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THE COLONIA UNDER- SECRETARY AT BRIDGEND. SPEECHES BY THE EARL OF DlJNRA VEN AND LORD WIMBORNE. ?REE EDUCATION AND DISESTA- BLl::3HMfuT THE QUESTION. The Right Hon. the Eari of Dunraven, E.p., Under-Secretory of for the Colonies, having accepted the invitation Ot the Bridgend Conserve- tivt! Association JJ deliver a politICal address, a crowded mtetmg was held at the fown-hall on Saturuay -tfternoon, under the presi- dency of Lord Wimborne, of Canford Manor. There were also on the platform Mr. T. W. Booker, .resident of the Bridgend Conserva.tive Asttociation; Mr. H. Gwyn, Neath; Mr. J. T. D. LIeweiyc. amd Mr. H. J. Randah; ,md among the a.udtence were the Countess ot Dunraven and her daughar, Enid; \11', and .Mrs.Lteweliyn, Coun (.olman Cotom-1 Turbervill, president of the Lf¡alDo\w.nh¡re Liberal A""ociatlvn; Colonel Wtn-low, Dr PDchard, Mr. Hirt St. A Jencer, Mr. Duniel Owen, Ash haU, Hear Mr. Jamea Brogden. Mr. R K. Ptichard, Miss Biandy (Llanharan), Mr. F. C. Holes and Mrs. Botes, Mr. Patterson, agent to Lord Wimborne; Mr.W. H. Meredytb, tIle Conserv; ive candidate for 5wansea Mr.J. Moore, uaLh; Mr. 0. H. Jones, Fonmon Mr. Francis Crawshay, Colonel Franklen, Mr. R. W. Mr. G. W Nicholl, The Barn, CowbridgM the Rev. F. W. Edmondes and Mrs. Edmondes, the Rev. C. R- Knight, Cot. and Mrs. Morse, :Mls8 Ctark, Tsiyga.rn; Mr. John Evans, Crofta; Mr. John Graced/Mr. T.T. Lewis, Bridgend, &c. Although a. ortion of the hajj was reserved, tickets fur tills space were gi ven to Li bemls as welJ as Conservatives, and the greater part of the buiid- iagwasfreetoail. It w.tsexpfcted after tl<is courteous treatment of the Ltoeraia that there would be nothing hke organised opposition, but we regret to state that such was not the case, the interruptions occasionally preventing the Earl of Dunraven continuing for some time. LORD WTMBORNE'S ADDRESS. Lord WDlBORNE, who on rising WM very warmly received, said: I was requested by the ;hairmau of the Conservative Association for his part of the county to take the chair )n this occasion, and I have the greatest pleasure tn acceding to the request because I know I could not more pleasantly !<nd prontably employ my i 'lm cert:un it, is the sumo w)th you— than bv listening to the words w¡,icll the Earl of Dunraven witi a-idress to you tins afternoon. (Chee s.) I am informed tnat it was the nrat intention of the promoters of this meeting that it sbouid be exclusively a Conservative meeting, but so mtLnv wen, anxIOUs to hear the noble earl speak—so many of those who are unable at present to enrol themselves among the members of tha Conservative cause—that it was determined to make this an open meeting. It is thus open to ail wilO a.re corne for the purpu:,e of hearing, I am exceed- ingly glad to :-ee so muny people who have availed themselves of the opportunity thus afforded them. I am not at all surprised at the fact, because the general election is now close at hand anù very momentous questions will be put before us. Atso in the nob'e earl we have a. gentleman long asso- ciated with tins county, a gentleman well known in these parts, a man of distinction, who has shown himself to be a liberal and enlightened landlord. ("Question.") He is also a member of the present Government—(cheers)—and I am quite certain that all those who have come to hear him will be gratinedatwhat they heir. Even if they may not agree with what he may say they may still find in his remarks subjects For grave consideration. It haa been mv privilege to hear the nobie earl many times. Thenrstwaa when he spoke from the other side of the House— (hear, hear)—to that on which he now sits. Very soon, however, he found he was unable to support those withwhom he sat. (Cheers.) His mind is too a.cure not to see through the transparent blun- ders and mistakes of the I<tte Government. (Loud cheers and "No.") I witi atso add he was of too honest a disposition—(cheers)—to remain there and support with his vote a party whose policy his sound judgment condemned. (Renewed CMers,) I have remin<ied YOll that lie is a member of the present Government, and I beg, 'n-your came, to tender him our congratulations tin the honour which has thus been conferred upon him. We are very proud of him in Glamorganshire, and of the honour that ha.s been conferred upon the county in his person. (Hear, hear.) The post he now holds is one for which he is eminently &tted. He has been a great traveller, and I have no doubt he haa visited the colonies himseif. and he will bring to bear upon the work in which he is now en- gaged the experience he has just gained. Our relations with the colonies are of the most favourable description. The only bright page in the history of the needless, costly, and useless war undertaken by the late Government in Egypt wad connected with the cnlonieA, because it brought out in a very marked degree the kindly feeljng evinced by the colonies toward! the mother country. It is of immense importance. because it gives strength to this Empire in the eyes of Europe and of the whole world, when it is known we are able to caJl on t.h", colonies for help. You know the help given was not merelv in words, but; two or three of the colonies actually sent help ia the shape of men and materiel to the Soudan. Surely this isastartling refutation of the cry we often hear on the part of the Radicals, that the col'"iipsarenousetou9. We often hear such expressions as Perish India," which gives us the feeling of the Radicals in connection with our colonies. ("Mtstake," and laughter.) I am sure you wi)l nnd that the noble earl and his chief Hre not bfind to the advantages which a close connection wifh the co)onies brings We shuU nnd that both himself and the hea of the Government—(Lord Saiisbury)-(Ioud cheers and signs of dissent)—wiil cement the bond of uni0n which we h'lve aJr'eadv seen exists between the colonies and the mother country. (Loud cheers.) LORD DUNRAVEN'S ADDRESS. Lord whose rising was the signal for loud cheering, said: I hRve be",n invited to a. good many meetings lately, tn"re in some respects than I should ha.ve Ii keu to 11'1 ve bef'n at bf'callile I a m rather tired of them. But I am sure you wi)l beheve me when I say that, although I have ftttfnded targer meetings, I have not attended any, and co'Ud Dot attend any.that gave tnc gre'lter otfasure than (Cheer-) A great many here art'my friends and neighbours.and among them I have spent the happiest years of my life. (Hear, hear.) Though it gives me great pleasure to address you, at the same time I fee! a certain amount of diffidence and difficulty, becRu"e everybody knows mf here. When I spenk at other phtcea I tee) a natural desire to do the bpst I can, not on!y on my own account, bllt because I would not )i!tn anyone to say What you expect Tom a man who bus the nisfortune to have been born in Ireland and brongllt up I Wales." (Laughter.) Here. however. I confess I would like to do my be?t. eo thut my own countrymen, my owr. friends ttnd neighbours may not be ashamed of me. (Cheers.) KADtCAL ABASDOSl\IENf OF PRINCIPLE. Gentlemen. Lord Wimborne reminded you thutatone tune 1 sat on the Liberal side of the House. (Hisses.) I was a Liberal fora o'reat mlmy Yt"ars. and I hold Ihe same IJrineiples now thatihetd'he" (Cheer*) Ifoundtl)at the party to whil'h I h4-¡oned ahflnd, ,nt'd their pri nciples, Rnd Iprpferredtht! principles tothe parry. (Cheers.) It is not an easy thng for a IlHiil to dr¡, neither is it to be Ji ht;v Hud!'rl a.ken- '0 dissociate himself from th.. political pany with which he has heen identined. But when hf hotieves )r to be his duty to do so. when he thinks that the party no longer maintains the principfeshe Lefievea in, it is in- uml,t;nt Up01J him to do so, (Cheers.) Ynu may depend upon it, there ure hundreds and thou- aands of men themselves Liberals throughout the United who really are Liberals only in name. ("Oh,and cheers.) They do not stop to inquire whether )'eaHyL)beralism remains uny longer in the Liberal 'party. The name itMlf is & good one—(cheers)—but to my mind Ltberaham has long ago ceased to exist. (-. o," a!"d cheers,) Iwitt give you my reasons whyltlunkso. t have'nanvohjections to make to the Radica) party—not only to their programme and to principtes, but to the way in which they put them forward- In the nrat pince, 1 do not think they aiwavs deal fturly and "quarety with the people in putting t.heir principles for- ward. (" Tiley dc," and laughter.) That is a. matter "f opinion, and tnine is that they do not. (InterruptIon) i wiU go beyond that. and give you one or two instance- MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S FALLACIES. I remember reading t speech in which Mr. loudcheer9.)WelI, Dow, as I shall have to mention that narn.e a good many time" you hud ber.tjr do your cheering once aod for all. (Loud laughter.) 1 was going to say he was tatking in Scotland about the condition of the land taw", and he potn'ed out, in words to tbi" ,ffçt, thltt u\ree-f"urt.tls 01' two-thirdf of the land n Scotland was held by an ex'-eedingiy small num- Mrof landowners—300 or 350. or something of that kiou. He M)en went oa to argue in this faso'on:—"If you c'u'rvout this prop'.sition the wh"le é'£ ScoUa.nd might be he)d by about 500 men these meet in a room together and decide turn the whole of Scotland into a deer forest, anu what a horrible thing th M would be'" I do not call tnat a fair way of putting the ques- tion, because it ts absolute nonsense. (Cheers.) It is insulting the tntethgence of an audience for a politician and statesman to tatk in that way. He must have known very well that the idea of any number of men turning Scotland into & deer forest ia just about as absurd n.a it would be to say a man could come down to Bridgead and turn it into a skittle alley. (Laughter.) ThfH is why I say they do not put things before the public ]n a fair and equareway. CHAMBERLAIN OX CHURCH r""TOLÀNCE. At the tione to which I have referred the same gentleman—1 will not mention his name, be- cause you do not like it—(laughter)—was speaking on Church matters, and he gave as an instance of the intolerance of Churchpeople a case -where some landowner who belonged to that Churc" had t-efuaed n sife for a church for some other denomination, and he appealed to the people to whom he was speaking, asking them if they had ever heard of a groat Nonconformist landowner refusing to give a site for a church. I daresay they had not, but I should like to know how many of the great landowners are Nonconformists. It may be that a landowner belonging to the Church ?f England refused the stte for some Noncon- formist Church. If he did. to my mind, he acted yery That is a. question for every man's COIl3ci,;nC6: and I have no doubt he acted accord- ing to his conscience. I believe be WM entirely wrong, but that haa nothing to do with the question. What I want to point out is the unfairness of the thing in trying to show that Churchpeop!e are bigotted. It was unfair to say Here is a man who refuses a site for a Nonconformist Church. Did you ever hear of Nonconformist landlords doing anything of the kind ?" when you might reckon the Nonconformist landlords upon your finger ends. That is not putting the case fairly. 1 giva these instances to support what I say, that I object to the way the Radical speakers talk to the people. (Applause.) According to my opinion, it is the duty of a man, not oniy to teU the truth, but to put the matter fairly and properly before the country and before the electors of the country, and let them vote according to their consciences and according as common sense dictates. (Loud applause.) THE SPEAKER'S CHANGE OF VIEWS. Now, gentlemen. I want to go back a little, to t.ho time of my own change of views. (Laughter andapplause.) Perhaps that is not very wise in me—("No, no")—hut, at the same time, I feel that I am here talking to some extent as if tarn responsible more or )ess to you for my actions in this matter. 1 toil you frankly at once that the main reason that compelled me to act accord- ing to my conscience and join permanently the Tory party is because I can say I believe that the fil'st 11nd pl'Ímary duty c'Î every Englishmm is to maintain religion and the great, principle of liberty in this country. (Loud applause.) We have have fought it for us — sometimes with the aid of great nobies against despotic sovereigns and sometimes with the aid ot sovereigns against the tyranuy of the great nobles—it has been fought by municipalities and by the people, and gradually we have won liberty and freedom, civil and religious; but the battle has not yet ended. THE DESPOTISM OF THE CAUCUS. I am not sure that the greatest struggle of all has not got to corne, because there is no form of despoti:;m in the world so virulent and so .iolent as that which threatens us now, and that is the despotism of the Caucus—a despotism exercised by rings of men manipulating the mob and manipulating the voters of the country. (Ap- plause and a Voice Bosh.") I believe that the most sacred principle in the world, and the one most, worth lighting for, is individual freedom— (apphmse)-the right of a man to enjoy the fruit of his own labour, the right ot'aman to do anything in tho world he pleases, provided he does not interefere with the general welfare of his fellow-men. (Loud applause.) That, to my mind, is the great principle imperilled by modern Radicalism, (''No/'andapplause.) That is the principle which it is the duty of the Tory party to maintain. (Applause.) Lord Wimborne lias aliuded to the hrst time I ever spoke in the House of Lords. It is an occasion w¡,jcll I am not likely to forcl, be,ause it is a formidable thing to speak in that House, and I can assure you that the hrst tim<: it is most for- midable. (A Voice We want to get rid of them." Laughter and applause.) I see one gentleman does not want to give me the trouble of making any more speeches there. (Laughter.) I made that speech very reluctantly on the Liberal side of the HOUSè, alJing upon the Liberals to support her Majesty's Government. (Loud applause.) Lord Beaconsneld and Lord Salisbury were then engaged in the task of endeavouring to steer tueir country through one of the most dimcult crises that it has evet been placed in. We were on the very verge of falling into a war with Russia; the country was in a very critical posi- tion, and, to my mind, the Liberal party, to which I belonged, behaved in a manner eminently un- patriotic. (Applause.) They offered factious opposi- tion—(" No, no ")—to her Majesty's Government; they did everything they could to thwart Lord Heaconsneld and Lord Salisbury when they were in most dimcult circumstances; they preferred their party to their country, in my eyes, and then I took the opportunity to make my jirst speech in the House of Lords, and, to the best of my simple ability, appealed to the Liberal party not to prefer their party to their country, but their country to their party, and to assist as far as they could Lord Beaconsneld in preserving us irom a terrible war. (Applause.) THK MIDLOTHIAN CAMPAIGN. Then came the .Midlothian campaign. (Applausa and hisses, and a Voice: The Midlothian trick.") I wonder whether those who cheer Iiave ever taken the trouble to read the speeches which were delivered during that campaign, and whether they have ever com:idered the consequences of those speeches. At any rate, that campaign had the desired rf'sult, which was that tile Conservative Ministry was turned out, that a Liberal Govern- ment came in, and that a Liberal Government lias ruld the country for the last six years, with con- sequences which you ail know. (Applause, and a VOIce: "A hundred million exoenditure.") Now, when you remember the promises held out to us in the Midlothian campaign and the result which followed—when you remember the words in- sert bed on the banner, Peace, retrenchment, and reform," I would like to ask you how much of that programme has been carried out. (Applause, and cries of None at all.") "RETRENCHMENT." Forty-nve or forty-six millions of money—take it at the lower hgure if you like—has been wrung out of the pockets of the ratepayers in excess ot what was spent during Lord term ofomce. (Applause.) J:3estdes, the Ia.te Govern- ment went out of or&cewith a deficit of fourteen or fifteen minions, and raised the taxation of this Cim ntry to tbe tWOl'mous and unprecedented sum of 100 millions. So mud) for retrenchment. This is not a question of opinion, but of ngures. You have a man who goes to you and says, "I am for retrenchment," and he spends a great deal more than ever any Government spent before, and 45 mi)!ions more than his predecessor in o<Rce. (Loud applause.) I say distinctly that this is not a question of opinion, but of hard facts and ngures, and they cannot be disputed. THE QUESTION OF PEACE. Let us now consider the question of peace? Has the country been at peace for the last five or six years r ("No.) IdonotbeHeve that in the histf'ry of Eng!and there has ever been so much unnecessary bloodshed. Never have so many human lives been lost that might perfectly we)i have been saved. (Applause, and a. Voice, "Whose fault was it?") I will tell you ina moment whose fault it was if you will listen to me. (Loud applause.) 1 wii! say a word or two first about the question of South Africa. Some time ago an extraordinary document, written by Mr. Gtadst.one. was put forward before thi's country. (Cheers and hisses.) It was a most talented document; and it' you offered a prize to the man who would write the longest letter with the least in it the prize would certainly bo awarded to Mr. Glad- stone for his Manifesto. (Laughter and appiauae.) If you ask me if that is the kind of Manifesto which a man who has been Prime Minister of Hngiar'd. and who wanta to be Prime Minister again—a man who considers himself, and has a right to be considered, a great statesman—if you ask me if t.hut is the kind of Manifesto that a man or his exalted position ehou'd put before the electors of the country I will aay it is not, it is a perfect disgrace. (Loud appiause and hisses.) I say it is disgraceful because I defy any human being in this room, or out of it, to toil me what it means. (Applause.) If a man can say by reading that Manifesto what Mr. Gladstone's opinion ia upon any great question that anects this country. a!I that I can say ia that he is an exceedingly-clever man. I maintain that it is the dùty of a man in Mr. Gladstone's posi- tion to come forward like a man, and to aay in regard to the great, questions affecting the country what lie considers it is the duty of the electors to da. (Loud applause.) SOUTH AFRICA. Now. Mr. Gladstone says that when he came into "nice he found we (the Conservatives) had annexed the Republic of the Transvnal con- trary to the wiHot the people, and ho ordered the troops to be withdrawn, and would not allow such It thing be done, (Applause andaVoice: "Quite right, too.") Veryweil, 1 wutaskvou to throw your minds back, if you can—(a Voice: They haven't, got any")—tow) tt Mr. Gladstone said in the Queen's Speech when he came into omce. Then 118 said that he found a rising going on in the Transvaal, and that he was determined put that rising down by force of arms. He would nut listen to ..he pe"p)e or treat with them in any way until he had put it down. (Applause.) Now he.says something totaliy different. You know very well what ho did with regard to the Transvaal—we sustained two defeats, the' nnal one at Mabjuba HitI, and then the Govern- ment found that they were doing an act of in- justice and withdrewour troops. AFGHAKTSTAN AND RUSSIAN ADVANCES. I want you to listen to me while I say a few words with regard to Afghanistan and India, be- cause tills is an important, question and one upon which there haa been a great deal of misapprehen- sion atso. It has been constantly said by Liberal' speakers that. Lord Beaconsfield's Government ptunged this country into an unnecessary war in Afghanistan, and that they estranged the Afghan people, and that the late Government, after much dirhculty, succeeded in re-establishing friendly relations with the Afghans. Iwiiltellyou the facts about that. The facts art these :—The Liberals have always maintained that there was no danger to be apprehended from Russian advances towards India. Russia has always advanced when the Liberais were io power in gi:antic leaps and bounds towards Afghanistan and British India Fhe Ltberal Government always said, There is no danger; they woa'tgoanyfurther.' What they wen; accustomed to do waa to put their nnger on the map and say. Wo will not allow you to go further than this," and! when Russia, advanced t,o that place the! Liberal Government said," oh, we did not mean that place, we meant this." putting their nnger! down en another part of the map. (Laughter and appiause) The consequence was that Russia kept constantly advanong, and would never be- heve the Liberal party were in earnest when they made any remonstrance. When the Russians took Khiva the Ameer of Afghanistan, Shore Ali, became seriously alarmed, and went to Lord Northbrook (the Duke of Argytt being then Indian Secretary).tnd required a distinct assurance that wa would back him up against Russia. He wanted heip in money and arms, and wanted to know for certain whether we would back him up, because, he Russia is coming too near to us." (Applause). We were not frightened at all. Lord Northbrook and the Duke of Argyll were much too brave to be frightened. They said," There is no danger; you are foolishly alarmed." and we refused to give the Ameer of Afghanistan the assurance he demanded. (/' Quite right.) Ho did the only thing left open, and made terms himself with the Power he very naturally thought was the strongM. Se saw Russia always coming on he saw England always going back. (" No.") He said to himself," I must make frienda with the stronger Power, I will make frienda with Russia." He accepted a Russian Envoy at Cabul and refused to receive an English Ambassador. Now, one thing upon which both parties -have always been agreed is this, that English inSueooe was to be supreme in Afghanistan. There never has been any party difference upon that point, but when Lord Lytton demanded that an English Ambassador ahou!d bo aliowed at Cabu! as well as a Russian one the Ameer not only refused, but stopped our Ambassador on the frontier, and insu)ted him. That is a thing that couid not bd allowed. Now, I want you to bear in mind that when Genera! Roberts got to Cabul he found thpre a correspondence between the Ameer and the Russian genera)?, in which the latter urged upon the Ameer to keep on deceiving the English Government, and urged him to stir up a rising amongst the Mussulmans of India—some 70.000.000 of our feMow subjects—and to attack us in India. There is no mistake about this; it was found written down in CabuL If it had not been put an end to you would have had a Mussulman rising in India, and an invasion of that country by Afghanistan, backed up by Russia, and long before this we shouid have )ost our Indian dominions or had a bitcei. and terrible struggle to retain them. To prevent that we went to war. That is to say, we gave the Ameer his choice We said, Either accept our Ambassador, since you have accepted a Russian one, or we nght." We fought, and that war saved us our Indian Empire (Cheers.) A GREAT BLUNDER. It is not the fault of the present Government that their predecessors chose to throw away one of the chief resutts of that war. It was not our fault that they abandoned Candahar, a. military position which every greiit military authority, every Eng- lish general knowing anything about it, and every Indian authority said was the finest position we could possibly acquire. It was a position which was almost absolutely necessary fur us to properly protect and maintain our Indian frontier. But the Liberal Government abandoned it because Mr. Gladstone said he meant to upset and undo every- thing Lord Beaconsneld had done. He threw away the magnificent position of Candahar; he abandoned the railway being made to Quetta, he tore up the rails and sacrificed the railway plant, and then had to begin making it over again him- self. (Cheers.) A DARK PAGE IN ENGLISH HISTORY. I do not want to sa,y much about Egypt—(a Voice Ireiand '—because that brings us to one of the most painful pages that has ever been written in English history. Hut I want to point out the main sequences of events in Egypt. Every man who has studied this question and read the Blue- book—which I daresay many of you have not or you would not look so happy—(Daughter)—must know that the whole trouble arose from the Identic Note which was sent by Lord Granvitle—I think in January or February—and the Uttimatum that preceded the bombardment of Alexandria' I do not expect many of you to know a great deal about these things. (" Why not ? ") I will tell you why. I do not see why any Liberal should be expected to know much about it when Mr. Gladstone, speaking in the House of Commons, turned the thing upside down, and said tl.n massacres came before the bombardment, instead of the bombardment before the massacres. (Laughter and cheers.) If your leader knew nothing about the subject of which he was speaking I do not see why you should. However, as a matter of fact, it was that Ultimatum which led to the bombardment, and the bombardment pro- duced the massacres. Then came the military rising and expedition, which, as you know, ended in the defeat of the Egyptian Army and then Egypt became, practically, entirely in our hands. I am not going to remind you of Tokar and Sinkat. and so on, because the least said about those things the better. I want, however, to remind you of one thing, which, to my mind, was the greatest crime to humanity that any nation ever committed, and that was when we compelled the Egyptian Govern- ment to abandon her garrisons in the England has great interests in Egypt—interests of paramount importance connected with the Suez Canal—but no country should have any interests so great as to allow it to commit an act of such cruelty as that. I do not say we ought to have rescued the garrisons in the Soudan—1 won't go into the question of whether we could or cou)d not—but if we could not do it, we had no right to compe! the Egyptian Government to abandon them. (Hear. hear.) Wo insisted on this being done, and the Egyptian Ministry resigned sooner than carry it out. and we set up another. We would not allow Egypt to rescue them by the only means by which they could have been rescued, and that was with the assistance of the paramount Power, Turkey. (''Hear, hear," and "No.") That was not allowed, and this country is responsible for every life thttt was lost in the Soudan in consequence. (Cheers.) N't nation has ever committed a more grievous tin, and we shall have to pay for it. Engtand has paid for it already with a good many English lives and by the loss of one man—the greatest Chris- tian hero of modern time, perhaps of all time— (cheers)—and I doubt whether we have yet paid the fuH penalty. NEMESIS. You may call me superstitious or anything you like, but I do not believe that such an amount of bloodshed—unnecessary bloodshed, that could have been prevented by common prudence, nrm- ness, and courage—could bo shed without catiing aioud for justice. (Cheers.) These are matters of the past, and I hope the peopie of this country will consider very carefully whether they are pro- pared to allow the same men to p)unge their country into similar, or, it possible, greater, dim- cutties. ("No.") Of the masses, I think there is very littia doubt. \"0h. and cheers) I am perfectly certain if they will take the trouble to examine into the promises now given by the Radicals, and look at them in the light of expe- rience, they will not be)ieve them. They must see that not a tingle promise that waa made to them by the Liberal Government, has been fu)hi)ed. (Cheers.) If they have any common sense they wiil sure]y look with some suspicion at the promises now being made. I do not be:ieve the people of t.his county will allow human blood to bo shed in such a way unnecessarily; they have too much sense and right, feeting to wish to see this county taxed in the way it has been taxed, and money wasted and thrown away—(hear, hear)— their mnra) tone is too high. I betieve they will look beyond their own feelings and wishes and come to the conclusion to—(" Turn out Glad- stone")-uphold the party that will try to remedy this state of things, even if they have to sacrifice some of the objects they hold very dear. (Cheers.) I myself have ideaa—some people call them fads or fancies—that I daresay the Tory party witt not carry out. But when the country is in a great crisis, when affairs arc so very com- plicated, when it becomes a choice between a smalt evil and a great one, I prefer to sacrince some of my own fancies rather than run the risk <g piunging my country into terrible dimcuity (Cheets.) I want you to look beyond yourselves for it is the duty of every man, wherever he may live or whatever his occupation may be, to con- sider the whole circumstances of his country and of the verv different trades and industries in his country; to consider the different clashes in the country; to look to our great Indian Empire and our colonies. THE VALUE OF INDIA AND THE COLONIES. To us in Glamorganshire India is not of para- mount consequence but v-e a!! know, or we should know, that, practica))y speaking, if it were not for India the great, industrial populations of Lancashire and Cheshire woutd starve to death to-morrow. ("Theydusonow.") It is by Indian trade they five, and it is our duty to remember that the maintenance and devetopment of India is necessary for the existence of some of the greatest industries in the country. (Cheers.) Consider a!so that it is the colonies that we have to look to in the future for markets for our goods. Kvery day it becomes more certain that our colonies are, not on)y our best customers, hut that they will probably be our onty customers in the future. Day by day our trade in foreign countries and the United States decreases in proportion to the population, but, on the contrary, our trade with the cotonies gets larger and larger. (Hear, hear.) There 'u'e "ome Liberals who take a ?ound and whoifsome vtew of the colonies; but it is not the view of the Liberal party in general. Perish India." was the Liberal cry. (" No," and hisses.,) It is no use qaying it was not so. because it is an abso- iute fact. Wttether it was wise or foolish is a matter of opinion, but that Mr. Freeman said it cannot be denied. In the same way the leading sentiments of the Liberal party on that point is that the coicnif! are more or ies! a detriment tf this country. (" No.") I am delighted to hear those who, I suppose, are Libcrats here say "No," because I hope. when the t)me cones, on that question at any rate. they wilt vote with the Tory party. (Cheers.) Of one thing you may be certain, and thai ia if the colonies are to be kept, if this Empire is to remain united, and if the bonds between us are to be drawn closer, that ta*<k wi)l he the work of the Tory party. (Loud cheers.) You remember the fact that Australia sent men to he)p us in Egypt; but do you remember what Mr. Gladstone said some years ago about the possibHity Perhaps you don't, so I witf tell you. When Lord Beaconsnetd prorogued Parliament he commented upon the toyaity of the colonies and of the assistance they might render th)s country. Mr. Gladstone answered that by an article in the Nzneteenth Century, and he said the very idea that the British coiomes would give ua any assistance in time of war was absolutely ridicuious. (" No.") I have not the passage with me, but if any Liberal wouid like to have it and wit! write to me wiH send it to him. (Cheers.) We have all seen the result, and I ask you to judge which of the two men had the most statesmanlike view—("Beacons- held and Gladstone ")—which had the clearest vision into the future ? WHAT THK RADICAL PARTY HAS PROMISED. Now, I want you to consider for a. moment what it is the Radical party haa promised the country. I am not going to talk about Mr. Glad stone's. Manifesto, becau>:e that means absolutely nothing. (Laughter and applause.) Nor am I croing to talk about the speeches of men like Lord Hartington or Sir Charies Diike—most unfortu- nate people, who nnd themselves in a most ridicu- lous and uncomfortable position. I want to say a word or two about the programme that has been put forward, and upon which an attempt is made to unite the Liberal party. That, practically speaking, resolves itseif into three points, about which I want to say a word or two. I will take nrst THE QUESTION OF LAND. and will deal afterwards with education and disestablishment. (Cheers for Chamberlain and hisses.) There is the promise of three acres and a cow—(a Voice: "Where are the pigs?")— but I do not think that will rally the Liberal party. In the nrat place, the agricultural population of this country is much too sensible to believe in promises ef that kind. They know very well that they can make a better living by bein; in constant work than they could upon three acres of land. I am not going to argue that point, because I will be content to leave it to the sense of the agricultural population throughout the United Kingdom, but I will say a word or two upon the proposition to set up small freeholders in the country, and to the endeavour to set up a class of small occupiers—peasant proprietors. It ia quite a mistake to auppose, as some Tory IIJII&kers have swoposed, that Mr. Chamberlain m. tended to give any land away to anybody. He is much too sensible a man to do anything of th9! I kind. What he proposes to do is simply to tax one part of the community in order to nnd land for another part. (Grips of "No" and applause.) What he says he wishes to do ia this: He says country people Bock to the towns, where their competition beats down the wages, there- fore these people must be kept upon the land, and to keep them upon the land we must hire out to them small farms of nve or ten acres, and in order to purchase these we must have money from the rates. (" No, no," and ap- plause.) Crenttemen, Mr. Chamberlain has never denied that, that ia his proposal. There is no way under Heaven in which it can be done otherwise. The money must- bo got, and the only way it can be got is to raise it upon the rates. The ratepayers I in the towns are asked to contribute money in order to set. up men in the country and keep them in possession of sma)I farms of ten to nfteen acres. (" No. no," and applause.) I doubt very much whether that cou!d possibly pay. I need scarcely say that I, like every other landowner, would be only too delighted to have the number of land- owners in the country very largely increased. The more landowners we have the better, but I do not approve of increasing the number by artincial means. (A Voice "Suppose you were to reduce the rents one-fourth P") If wo can possibly have a class of smail yeomen no one will welcome it more than I wit), because it wilt be better for the other landed proprietors, and everyone of them wilt vote the Tory ticket. (Loud applause.) But my contention is that if it cannot be brought about without artincia! means it ought not to be done at all, because it will on!y bring misery and ruin upon the people themselves. (Applause, and a Voice: Didn't you help to do it in Ireland!) I wilt te)I you why. Agriculture is not a very prosperous business, and at present it is in a very bad way. (A Voice: The rents are too hjh.") Of depressed industries it is. perhaps, the worst in the country. And, practically speaking, what you sa.y is this: Agriculture is in a bad way, therefore we insist upon it that it shall be carried on in the most expensive way possible and at the greatest disadV'anta.!{e. LARGE AKD SMALL FARMS. I appeal to any man who knows anything about agriculture whether it ia not more expensive and tesa advantageous to farm small farms of ten or nfteen acres than to farm farms of a fair size. (Applause.) Every human being who knows any. thing at all about agriculture is perfectly aware of the fact that a man can farm 10C acres of jtand at a better pront and cheaper than ten men can farm ten acres each. (Applause.) I maintain that when an Industry like agriculture is in a bad way it is the height of folly to endeavour to insist that it should be carried on under disadvantageous circumstances. I object to Mr. Chamberlain's scheme because it is Protection in the very worst form. (Applause and cries of dissent.) I wi!l toil you why it is Protection. Because these men cannot buy the land and set themselves up by themselves. The whole class of yeomen lias nearly disappeared owing to natural causes. They have disappeared because agriculture does not pay and because they get more for their money else- where. (Applause.) It paid them better to sell, and they got a better investment for their money. They could not maintain themselves owing to natural causes, and they cannot spring up again under natural circumstances. You must contribute —and Mr. Chamberlain himself admits that it must come upon the rates—to put men in small farms, and when they are there they will be unabia to maintain themselves. And you will have to con- tribute more or less to their support out of the rates. That ba a wise thing or it may be a foolish thing, but I maintain that for the State to advance money to help any particular industry— agriculture or anything else—is Protection in its very worst form, and, therefore, I object to that way of treating the land dimculty. WNNECESSAR? RESTRICTIONS ON LAND. My view of the matter ia entirely diSerent. I believe in the view of the Tory party, that land should be aa free aa it can possibly be made. Remove all unnecessary restrictions from the sale of land; make the transfer of land aa free and easy as it can possibly be made. I believe in taking away everything that could lead to the accumula- tion of land in the hands of a few people. The sooner it is distributed in the hands of the many the better will it be; but it should not be done forcibly or artincially. All you can do is to remove everything that tends in the other direction. Some people hope a great deal from the alteration ot the law of primogeniture. I am entirely in favour of that alteration, but I do not believe it will have any very great effect. The taw of primogeniture is simply this, that a custom that obtained over the greater part of the kingdom has been recognised by law. That custom is not absolutely universal. In some parts of England the law is.tot.ally different, and when a man dies intestate the property goes, not to the eldest, but to the youngest. In another part of the country the property ia divided among the children. Jt is the almost universal custom, how. ever, that the property goes to the eldest. That became law because it was the wish of the people, and to tell me that by doing away with it you are going to alter the principle or idea that ia ingrained in this people is absurd, and in all probability it will have very little effect. And the same may bo said with regard to the law of entail. Do away with it by all means. It may have been at one time a great harm. but at present I do not think the doing away of tins law will effect any great good. As a matter of fact, there is plenty of land in the country at the present time which can be pur. chas&d at a very low price. The dimculty is to get any human being idiotic enough to buy. There are thousands and thousands of acres to bo sold, and sold at a very low rate. THE QUESTION OF ALLOTMENTS. I am in favour of allotments, because I think if the agricultural labourers can have small allot- ments it will be better for them, for the farmer, and for tho landowner. I am all in favour of doing away with every restriction, and giving a man every facility and encouragemfnt to buy land and ho!d small quantities, and t3 en. courage small freeholders, because they are the backbone of all countries; but, surely, natural common sense wit) tell us that one of the best ways to do so is to make a man absolutely cer- tain that if ho puts money in land it will be safe. Everything you do to give a sense of insecurity to anyone who has anything to do with land wilt tend in the opposite direction. (Loud applause; and a Voice: You're no Tory.") It must be re- membered that it will cut both ways. The Radicals sometimes say land should be treated as any other commodity, and in that I quite agree. (Applause.) But at other times they say it is different from ary other property, and should be treated diffe- rently. It cannot be both. you know. (Applause.) It the nation lias to contribute towards land, it' it is to be rated differently from other property, and if a man has to pay a ransom for holding that sort of property, then it is different. But, if it is to be treated the same as personal property—and there is no din'erence between it and any other kind of property—wetl, then, there ia no difference. (Laughter and applause.) No amount of chop los.:ic can reconcile the two. THE IRISH QUESTION. I want to say a word or two about another sub- ject. A gentleman in the gallery is very anxious that I ehoutd say something about Ireland. I do not know what he wants to know. but I will aay a word or two. It is often said Why should you not do for England what you have done for Ireland, and why not give the agricultural labourers the same privileges here as there ?" I try to be a practical man, and if I wera wont to advocate those changes the nrst thing I would do woutd be to pick out a number of Engiish labourers fro;u different parts of the country and send them over to Iretand to see whether they would like to change places with the smalt cotiers there. (Ap- ptause.) I am quite certain what their answer wouid be. But it is impossible to compare the condition of things in Ireland with the condi- tion ot tilings in this country. Ireland ia an unfortunate country, and in some respects an un- happy country. (Applause, and a Voice: Why ?") I am going to tell you why if you will wait n minute. (Applause.) It is an unfortu- nate country mainly for four reasons, two of which cannot possibly be helped. It is mainly unfortu- nate necause it has no coal, and can have no great industry, and the people become dependent upon one industry only. It is unfortunate, in another resnect, that it lias a bad climate, and that a great portion nf it is very poor land, and, although it is nt for grazing, it is not nt for tillage—it cannot support the population. These are two natural reasons which nothing under heaven can get over. There are two other reasons, one of which ia that Ireland has been a ready prey to political agitators, and has suffered terribly from many years of Liberal miarute. (Loud applause.) Now, what can be done with political agitators there I cannot hut I must appeal to that friend in the galipry who has interrupted, and ask him to do his be&t to remove the latter grievance, and take care that Ireland is not subject in the future to nve more years of Liberal miarule. LIBERAL COERCION IN IRELAND. Of one thing I am pretty certain, that ia that the Irish people are heartily sick of the way in which the Liberal party have treated them. They do not forget that the Tory party have brought in, I think, one or at most two Coercion Acta, whilst the Liberals have brought in and passed, and subjected Ireland to, some 30 of them. These are things the Irish do not forget, and they will take good care, if they can help it, that they are not subjected to Liberal rule again for some time to come. FRES EDUCATION AND DtSESTABLISHMENT INSEPARABLE. Now, I want to say a few words about free education, as it is called, and Disestablishment. The two must so together. I b(-g your attention for a few minutes, and if any Liberal here really wants any information from me that I can give him I should bo obliged if lie would ask it me when I have done speaking. (Cheers.) Now, as to this subject of Free Schools and Disestablish- ment. I want you to boar in mind that the two &l'e inseparable. (Hear, bear.) Whatever be the denomination to which you belong, think very carefully and conscientiously whether you are prepared to see the education of this country made entirely secular. Though you may not see it now, that ia what it undoubtedly is. That is what is aimed at. It is all very well to say you may have a free Board School, and there is no reason why there should not bo a Denominational School alongside. It ia impossible you cannot afford it. The same man cannot pay heavy school rates and pay for another school in which bis children may receive religious instruction and if you insist upon gratuitous education—upon educa- tion paid for out of the rat"—you wilt have to give up Denominational Schools, and your children wilt have to bo educated without any religion whatever. (" Sunday Schools.") I put the very simple proposition to you. Whether you can p&y for both free and Denominational Schools, and I* am perfectly certain that the answer ia plain and simple: you cannot do the two. (" Right you are," and laughter.) I do not beHeve there is much I hardship in the school pence: it is nM that which hurts a labouring man, it ia his deprivation of the labour of his children. (Cheers.) We have decided rightly or wrongly, that it is well for the State that the father should be deprived of the labour of his child, and that is where the hardship lies. Now, a word concerning the Church; and in dealing with Church questions I want to impress upon you the absolute necessity of considering the circumstances of the whole country, looking, not at yourselves alone, but at the whole of Great Britain. (" Wales.") Well, I think you may look beyond Wales, for, after all, it is an Integra) part, and not an unimportant part, of the United Kingdom. ("Welsh question.") I want to tell you why I am not in favour of disestab- lishing and disendowing the Church; and I will tell you one thing which. I daresay, wil! cause me to fall away much in your estimation. I had very strong views myself in favour of Disestablishment —(hear, hear)—but, after having been a gret deal ia America, and having got a Iitt)e older and wiser, I have now equally strong views to the con- trary. (Cheers.) My reasons against it are two: I am against discstablishment, in the nrst place, because I believe it will be very detrimental to the cause of religion—(cheers, and No ")—and I think it would re-act very badly against the denominations of this country. I do not under- value one atom the grievances under which Non- conformists suffer or have suffered, but I appeal to them to consider whether evils much greater may not result from disestablishment than from remedying the evils under which they feel they live. I ask them to consider the matter from every point, of view. 1 have hearà a great deal of nonsense talked on this subject in many partp of the country. I do not suppose anybody comes down here because you understand the matter; but I have heard people maintain that the Estab- lished Church was paid for by the State and out of the rates. I am not going ta argue about that, because I am perfectly certain that every man well knows that the State does not contribute one penny, and nothing is raised out of the rates for the Church. (Cheers and Tithes.") Now, if you interfere by law with one set of endowments is there not a danger in the future that another set may also be interfered with? Do not forget or undervalue the mass of purely secularists in the country. There are great numbers of people whos<* end and object is that there should be no religious instruction they wish to have no religion in the country, and if you tamper with endowments which have been given to the Established Church is there not a danger that the money which has been given to Non- conformist bodies will also be tampered with ? You may not think so, but there is very great danger indeed. But there is another reason I want to point out. If the Church were disestablished a man who is a. Churchman, and who is, like myself, not very well to do—(laughter)—would only spend his money in the support and maintenance of the Church to which he belonged. He would not be able to afford subscriptions or sites of land for churches of other religious bodies. That is an absolute fact; it is only just that it should be so. But. there is still another reason. It is all very well for you here in this county, which is to:erably prosperous, and the people are able to afford religious ministrations for themselves in whatever form they choose, but there are great districts in the country—purely agricultural dis- tricts—very sparsely inhabited, where it is abso- lutely certain that if you disendow the Church the people will have no religious ministrations what- ever. (''No.") Thatisu'ue.Thepeoplearefar too poor to afford it. I know a. great number of you say no. 1 would ask those who say tht, have you been into those parts ? If you have I am quite certain you will agree with me that there are districts where, if you confiscate wuat belongs to the Church, the people will have to cto without any religious instruction whatever. They will have to do this or accept the ministrations of a Church to which they do not belong. The Roman Catholic body is very strong throughout the country, they are very rich, and no doubt they will do all they can and the nrst result of disendowing the Church in many districts would be to force the population living there to become members of that particular de- nomination of Christianity. (Cheers and No.") That is one of my reasons for holding the views 1 do, but it is not my principal reason. NONCONFORMISTS FLAYING INTO THE HANDS OF ROMANISTS. I believe the whole question of Christianity in this country is involved in this: There has been started in Germany, and going through France and coming to England. a great wave of what I may call philosophic inn- delity. There has been a very strong reaction in France amongst the agricultural population against this Atheism and irreligion, which haa resulted in a large accession to the Conservative party. (Cheers.) I have no doubt a similar reaction will take place in this country. But I want Noncon- formists to think quietly over the question, and search their consciences to see whether what they want to do will not strike a very heavy blow against the whole cause of Christianity and reli- gion. It is idle saying there is not a strong party in the country opposed to religion. There is an enormously-strong and growing party, and if religious people do not take action in time they will nnd that party get the stronger and inndelity more dimeult to grapple with. This, then, is all round a most important question for any nation, and I beg of you to consider it, not lightly, but earnestly. (Laughter.) Gentlemen, this is not a subject to laugh about—it is not a laughing matter whether England is to continue a Christian country; whether her children are to be brought up with a knowledge of religion. No nation can be great and prosperous with,put she has religion —(loud cheers)—and I say it ia not a matter to laugh about. Before I sit down I will say just a few words more, because what I have said has been prin- cipally of a negative kind. As 1 object strongly to the whole Radical programme, I may be expected to say a word or two as to what the Tory programme is. I don't think it is of very much importance what a man promises it ia what he performs. I prefer a man who performs to a man who makes merely empty promises. If a man gets up and promises retrenchment and then costs the country forty millions more than his predecessors I think his promises are of very little value. (Applause.) If a man says he is not in favour of bloodshed, and causes the loss of 50,000 or 60,000 men in Africa, then I think we should not place much faith in any future promises which that man may make. (Applause.) I like a man of war who gives us peace rather than a man of peace who gives us war. (Ap- plause.) I will now ask you to turn your attention to what has been done during the last three months by the Tory party. The Radicals are never tired of saying that we carried out their policy. Well, we have had a Radical Government in power for nve yeara, and at the end of that time they were as far from carrying out what the present Government has accomplished as they were at the commencement. (Applause, and a Voice: Obstruction.") We have done more in three months than they have done in live or six yeara. THE AFGHAN FRONTIER. It ia all very w oil to say, You have carried out our delimitation of the Afghan frontier," but they couid not get a denned frontier. Russia would not make one. Russia knewthatwhile the Liberals were in power she could cajole and coerce, and never would have come to a delimita- tion of the frontier if the Radicals had unfortu. nately been in power for the next 50 years. (Loud applause.) But when you get a Tory Government in power then Russia said, "Now we have got quite a different class of person to deal with. We have a man who knows his own mind, and when he says he is going to do so-and-so, he'll do it. If he says lie won't let us do this or that, he won't; and the sooner wo settle this matter the better." (Applause.) The late Government had been trying for a great length of time to noat an Egyptian Loan, but the Tory Government ctune in and succeeded in doing it in less than three months, and then they say, You are carrying out our policy." (Laughter and applause.) Certainly, in one way. we have succeeded in doing what they could not, (Applause.) If I have property in some other county, and I get an agent, and say to him, I want you to develop this property." He promises to do ao, and after remaining there nve years spends more than ever has been spent on the pro- perty before, manages to set everybody by the oars, and, in fact, gets things into a most lament- able and terribte state. Then he is supplanted by another agent., who, in two or three months, succeeds in getting things into good order. The other man then turns round and says, "You are only carrying out my policy." (Applause.) I much prefer to point out to you what the present Government has done in Afghanistan Egypt, and other parts of the globe to making profMiaea for the future. I have already spoken upon land, and. you know what the Tory pro- gramme is: it is to make land as free as it can possibly be made, and give a man absolute security for any money ho invests in it. THE COMMISSION ON TBADE. I may point aa far as the Tory policy !a con- corned, to the fact that they have appointed a Royal Commission to inquire into the depression of trade. (Laughter and applause, and a Voice What about the Agricultural Commission ?") This matter was pressed upon the late Govern- ment, but they constantly refused to appoint a Commission. They absolately denied that there was any depression. (Laughter.) They are getting a little wiser now. I suppose no man out- side a lunatic asylum will deny thai trade through- out the greater part of the country is in an ex. ceedingly bad and dangerous condition. The Tory party appointed a Commission, and are doing in this respect a great and necessary and eminently patriotic work. (Applause.) I do not hesitate to say it, because there are many Liberals here, that it is an absolute disgrace to the Radical party that they have tried to throw every obstacle and dim- culty in the way of that Commission because it was appointed by a Tory Government and not by a Radical. (Applause, and a Voice, Hear, hear, from a Radical.") FAIR TRADE. I am myself a member of that Commission, but I do not want to enlarge upon my own views of trade matters; all I want to do is to correct a statement which is often said in reference to .myself, a statement which is absolutely untrue, viz., that I am a Pro- tectionist, and in favour of making food dear by putting a tax on corn, and a lot of nonsense of that kind. I only tell you there is not a single particle of truth in the whole thing. (Loud ap- plause.) It is absolutely false from beginning to end. I do believe—and I am not ashamed to say it—that we cannot in this country nght against hostile tariSs as we have hitherto done. I do be- lieve that the great industries of this country are suffering severely from causes which can be re- medied. I do not believe anything can be done by giving a nctitioua advantage to any industry whatever—(applause)—but I think every industry ought to have fair play, and if any industry is Subjected to unfair play from foreign goods then I say something should be done to put that industry on a fair footing. Let us have a fair neld and no favour. (Loud applause.) These are my principles, taking them broa,ut I am not going into this matter in any way. With an impartial mind, I want to nnd out what is the matter with my country. We are not so bad)y off in Glamorganshire as in other parts of the country. Thousands and thousands are out of work in London, in Birmingham, and all the great towns of the kingdom. There are thousands of men begging for work and women and children begging for bread, and I say it is the bounden duty of every statesman to do his best to nnd out the cause, and it win be an everlasting shame to the Radical party that they have thrown dimculties and obstacles in the way. (Applause.) THE TOBY PROGRAMME. I ask you for one moment, if you have any doubt aa to what the i'ory party is likely to do in the future, to took back upon what they have done in the past for the working class. (Applause and laughter.) Every man here knows, or ought to know, that it was the Tory party who pre- vented children working in mines and women doing the work of brute beasts; that it was the Tory party who regulated the houra of labour in mines and passed the Factory Laws in the faca of the strongest opposition on the part of Mr. Bright and the Radical party. (Applause.) I suppose you do know these things, but if you do not go home and read a little history—(loud applause)—and if you will take the trouble to do so you will nnd out that the Tory party, although they have been in power comparatively iitt)e, have passed infinitely more Acts for the benefit of tne working classes than tha Radicals have, who have been in omce many more years. (Loud applause.) I wilt point to what they have done in the past and to the Commission for inquiring into the housing of the poor. ap- pointed at the request of Lord Salisbury; I win point to tha Commission on Trade, and I wilt ask any candid man whether the legislation of the Tory party in the past, and what is ioreshadowed,is not more likely to do more solid good to the people of this country than dangling before them the Radical idea of three acres and a cow." (Loud applause and hisses.) The Tory party need not be ashamed of their work in the past, and can look with confidence to the future. I do not know what win be done here, but I have not the slightest doubt in the world that the bulk of the people of the country will see that the Tory party in a short time have extricated the country from the terrible dimculties in which they found it. The Liberal policy has raised the taxation and expenditure to jE100,000000, and when they went out of omce they iett a deticit of fourteen or fifteen millions, to say nothing of a sum of money spent on the Admiralty amounting to about a million which thuy cou)d not account for. (App)auae.) They wilt not forget the long and terrible misfor- tunes and crimes which have disgraced our occu- pation of Egypt they will not forgot these things, and they know very well that the cause of these misfortunes is the disunion in the Liberal party. (Loud applause, and a Voice: No.") Whatever that gentleman, who has excellent lungs, may say to the contrary, the bulk of the people of this country and the Radicals themselves know that the terrible disasters and the awful bloodshed of the last few years are due to Liberal disunion. (Apptause.) LIBERAL DISUNION. They know very well, too, there is not the re- motest chance of more union, or, indeed, of any union, in the future, and not a singie Liberal statesman has proposed a certain line but another Liberal statesman has proposed a din'erent line, and stated that what the nrst man proposed was totally wrong and would not do. (Loud applause and hisses.) Mr Chamberlain makes a speech in one direQtion- makes a little lire—and Lord Hartingcon, as Mr. Chamberlain himself expressed it, brings a wet blanket and puts it out. (Loud applause.) And so it is all through. Not a single improvement has been put forward by any Radical speaker in the country which has not been absolutely contra- dicted by another Radical speaker and not only that, but the man whom the Liberal party delight to honour, in a faint endeavour to unite all this diversity of opinion, has promulgated a Mani- festo in which he gives no opinion what- ever. (Loud applause and hisses.) I would ask you to renect very seriously before you connde the fortunes of this great country to men who have brought themselves so low lately before us. When the Liberal party came into omco they came in with good promises—peace, retrenchment, and reform—their prospects were bright, and the people trusted them, and the people were not responsible for what occurred; but the people wiil be responsible if they put the Radical party back in power; they will become responsible for the blood that will bo shed in the future, because they have seen oceans of blood sited un- necessarily. (Applause.) They will be responsible for excessive taxation, because they have seen excessive taxation resulting from Liberal mis- management in the past. I would ask you to think upon these matters, and think upon them very seriously; and I will ask you to think more seriously still upon a subject I spoke about before, and that is that every man, especially Noncon- formists, wilt think very carefully, and decide, according to Ins conscience, whether in advocating relief from what he looka upon as an injustice he is not striking a serious blow against religion and humanity. (Loud applause.) I would ask you to think very seriously about thdt, and let each man consider whether in his heart he wishes that his children shall grow up without religious instruction, and learn what future generations will bo if you disestablish the Church, namely, godless citizens of a godless State. The noble lord then resumed hia seat amidst loud applause. Mr J. T. D.. LLEWELYN (Conservative can- didate for South Glamorgan), who was received with rounda of cheering, proposed a vote of thanks to Lord Dunraven. Mr. HowEL GwiM brieny seconded the vote, which was carried with acclamation. Lord DuNRAVEN having responded, a vote of tbanka to the chairman having been also carried and responded to, the meeting terminated.

SIR MICHAEL HtCKS-BEACH AT…

THE GOWER DIVISION.

THE REPRESENTATION OF SWANSEA.

CONSERVATIVE ME! .TING AT…

MR. B. FRANCIS WILLIAMS AT…