unanimous No." MR. MORLEY AND THE BELFAST SPEECH. Speaking on Tuesday afternoon at a conference of the London and Counties' Liberal Union, held at the Cannon-street Hotel, London, Mr. John Morley said: No doubt for the moment the state of affairs was one of calm and smoothness, but he was not sure it was not a calm like that of the torrent before it dashed down the calm of the glassy waters that are on the bend of the Niagara. It had been said that his own election and the other recent Liberal successes were due to the Irish vote, but he did not under- stand why they should object to the Irish vote. When it was given to the Conservatives it was magnified by the grand name of Conservative reaction. Although things for the moment looked fairly smooth, they had not to thank their Conser- vative friends for it. He did not know of any public act in any time that seemed to him more flagitious than the act of Lord Randolph Churchill in going to Ulster to try to stir up civil war, and this was the very statesman who only last July was aiding and abetting his Solicitor- General, his own chosen friend, in sneering at and denouncing the reactionary members from Ulster. But that only lasted until the end of the elections, and Lord Randolph Churchill had now turned completely round.

SIR HENRY JAMES'S VINDICATION. In making to his constituents at Bury on Monday night his promised explanation as to his vote for the Conservative Government against Mr Collings's amendment, Sir Henry James said that during the election he expressed himself as hostile to the creation of a separate Parliament for Ireland. Those opinions were accepted and approved, and, to some extent, in consequence of having expressed them, he became the member for the borough. As soon as the office was at Mr. Gladstone's disposal he was pleased, in terms of the most generous character, to offer to recommend him as a fitting person to be Lord Chancellor. (Cheers.) In like manner he placed at his disposal an office of the greatest responsibility, the acceptance of which would have enabled him to remain a member of the House of Commons. As they knew, he declined those offices. Ho did not do so in mere lightness of heart. He had given two clear and distinct pledges, and the opinions he had expressed he stili entertained. He therefore had to ask for assurances from the Prime Minister in relation to his Irish policy, and here it was that considerations affecting political action interposed that reserve to which he had referred. Of course it was not for him to make any suggestion of what that policy, still undeveloped, was likely to effect. That announcement wonld come in due season from the Prime Minister, and no one ought to attempt to anticipate or to hasten it. But it was necessary, and he hoped it would be deemed sufficient, for him to say that he did not re- ceive, and he admitted he could scarcely have expected to receive, sufficient assurance, which made it clear to him that if he undertook to sup- port the probable policy of the Government so far as it affected Ireland he should not run the risk of failing fully to redeem the pledges he had given to his constituents. He was going to take up his abode in no cave. The climate of a cave would not suit him. His desire would be to give whenever he could do so active support to her Majesty's Government, but those who differed from the ex- pected Irish policy of the Government had grave responsibilities placed upon them.—The speech throughout was received with enthusiasm, and at the close a resolution was passed unanimously expressing approval of Sir Henry James's action.

MR. BRADLAUGH AND THE CON- SERVATIVES LEADERS. At a meeting of a joint committee of the ship- ping and sugar industries, held on Sunday evening at Whitechapel, London, a correspondence between Mr. Bradlaugh, M.P., and Mr. S. Peters, secretary of the National Sugar Operatives Committee wis read and discussed. Mr. Bradlaugh, writing to Mr. Peters on February 22, said:—" Sir,—I am infcrmed that you deny my statement that considerable sums of money have been paid or advanced within six weeks of the Trafalgar-square meeting to you by leading Conservatives, by cheques, some of them payable to your order,' and that you are willing that the matter should be inquired into by an arbitrator, with power to take evidence, as at Nisi Prius. On hearing from you that this is so, I will have a form of submission to arbitration drawn up and sent to you for your approval. Your immediate reply will oblige yours obediently, C. BRADLAUGH." In reply to this Mr. Peters wrote that it was "a great and malicious lie" to say that he had received cheques from leading members of the Conservative party, some within a fortnight of the late Trafalgar-square meeting and some within six weeks—by inference saying that the Conservative party paid the expenses of this meeting of the unemployed, expenses which are not yet paid.

THE PALL ilfALL GAZETTEE AND MR. CHAMBERLAIN. The Pall Mall Gazettt published some important correspondence on Saturday afternoon in refe- rence to the Dilke caie. Mr. Chamberlain, in a letter dated February 22, addressed to the editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, says:— For a long time past—in fact, since you suc- ceeded to the editorship of the Pall ilfall Gazette —that paper has been made the vehicle of constant attacks upon me, for the virulence of which I am totilly unable to account. I am, however, tolerably indifferent to newspaper criticisms, and. as far asl am personally concerned, I purpose to leave them to the judgment of the public. I have only to add, in reference to your present inquiry, that I decline to justify or to make any statement as to the private communica- tions that may have passed between Sir Charles Dilke and myself in reference to the recent trial. I believe now, as I have always believed, that he is absolutely innocent of the charge brought against him, and I hope that tha time may come when his present accusers will be ashamed of the malignity with which they are put-suing him. Mr. Stead, in reply, complains that Mr. Cham- berlain has not answered his two questions, namely, whether Sir Charles Dilke did intend to go into the witness-box when the case was opened, and whether Mr. Chamberlain induced Sir Charles Dilke, against his own judgment, to refrain from entering the witness-bcx. Mr. Stead thereupon asks if he can only, for once, so far sink his per- sonal feeling as to help his friend by returning straght answers to two straight questions. Mr. Chamberlain replied as follows on the same day:- Sir,—Your letter of to-day's date is so insolent that I decline anv further correspondence with you.—Yours obediently, J. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Stead, however, writes again to Mr. Chamberlain begging hill to answer the questions, and to send an author.tative announcement to some paper as to whether he really did dissuade Sir Charles Dilke from entering the witness box. In reply to this letter Mc. ChaZberlai n, writing on the 24th, says he cannot accept Mr. Stead's opinion as to the proper course to pursue.

FLINTSHIRE ELECTION. The votes were counttd on Wednesday morning, and the result was decUred as follows :— Smith (L) 4,243 Pennant (C) 2,733 Liberal majority 1.510 At the general election The polling resulted as fol- lows Lord Richard Grfsvenor (L) 4,753 The Hon. Henry Hostyn (C) 3,132 Majoriy 1,62a

SIR CHARLES )ILKE'S ELECTION EXPENSES. In the Queen's Benth Division on Wednesday Sir Charles Dilke applied, through coumel, on appeal from a decisbn of Justice Field, to be allowed to pay a sun of £41 for the hire of a brougham during the election week at Chelsea, such sum being in excess of the amount allowed by the Corrupt Practices Act. Their Lordships held that Mr. Justice Field was right in refusing to allow the inaximufflexpenditureto be exceeded, and dismissed the appsal.

Sir Charles Dilke on Wednesday afternoon made his first appearance Í1 the House of Commons since the change of Government. He shook bands with Mr. Cowen as be tntered the Chamber, and, after taking his seat on the second Ministerial bench, he was joined by that gentleman and Mr. Chamberlain, the three remaining in conversation for nearly half-an-hour Sir Charles Dilke bad a soniewhat careworn lock.

THE CARDIFF ELECTION. RESULT OF THE POLLING. The political contest that had been engaging the 11 attention of the electors of Cardiff, Cowbridge, and Llantrisant since the appointment of the sitting member, Sir Edward Reed, to the office of a Junior Lord of the Treasury in Mr. Glad- stone's Administration was brought to an issue on Saturday,when Sir Edward Reed was re-elected by a majority of 863 votes over his opponent, Mr. J. T. D. Llewelyn. Considering the exceptional in- fluences which had been brought to bear in favour of the Liberal candidate, the result was not altogether unexpected. In fact, the wonder is that, under the peculiar circumstances, the Liberal majority was not far greater than was the case; As is well known, the leaders of the Irish party in London decided, as soon as it had been deter- mined to contest the seat at this bye- election, to give the whole weight of their influence on the side of the candidate of a Govern- ment pledged to make great concessions to Ireland in the direction of Home Rule. This decision was at once communicated to the secretary of the National League at Cardiff, and a meeting of Irishmen was held soon afterwards, when a reso- lution binding the Irish electors to follow the advice of their leader, Mr. Parnell, and give their undivided support to Sir Edward Reed was passed. The circumstance that the latter gentleman had made him- self personally very unpopular among the Irish electors by his uncalled-for attacks upon them at past elections counted for nothing in face of the fact that to them the issue was one of patriotism and not of party, and it is safe to say that had the candidate been ten times less worthy of their support upon personal grounds it would have been sufficient for them that he was a member of an Administration whose professed programme in regard to Ireland was in harmony with the desires of its people. Fearing that some of the electors might be carried away by personal prejudice, the secretary of the League in Cardiff communicated with Mr. T. P. O'Connor, who at once arranged to come down and address a public meeting. At the last moment, however, important public business prevented him from keeping his engage- ment, and it was then decided that Mr. Conway, another of the Irish members, should take his zi n, place, with the result that a very large meeting was held in the market place, when it was again resolved to strengthen the hands of the Government by supporting Sir Edward Reed. Not content with this, Mr. T. P. O'Connor wired to Cardiff on the eve of the poll urging all his countrymen in the town 10 vote for Reed, "for justice to Ireland and for peace between England and Ireland." This telegram was printed upon large green placards, and posted throughout the town on Saturday No such pressure had ever before been brought to bear upon that section of the electors of Cardiff, and the result was, therefore, looked upon by many as a foregone conclusion. As against this, however, the Conservative party had as their candidate a Welshman known and esteemed throughout Glamorganshire, and one whose broad views upon religious and political questions recommended him to many, even of the moderate Liberals of the borough. Polling commenced as usual at eight o'clock in the morning, when it was found that the arrange- ments made at the various stations were of a most, perfect order. That for the East Ward was at the National Schools, Crockherbtown for the West Ward at the Town-hall; for the South Ward at the South Church-street Board Schools; for the Roath Ward at the National Schoolrooms, Metal- street, and for the Canton Ward at the Severn-road Board Schools, Canton, and at the Clive-street Board Schools, Grangetown. The polling-stations for Cowbridge and Llantrisant were at the respective Town-halls. In Cardiff a large number of carriages had been placed at the disposal of the respective candidates. Colours were pretty generally worn—that of the Conserva- tives being blue, and of the Liberals red and green. A flag of the latter colour was to be seen floating from the carriage of Sir Edward Reed throughout the day, and, as the Junior Lord drove from one polling-station to another, many of the onlookers were bound to marvel at the unblushing impudence thus displayed by the man who had designated the leaders of the people whose suffrages he so zealously courted as a "common, low herd of vulgar Irishmen." Wherever encouragement was needed on the Conservative side Mr. Llewelyn was there to give it, and as he passed in and out of his various committee-rooms, with a genial smile and a cheering word to all around, renewed vigour was imparted to the numerous workers in the Conser- vative cause. In every ward the utmostgood-humour prevailed, and so quiet was the demeanour of the electors throughout the day that it was scarcely possiole to conceive that a severely-contested Parliamen- tary election was in progress. The only evidence of the struggle was in the small crowd of people who stood round the rival committee-rooms, and who gave vent to their feelings by cheers or groans as the circumstances occasioned. The police arrangements reflected great credit upon Mr. Hemingway, the head- constable, who, in addition to the whole of his available force, had requisitioned the services of about fifty of the county constabulary, under the command of Superintendent Wake. It is gratifying to note, however, that, as on the occa- sion of the previous contest, they were not called upon to perform any unpleasant duties, for not a single complaint was made during the day, and not a single charge arising out of the election was recorded in the police books. In the East Ward the polling was slow in the early morning, but increased after two o'clock, when the artisan population were freed from their labours, and by eight o'clock in the evening, the hour at which the polls were closed, 2,693 votes had been recorded. This being a stronghold of the Irish party, a large majority of the votes were given to the Liberal candidate, and there can be no question that in this ward and Roath the Liberals scored their success. In the latter ward polling was brisk for the first hour, but then fell off, until the afternoon, when the scene be- came very lively, Metal-street being thronged by working men, who were anxiously watching the progress made by their respective parties. It is a noteworthy circumstance that the Conservatives of this ward polled over 400 votes in excess of their number at the last election, and this circumstance led to the belief that the contest, had gone much closer than was proved by the result. The number polled here was 2,946. In the West Ward, where the proceedings were very quiet and methodical, 1,181 votes were recorded, and, as on previous occasions, a good preponderance of these were for the Conservative candidate. Most enthusiasm was displayed in the South Ward, where the polling went on briskly throughout the day, and a great deal of good-humoured banter was indulged in by the large body of onlookers. Here, as everyone had expected, Mr. Llewelyn secured a very con- siderable majority of the 1,236 votes re- corded. There was also a slight Conserva- tive majority at Canton, where the figures were 1,503; but at Grangetown, where there is a large Irish population, the greater portion of the 562 voters were in favour of Sir Edward Reed. The poll was heavy for a. bye-election. 10,587 electors having recorded their votes, as against 11,048 last November. Of these, the votes of 34 were spoilt through informality. Ex- cluding the spoilt votes, the total returns for Cardiff were 10,121, and for Cowbridge and Llantrisant. 432. At both the latter places majori- ties were claimed for the Conservative candidate. Counting did not commence until nearly eleven o'clock, as the Cowbridge boxes were delayed in consequence of a severe snowstorm and the fact that the slippery state of the roads necessitated theroughing of the horses'shoes. The Mayor presided at the counting, which took place in the Assembly- room of the Town-hall, and there were also pre- sent, in addition to the twelve counters, the two candidates and their agents. A few minutes before midnight, the work had been accomplished, and the party proceeded through the corridor of the hall to the council chamber, from whence the result was declared to an immense crowd, which filled the open space at the back of the Town-ball. By an ingenious arrangement, the state of the poll was indicated on a transparent screen which was fixed on the coping of the cor- ridor connecting the police-court with the admini- strative offices of the hall. This contrivance was lit up simultaneously with the announcement of the result by the mayor, and enabled the thousands present to see at a glance how matters stood. The tremendous burst of cheers and groans which greeted the return Reed Llewelyn 4,845 j having somewhat subsided, Sir E. J. REED, M.P., proposed a vote of thanks to the mayor for his conduct of the election. He was very glad, he said, to know that, under any circumstances whatever, the Liberal party had been able to find a majority of 863. He wished to say one word with reference to his opponent, and that was that Mr. Llewelvn and he had shaken hands, and that he heartily hoped they wight shake hands again on many future occasions. Mr. LLEWELTN, whose appearance was also greeted with loud cheers, seconded the vote, in- cluding with it thanks to the town-clerk (Mr. J. L. Wheatley) and all the officials connected with the counting. Both candidates then wished the crowd good night, and, under the escort of a strong detachment of police, proceeded to the Royal Hotel, where Sir EDWARD REED, stepping on to the balcony, again returned his thanks for re-election, and a!s:) thanked the Liberal Association, the Junior Liberal Association, and the Radical Association for the way in which they had worked for him, and also those Irish electors who had given him their votes. The crowd, which up to this time had been very noisy, now became uproarious, and a few further remarks made by Sir Edward were rendered nearly inaudible. He was, however, understood to say that his re-election meant justice to Ireland. The uproar increasing, Sir Edward withdrew and the crowd dispersed. Half an hour later there was nothing to indicate that a Parliamentary election bad taken place. RESULT OF ELECTION IN 18CO. Sir Edward Reed 5.563 Henry Harben .— 5,423

MR. LLEWELYN AND HIS SUPPORTERS. We understand that Mr. J. T. D. Llewelyn, the Conservative candidate at the recent election, intends visiting Cardiff on Monday evening next, when he will meet his committee, canvassers, and supporters at the Conservative Club at eight o'clock. g

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TO CORKESPONDENTS. ENGLISH Poetry intended for insertion in the Welsh Mail should be addressed to the Editor, at the Cardiff offices of the paper WELSH contributions shonid be sent exclusively to Nathan Dyf ed," Mill-street, Merthyr Tydfll. CORRESPONDENTS who wish thcir unused MS8. re- turned must in all cases eaclose stamps tor that purpose.

UARDDONIAETfl. LLINELLAU CYFARCH AR DDEKCHAFIAD WILLIAM THOMAS LEWYS, Ysw" I URDD MARCHoG,Pennill- ion tr3 rhagorol, teilwng 0'1' bardd a'r gwrth- ddrych. Syniadacth urddasol, g-ydweddoJ, ag ani¡uHl\vd, a "nod angen" y testun, mewn ieith- wedel briodol, glasurol, a dilol, fel yr awdwr rhagorgamp oi hun. Good vine requires 110 bush. RrR A THODDAID I "ERYR AMERICA," Ostyl y Cymro Gwvllt, Liverpool.—Gwir bob gair. A ERCHIAD I GYMMRODORION CAERODOR AR DDYDD GWYL DEWI SANT."—Tra gwladgar. LLINELLAU AR ENEDIGAETH ELINOR MURIEL JONEs,Eoglynjon pert a serchog iawn. Y CUF 0 GARIAD.Ðruan, y mae y gwrth- ddrych yn dyffryn!

IN .MEMORIAM. Maen at Garnedd CoffadwriHeth y Parch. John Griffith, A.C' Rheithor Merthyr Tydfil, a fu farw Ebrill 24, 1885, yn 67 mlwydd oed. Cotfadwriaeth y cyfiJwn sydd fendigedig." MESUR: Salm cxiii, Chwi weision Duw," &c. Nos Wener cawsom newydd ffrom, tref fel cawod drum O gwmwl rwyg a tharan ffroch O'r gws U a'r caddug ff1'ydia.i'¡: Hi. Nes 3uddo'n gorwel obaith ni o duianc rhag y 'storom droch. Y. newydd chwa. giust, Ac ai ymholid gydag—list! Khy lwfr atebifl, Marw yw õ" Galanis wylwlI.-dwys yw'n lief, Amddifad 0'1 gyrndeithas ef Oedd gylaill dyu, fel cenad DulY, Ein Rheithor siriol, gloew fr.rd, G íl augeu wysiwvd i'r ail fyd. A.ï lwch i oei' gynteddau'r glyn,- li hawddgar drem--ei dreiddgar ddawo* Eí gynghur dylanwadol.llawu, lh>llasom-enaid fnitll yw lqn! 'J ri deg 0 flwvddau'n aos bu 1'" plwyf yn hoff fugeilydd cu, CrUv vs angel 0 nefolaidd bwyll; <.ian r.atur cyflawn uiddwyd ef, Clasurol ddvsg. II gras y l'ief YIl athraw ffyddlawn, gwir ddidwyll Cyneddfan, meddwl bywiog, hyf, 8i îwa ä ar]¡6dd yn gryl" Er cyfamddiffyn rhaith a brn Talentau dysgiaer, crebwyll gref A gydagweudent ynddo ef I'r llwybro dros bob lleidiog sam. Tiaddodai 'i araith gyda gvvgn Ar bethau newydd lel yr hen, Y n groew, rhywiog yn mhob rhan, U- asusol faeth heb ddalen sur, 1'1' cryf ddarmerthai'n ymborth pur" A Uaeth a mêl i'r eiddil gwan. }: n gydnerth a'i athrylith goeth, J>i<l wylledd fynai 'a deithi noeth, Hi b rith 0 weniaeth, brad, na bud. £ i iygad treiddiol welai draw, J)allsuddai bwnc yn llwyr ddiiriw, A Gwir yn erbyn Byd. Samariad" i a:lghenus tlawd. Pari g'ai onestrwvdd yn ei rawd, hael o'i lawen t'ryd I hen rneLhedig wrth ei borrh, Jyiiniarai 'i newyn gyda'i dorth. neb ei udgami wrth y byd, Adg )fir gall y gweithiol hîl, Ell plant, Uyininog wrth y mil, A borthid o'l drvsorfa lawn jjiietl gweithiai nos a dydd Bryd hyny o'i ewyllys rydd, AlIawa chalou dyner iawn. };i nfa lawn ddirwynai i ben, Ei gorff yn dawel dan y lien. llrwy fpv i rinwedd, fel bu ef Diddadl gellym rod ein brawd Yn medi hauodd tra'n y cnawd, •* Yn nghyleh y Gwvnfyd YII y Nef. l'w weddw a'i ainddifaid, boed Ei" Tad yu dyner iawn, a lho'ed Ddeuparth 0'1 Ysbryd Cyfiawn Ef, l'w cynorthwyo di vvy y gl vn, Er cael y fraint, Os Duw n'i mYIJ, l'w gwrdd In ngwynfyd Nef y Nt:f. 1 Cilarles boed llwydd i lanw ei Ie, Gail gorhm fel efe.-o Pob l'hàtl II bendith ar ei ben. < Cavvn ninau'n galw ar y lhol Yn fuan, buan ar ei ol I g^h y gwyfyn dan y Hen. NATHAN DYFED, HTR A THODDAID I "ERYR AMERICA," Ty'r "Cymro Gwyllt," 28, Union.stœot, Livel1)Ool. Y colledig a gaed." Ar oror y mor, Eryr .Amerig," Y iv'r He i doddi gWánwr lluddedig,— C11iff yno jrphwyso'i flin gorff ysfg. Yu nhY:t, Oyniro," '1' hedd frouor rhyddfrydig, A'r Iilinos adeJ.¡en-ostes arùeni" Un dau un-nodedi: Am liln gronglwyd, a bwyd i'r big—er maeth, 1,"11 iwyndeg odiaeth-yn fendigedig. DATHAN DYFED. DYDD SUL YN NGHYMRU. Dydd Sui sy'n dod yn mraich y wawr. Yn orlawn 0 dlysineb Tra sanctailld Wenl1U'¡' Wynff. fawr, Lewyrcba yn ei wyneb Mor wylaidd yw a el1'lomen fwyn Deniadol fel y lHi Rhyw genad nef yn llawn 0 swyn Erioed y w'r Sui yn Nghymru. Lob wytlnios pan mae'n taro'i droed Ar lwyfan Cymru lonydd 8wn nioliant glywir yn y otd Mewn hwyl nentydd A Llau islaw'n v cwm Hn1-seiniant t'avvl i'r brynian Tra fel rhyw hen ddiaconiaid trwm, G wrandawai'r hen fynyudau. Drwy'r dydd 0 hyd mae Cymru fad A'¡- nefoedd lan mewn umleu, Tra Beibl pur ar fron ein gwlad Fel medal o'i duwioldeb dydd mae fawr. .A'i phen goruwOh teyrnasnedd; Hi yw prif wlad y ddaear lawr Gan Fænin y breninoedd. G.W.R., Caerdydd. 0L8IF0X. Y MELLT. Yn hyf lidiog al- nef Jedl\lJ,-y mellt Sy'n ymwylltu allan, I duri ar ddrws y damn AIlu Duw ar diln. CLEIFO*. CARWRIAETH WLEDIG. "X os serenol, Nil nt gerddoi-ol, Ffordd uuigol, Br4ich am ganol geueth dlos: Llediaeth w Jedig, Llais toddedig. Godde'n ddiddig Ei charedig glos. Swn yr afon. Hirsain Ifeifion, fcjawras tiodion Mewn bienddwydion am y dydd. r3yllu ami, Gweled tl vsni. Ehoa a'r lili Yn eyd-doddi ar ei gradd. Hen amaethdy, Ffenestr garu Geneth witty, Ynddi'n gwenu'n jiglioleu'r lloerj Cegin d^we', Hen fainc uehel, GM iando'n ddiogel, Ax ¡1;wynfanau'r awel Oer, 011 ddedwyddwch! Pan gusanweh, Ond VIe byddweh Pan dderbyniwcti un yn 01 Mewn cysuron Natur weithion, Waeddi ddigon, Gwen Iy nghalon yn Iy nghol. CL1I:U.rION. LLINELLAU ir eneåigaeth Elenor Muriel Janes, geneth gvntaf- anedig y Parch. J. 0, Jones a'i briod, Ferndale. Elenar Muriel, mor felll-dy wèn, Delw cly dad serchus Am air 0 gan i mi rho gl1s-wna. hon Fel ry w atoll 0 tél ar y wefus. Yr wyt yn bert, perta'n y byd-heb 09 Nac oni bai enl1yd Dy wên fyw a dania fyd-o feirddion Ar eu huchelioll-wy1 ddifrycheulyd. MY!1 dy fam heiny' dy fod-YI1 bet O bawb o r genethod Drwy'r gwledydd, mae dydd yn dod-eilir bi "III udiwyrni gan lanc ryw dci.iwfllOd. 'E wincia ryw lane 0 res I ddenu seich y ddyties A chilia ef a'i chalon YII ei law '1101 y gwel hon; Ar fyr, mae'n rhy bert i fod Ar enw'r hen rianod. I Muriel bydded mawredd Yn y byd o'i chryd i'w bedd: A'i henw teg ya dn tir. Wedi hyn a adwaenir. GUIYN Cr:so". ElYN, GaD y diweddar Barch. Morris Williams (" Nicander.") Slm ci., 2, Pa tryd y deui attaf ?" 1'yr'd attaf, lor, pan ddeffrwyf Ii. Ar donad gwawr y dwyrain fry; Cwyd barai fyiyr yn fy mroa, Tel gemau gwlith i'r wybren grou. Tyr'd attaf yn y cawnddydd dês,- 1\ e:J i'wyilamyfyr bydolle Go:euni dy wynebpryd Cu, Gall droi iy nydd yn noson ddu. 1'yr'd agaf hwyr,- A m ca. C3 aeth hi ar wyr, O dw hi'n 01 õ ac 0 fro'r nell GWèo1 amaf reI '1' hwyr-seren Wen. Tyr'd attaf va yr hirnos awr. Pa) cwsg, oyn tori'r wawr, Fwysed f' unigol vspryd i, j. Pel lean, aT dy fonwes Di. 'j: 1'y'd attar ym ir.hob rhan o'm hoe, Å phaa y teimlwyt angau loes, O arctl im' adyfod ai'at Tt, Fel, lie yr wyt, y byddwyf 11. TRANSLATION. (By hi sen, the Headxaster of Cowbridg9 School). Ps&:m cL, 2, 0, when wilt thou ceme unto me?'' Ccme. Lord, to mine awaking eyes. When breaks the åawr. in Eastern skies, A r. £ 1! -.r.e with thCIghts pure and fair As dewdrcps i tte morning air Ccme, iI: the bour of hct noontide — Else thoughts of worldly gain will hide The light of Thy loved face away, Ar.d turn to midnight my mid-day. Ceme, when the shades of evening fall. .Ar:d thh strayed heart of mine re-call 5 .AT.d, as smiles vesper in the sky, mile thou upon me from on high Ccme, when, in lingering hours 01 night, ] sieepless lie. ere break of light; And let my lonely spirit rest. Like John, in peace upon Thy breast, Ccme, while I draw each fleeting breath And, when] feel the pangs ot death. Then bid me, Lord, to come to Thee, Tbat, where thou art, there may I be.

— By Eoyal Warrant. By Eoyal Warrant. m ECONOMYsfiARDEK JL Queen. Prince ot Wales. I SUTTON'S BOXES 0F SEEDS) FOR LARGE GARDEM' v £ 3 > 3 ■ o SUTTON'S "ORIBINAL" BOXES) SUTTON'S BOXES OF SEEDS™'?IF-6^1 I tle Amateur's Garden ## SUTTON'S" ORIGINAL" BOXES -el; 1: 0 ALL CARRIAGE FREE. Full Particulars Post Free. SUTTON'S SUTTOH'S "a- Collection of FLOWER SEEDS, Peas, Beans, Broccoli,Cabbage.Carrot,Celery, Containing 36 Packets of the choicest sorts Cucumber, Lettuce, Onion, Radish, Turnip, of Aster, Stock, Hardy, Half-hardy, and Tomato, Sc., specially arranged for the Ama- Tender Annuals, Hardy Perennials, and teur's Garden, will be sent, Carriage Free, to Biennials, tec., will he sent Free to any any Railway Station In England or Wales, address in the United Kingdom on receipt on receipt of a remittance for 21s. of a remittance for 10s. "Your Guinea Collection of Vegetable Seeds, which I have had now for some years past, has "Your Guinea Collection of Vegetable Seeds, which I have had now for some years past, has (Xflr given me great satisfaction."—The Rev. C. MALDEN, Ventnor. [8489c I SUTTON & SONS, ROYAL BERKS SEED ESTABLISHMENT, READING. 11

Under this head questions on legal subjects are answered, by an experienced professional gentleman. Correspondents wishing for information or advice an requested to observe the folloioinq 2-utes I 1. llle fact, must be stated fully and clearly; and I the questions, if more than one, should be num- bered consecutively. 2. A full copy must be sent of any document on Itliticlt advice is wished for. 3. The real name and address of the writer must I accompany the questions, but will not be pub' hshed if a "pseudonym or initials be also sent for reference. All communications must be addressed to The Editor, Leyal Department, Weekly Mail Office Ca i, d ijj'.

"EMIGRANT (Neath I.-Take our advice and stav at home. There is no colony that would suit you. What the colonies want are men who can labour with the hand, either in the pursuit of some skilled craft or doing the most ordinary hard rough duty. CLAIM FOR Croons.—The second statement of A Rate- payer" (Llanwrtyd) does not throw much additional light upon this matter, and we think that his wisest course would be to place the matter in the hands of a local solicitor, who would conduct proceedings against such persons as upon a thorough investigation of the facts should appear to be legally responsible. SPECULATIVE INSURANCE.—" Urgent No. 1" will find an answer to his inquiry in the Western Mail of the 22nd instant, when he appears to have given a different name. Or is it another case of the same kind? The point in question has been before us so many times that we are not sure about this. INCOME-TAX RETURN. —" G. C." (Swansea) must not make any of the deductions referred to in his letter. When he pays his next ground rent he may deduct therefrom the tax which he has paid in respect thereof, and the same ruie applies to the interest payable to the mortgagees. He must himself pay the income-tax upon the rest, and he cannot from any quarter get any allowance in respect of the instalments of principal paid to the building society, although they are bound to allow him to deduct the tax paid in respect of the interest, or a penalty not exceeding three times the amount of the principal money remaining due on the mortgage would be incurred, and migut be sued for with the assistance of a solicitor. Assuming that he is liable to pay Income-tax, lie must,under Schedule A, return the annual value of the house for letting to a tenant from year to year. This is quite distinct from his business income under Schedule D. As to his life insurance premiums, not exceeding one-sixth part of his total yearly income, he will have no difficulty. Atter he has paid the tax he must call upon the surveyor of taxes with the receipt for the tax and the receipts for his insurance premiums, and he will in due time have the tax thereon returned as a matter of course. But if the premiums amount to more than the specitied propor- tion of his income the tax ion the excess will not be returned to him. SUB-LETTING.—" D. C." (Swansea) is advised that as the agreement has no clause restricting the sub-letting the tenant may let the property to any other person, subject to the question whether the want of mutual obligation is not fatal to the agree- ment itself. The sub-tenant would stand in the same legal position as the original tenant; but the latter would still be responsible to the landlord unless the present agreement were cancelled and a new one sub- stituted, the new agreement being made between the landlord and the present sub-tenant. SPECULATIVE IJIFE INSURANC.E.-As "Metal" (Rhymney) has no pecuniary interest in the life on which sha effected an insurance, the whole affair was illegal, and we think there would be no advantage in commencing legal proceedings. The transaction was in the nature of a bet on a horse-race. One party bet that the in- sured life would drop before the whole of the insu- rance money was paid in premiums, and the other that it would last longer and the law discourages all kinds of gambling. ON APPROVAL.—There is no difficulty about this case As the article was sent to Eric (Cardiff) on approval, and it does not answer the description given, he has only to return it to the sender within the time specified or in a reasonable time. The better course would have been to return it immediately. We have t heard of such dodges before. INCO.ME-TAX.-We think that "R. M. IT." (Swansea) had better pay this the rent is due although he has not received it, and he may recover it by means of an action iu the county-court. There is no particular description of property which is exempt from this tax, but if the total income from all sources is under £ 150 the person is exempt, while a person with a total income not amounting to L400 is entitled to a deduction of £120. and must pay the tax on tho excess. PRIMllùSE" (Tonypandy).—Thanks for the very pretty scolding. It is rarely we lay sacrilegious hands upon the work of our poets, which, as a rule, goes either into print or the waste basket just as it is written. But you must remember that there is such a thing as the law of libel. We had to pay a shilling only this very week. LANDLORD AND LODGER.-If "Householder" (Cardiff) CHiinot get rid of his lodger he had better instruct a solicitor to write him. This would be preferable in some respects to an action, and. probably, might be equally effectual. We assume that the rent is paid regularly, otherwise the proper course would be to dis train. TAXATION OF COSTS.—" L. M." is informed that the taxation of costs as between party and party is less liberal than as between solicitor and client. The former includes those items which are simply the necessary costs of the action or other proceedings, while the latter extends to other things (perhaps necessary to be done by way of preparation, investigation, or pre- liminary inquiries, searches, &c.) which the client ha? instructed his solicitor to do, and, therefore, is bound to pay him for doing, although they cannot, oe re- covered from the opposite par; y. When an action is compromised it is generally proper that the agreement should provide for payment of cost." taxed as between solicitor and client; but 'there is no universal rule as to this. In each case the parties must be governed by the circumstances thereof. An agreement to have the coats taxed as between party and party would not pre- judice the right of tiie solicitors for both parties to be l,aid their extra costs by their respective client*. SECURITY FOP- X.OAN.—" A. B. C." (Gower Road) is advised that a promissory note is good evidence of a debt on wliioh an action can be brought; but it is not a security oil any specific portion of the property of the promisor, like a mortgage or a bill of sale. If the money were not re-paid at the proper time, accord- ing to the terms of the note, an action might be com- menced for the recovery thereof. If the note is made payable on demand, with interest at the agreed rate half yearly, there will be no need to renew the note so long as interest is paid regularly, as the Statute of Limitations could not be pleaded as a bar to an action commenced within six years after the date of the last payment on account of either principal or interest. The only expense would be the stamp. DOUBT AS TO WILL.—" Grieved (Pontypool) must see a solicitor without delay if she thinks that there is any chance of proving that the will is open to dispute on any of the grouuds stated. The proper course would be to lodge a caveat and oppose the grant of probate; and the grant might be made at any time after the expiration of seven days from the date of the testa- tor's decease. INTESTACY.—" Brother (Cardiff) is informed that on the decease intestate of a spinster whose father and mother have died in her lifetime, and who leaves surviving her several brothers and sisters, and was possessed of freehold and leasehold property, money and securities for money, household furniture. Ac., the freehold property, or real estate, will pass to the eldest brother as her heir-at-law. The personal property, including the leaseholds, will be applicable in the first place to the payment of funeral expenses, costs of administration, and debts owing by the deceased, and the residue will be equally divided among all the brothers and sisters of the intestate. If any brother or sister should have died leaving lawful issue, such issue will be entitled to have divided amongst them the share which their parent wouid have taken if living. The shares of minors must be invested until they respectively attain the age of 21 years, but the annual income arising therefrom may (if desired) be applied in or towards the expense of their mainte- nance and education in the meanLime. CLADI UNDER WILL.—We thank" H. A. H." (Car- diff) for his courteous letter. We do not remember the case to which he refers, and we are diposed to think that his client may have misunderstood what we said to him. The fact is that when we are informed that a solicitor is engaged in a case we invariably decline to auvise on the propriety of the advice given by him; it would be very unfair to interfere in such cases on ex parte statements. However, if our corre- spondent is satisfied that the statements made to him are correct, we hope that he will "go in and win." This would be a good deed, and we should be glad to hear of his success. We must add a word ot caution all extensive experience of more than half a century has deeply impressed upon us the danger of taking for granted that an ignorant person has remembered all that he ought to have told his solicitor before the commencement of the proceedings. Of course, there may be exceptions to this (as to any other) rule. DISTRESS FOR REIT. J. J. K."(Ton) should pay his rent on the day on which it becomes due if he would avoid the danger of another distress. There is nothing in his letter to suggest any irregularity. A distress cannot lawfully be made on the rent day, nor before sunrise on the following morning. It must be made between sunrise and sunset, and the tirst day's fees must be paid. What was the ground of his protest ? We suppose that heowed the moziey,andifhis landlord was rather sharp, that would r.ot affect his legal right to distrain for the rent which was then in arrear. It is the duty of a tenant to take his rant to his landlord. unless some different arrangement be made between them MARRIAGE.—We think that ••Nemo" (Merthyr) has been misinformed. It is not credible that his sister would consent to be married to the man by a name which she bad never before heard him called by; and if sce did, she was a party to the fraud, and, there- fore, couid not now be allowed to,take advantage of it for the purpose of setting aside the marriage on what would be essentially a false pretence. She does not wish to get c:ear on that account, If he can get any definite information from her, with names and expla- nation of the reason for assuming a new name tor the first time on the occasion of the marriage, he may write us again, and we will advise definitely on the position. Has the husband ever used the nctitious name since, and, if so, on what occasion.' We cannot safeiyadvise without knowing the facts. LANDLORD AND TENANT.—" Landlord (Swansea) acted very imprudently in giving possessIOn on such an imperfect agreement. However, the custom of the country will apply, and. therefore, we think the best cour!e would be to place the matter in the hands of a local solicitor, who will protect his interests in WADWNGTO^'W^OODS (Cardiff).—The Corn Importa- tion Bill was introduced into the Commons and carried through by the Prime Minister, Sir Robert Peel (Tory), and into the Lords by the Duke of Wellington (Tory). In the Commons it was passed by a majority of 98 in a House of 556.. In the Lords the second reading was carried by a majority of 47, the third reading being agreed to without a division. 8ir Robert Peel, writing to Lord Hardinge, in India, shortly after the defeat of the Government on another measure, declared that the Tory Government had been thrown out by a combination of Whigs and Protectionists." DUTY OF EXKCUTOR.—" Parishioner" (Pembroke) is ad- vised that every will which deals with personal estate ought to be proved by the executors thereof within —— — —~ —=—=— six calendar months after the date of the testator^'fl* cease. 14 is not always necessary to employ a solicitor, but. it is often convenient to do so. The District Hegistryof the Probate Division of the High Court for Pembrokeshire is at Carmarthen and if no soli- citor is instructed to apply for grant of probate of the will, the executors must attend personally there, with the original will, an account of the personal estate, valuations of the unsold portions thereof, a list ol funeral expenses, and a list of debts owing by the testator at the time of his decease. If the total valuS of the personal estate (without any deduction for funeral expenses or debts) does not exceed iC300, tha executors might attend at the office of the supervisol of inland revenue at Pembroke and in that case no listt of funeral expenses or of debts would be necessary. But if the assets are of greater value the executors must either have the assistance of a solicitor or go to Car- marthen. READER (Ebbw Vale).—The aboriginal inhabitants ot America got their name of Indian because of the idel entertained by Columbus and the early navigatorl that America and India were identical. Toyourothel questions we have failed to find satisfactory answers. CLAIM TO PROPERTY.—We fear that the claim of" T. D.1 (Bridgend) is not now enforceable, the right of actio. having become barred by the Real Property Limitatiol Act, 1874, by virtue of which no action can be corn menced for the recovery of any land except within twelve years after the right of action accrued, unless ia case of disability to sue, which does not appear ta have existed in the present case. As the property was only to be enjoyed by the widow of the testator during her widowhood, the right of action arose on her second marriage, and by being quiescent so long our corri spondent has lost his power to recover the estate. We have returned the papers. COPIES OF WILLS.—We do not understand to what the inquiry of D. D." (Pembroke) relates. When wlS receive copies which are requested to be returned we invariably post them immediately after the queries relating thereto have been disposed of, if accompanied by an addressed and a stamped envelope for th»t pur-| pose; if not, we do not return them. We have made! a search, but cannot find anything belonging to our' correspondent. We do not hold ourselves answerable for papers after they have been posted, and we never, register them unless the envelope is stamped to covet registration fee as well as postage. CLAIM TO VOTE.—If the name of "County Voter I (Milford Haven) is not on the register, he will not ba able to vote at any Parliamentary election which may occur this year. We do not understand why hii name is not on the register. Is he quite certain of the fact ? Did he vote at the last election ? If so, hilil name must be on the register, and he will be entitledj to vote again. It would be useless to trouble th«j gentleman named on the subject; he has no power to alter the requirements of the law as to registration;) We advise our correspondent to see the registratioial agent and explain the case to him. MASTER AND SERVANT—NOTICE.—•• R. T."(Ystalyfera); is advised that the time will run from the day offi which he received the notice. It was not necessarw that it should be served on or before any particular day, as in the case of a notice to put an end to tenancy. 1'. R." (Newport).—The Standard and the Times give the longest reports; but even these do not furnis verbatim (indeed not always anv) reports of Bills in Committee. Possibly a subscription to "Hansard'* miglitsuityou. ] BREACH OF CONTRACT.—AS Nemo (Cardiff) was no allowed to complete his contract, he may sue in thel county court for the value of the work which hai has completed, and the value of the materials used in. respect thereof, such value to be calculated upon thai same scale as the contract price for the whole, so that he may be fairly paid according to the terms on whicllj he was willing to complete the whole of the work for which the contract was enteredinto, THOMAS JONES (Briton Ferry).—You should have senflj us a more specific address. Your letter is somewha&i vague as well. SCHOOL BOARD ELECTION.—" D. B. D." (Pembroke) I* informed that the School Board in a borough is elected; by the burgesses, and no person can claim the right to! vote unless his or her name has been previously regisi tered as a burgess. In a parish (not situate in tha. Metropolis) the election is by the ratepayers. It is noli, necessary that the voter should pay his rates per,, sonally if they are paid for him by the owner of THAI property or any intermediate lessee the occupant willi be entitled to vote, but not otherwise. He ought tcli see that his name appears in the rate book as occupier, before the question of qualification arises. A person* who has been in receipt of parochial relief within tbe4 year last preceding the election is disqualified. audi ought not to be allowed to have a voting paper. CLAIM FOR SALARY. Swansea" is advised that anit action ought to be commenced in the county court k, The magistrates have no jurisdiction to deal with SUCIM a case. J:

RENTS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE WEEKLY MAIL. Siiz,-There is a great cry just now in Wales fotfi i reductions of rents to the fanners. This is rightf enough; but I wish some of them would practice what they profess. They will have their pound of flesli from the cottagers who rent under them. Cottages at Rumney which were let by the late Mr; Dalton at X3 a year are now let at X12 and tax?3» and a Cardiff man has offered £17 a year for a small country cottage of four rooms over a pocf man'# head.—I am, &c., ANTI-H MB UG.

DESTITUTION IN CARDIFF. JTO THE EDITOR OF T--P "WEEKLY MAIL." Stit,-You will greatly oblige by bringing to that notice of a sympathetic public, through thaj medium of yPjr influential paper, two cases ol destitution which have come under my observa- tion and have been inquired into. The first if tbnJ of a Mrs. Lewis, who suffers from rheuma< tlsm, is the wife of a mason living at 14, Helen. street, Roath, and the mother of six sons and one daughter (aged seven). Her husband has been out of work, although seeking it in varioua directions, for four months, and there is no bread-winner amongst the sons, as they can get no employment. The eldest is a shoemaker by trade. aged 22; another suffers from heart disease, and one, aged fifteen, is disabled through the effects of a fall when at work, by which he severely injured the cap of his knee. Mrs. Lewis is, r understand, a patient of Dr. Vachell's, and one, if not both. of her sons attends tha Infirmary. And this poor woman is con" strained, for the bare subsistence of herself and family, to dispose one by one of the household furniture down to bedding and under- clothing. So that, in the absence of any external, aid, in a very short time there will be nothing lefti but an empty house and widespread misery. The other case is that of a poor man named W. Jones, of 29, Carlisle-street, South Moors, a hard. working, industrious man, who has been out ot employment for forty weeks. Every morning he goes out to look for work in which he can in any way make himself useful, his stout heart neveC losing the hope of ultimately succeeding in his^ efforts, and that very hope bas so far, to a greaC; extent, kept soul and body together. This man has been favourably known to Inspector Cox, ofl the Borough Police, for more than twenty years4 Trusting that these two cases of distress will meet; with that kindly sympathy they merit-I am, &Co: R. V. BETTY. f Christ Church Mission, Roath, March 2. I

THE PROPOSED HOSPITAL FOR MERTHYR. HANDSOME OFFER BY MRS. ROSE MARYf CRAWSHAY. -TO THE EDITOR OF THE WEEKLY MAIL." Si R,-Having heard of the munificent offer of thek Marquess of Bute towards the erection of a hospital for Merthyr, permit me to say I shall be very pleased to subscribe Y,100 if the hospital accommodation is to take tbe form of cottage hospitals in the various districts. The evil of large hospitals is now so; well-known that few will dispute their being nuclei for the spread of disease, and I shall never forgecl one of the best surgeons of our part telling- me his astonishment at the recovery o £ ) many severe cases which would infallibly. have proved fatal in large hospitals. With regard to the possibility of extra expense, perhaps those cottages thrown into one by my very dear friend, the late Mrs. Clark, might again be made available, and bv the use of the telephone' extra expense in the staff for the hospitals would be avoided. I believe those best informed on the subject consider it a necessity that the whole interior of even a cottage hospital should be "dis- tempered afresh every year with the hope of pre. venting hospital gargrene and fever.-I am, &c., ROSE MARY CRAWSHAY. Mentone, Feb. 23.

THE HEALTH OF CARDIFF. During the past week tbe deaths in many of the large towns increased considerably, Sbeffield, Salford, Preston, Oldham, Newcastle, Leeds, Car' diff, and Bolton each furnishing a much higher rate of mortality. This increase is in no wav due to infectious diseases, but rather to those of the organs of respiration. But even with this increase the death-rates are by no means high for a wintef quarter, and they still point to the existence of an excellent state of the public health. The following are the sixteen principal deaths rates for the past week, duly arranged in order Bradford 181 < Cardiff 254 Halifax 19'3 Leeds 25'5 Hull 19-6 Newcastle 26-2 Huddersfield 20 0 Balford 26'2 Huddersfield 20,0 Balford 26'2 Birmingham.. 21'1 Oldham 26*4 Sheffield 22-1 Manchester 28 9 Liverpool 22'6 Preston 29"4 London 25-0 Blackburn 40'5 Liverpool Preston 29"4 London 25-0 Blackburn 40'5 Per 1.000 inhabitants of each place.

THROAT IRRITATION AND COUGH.—Soreness an £ dryness, tickling and irriwition, inducing cough andaffectiw the voice. For these symptoms uae Eppa'a Gljcerine JujubtfJ In contact with the glands at the moment they are by the act of sucking, the Glycerine in these agreeable cof (actions becomes actively healing. Sold ouly in boxes, 7i".1 tins Is. ljd., labelled "Jam J £ S Errs and Co., Homoeopath1' Chemists, London." Dr. George Moore, in his work <>J "Nose and Throat Diseases, says:—" The Glycerine Jujub* prepared by James Epps and Co., are of undoubted prepared by James Epps and Co., are of undoubted OeO "Nose and Throat Diseases, says:—" The Glycerine Jujub* prepared by James Epps and Co., are of undoubted rice aB a curat We or palliative agent" while Dr. Gordon Holmes, Senior Physician to the Municipal Throat a# Ear Infirmary, writes:—"After an extended trial, I found your Glycerine Jujuhes of considerable benefit almost all forms ot throat disease." 6uglow,