Weekly Mail

LOCAL MEETINGS. MR. MEREDYTII AT SWANSEA. A meeting in support of the candidature of Mr. W. H. Meredyth, the Conservative candidate for Swansea Town Division, was held at the Ivy Bush Inn, St. Thomas, on Monday evening. Mr., Charles Bath, who had promised to take the chair was unavoidably prevented by indisposition from doing so. Mr. J. Morgan Davies presided, and was supported by Messrs. Roger Beck, W. P. Davies Wright, Simpson, E. Prichard, A. P. Stead, &c. The meeting was most enthusiastic, and after Mr. Meredyth's address, in which he referred to the magnificent demonstration at Newport as a proof that the Conservative cause in Wales was flourishing and increasing, and as a sign that it would be the means of returning a number of Conservative candidates to Parliament at the next election, it was proposed by Mr. George Robinson and seconded by Mr. G. Nancarrow :— That this meeting, having heard Mr. Meredyth, approves of his candidature, and pledges itself to use every legitimate effort to return him to Parliament at the coming election as member for (Swansea Town Division. Mr. ROGER BECK and Dr. PADDON having spoken, the resolution was carried and the meeting separated. MR. W. DAVIES, M.P., AND MR. H. G. ALLEN, M.P., AT TENBY. The opening meeting of the Liberal party in Pembrokeshire was held at Tenby on Monday evening, when Mr. William Davies, M.P., and Mr. H. G. Allen, M.P., addressed the electors of the Tenby District in the Public-liall. The room was filled, but a large number present were non-voters. The chair was taken by Mr. Henry Goward, chairman of the Tenby Liberal Associa- tion. In a long speech he tried to explain away what Admiral Mayne had stated in regard to Mr. Bright's action over the Factory Acts, and defended that gentleman's conduct at that time. He denied that Lord Shaftesbury was a Tory; it was true he had been nursed in Toryism, but long ago abandoned it. He scouted the idea of tne opinions of a man like Mr. Macdonald, whom he (the speaker) had never heard of. being put before those of Mr. Bright, who had said that nine-tenths of the measures passed during the last fifty years had been passed by the Liberals. Mr. Macdonald, for all lie knew, might have said what he was stated to have said in a public-house. There was no truth in it. The Rev. LEWIS JAMKS proposed the following resolution:— That this ^meeting ot the electors of Tenby and dis- trict heartily thanks Mr. Gladstone for his full and masterly Manifesto that it considers his review of tilt action of this Parliament justifies the fullest confidence in his Government and as full distrust of the Tory opposition, and it regards his forecast of tne-isut-esfur the immediate and more remote future as highly satis- factory. This was seconded by Mr. M. MATHIAS THOMAS and on being put to the meeting was carried with but few dissentients. Mr. W. DAVIES, M.P., who next spoke, asked whether it was to be Salisbury and the Irishmen or Gladstone and the Liberals in future. He had no doubt it would be Gladstone and the Liberals. He maintained that the action of ths Conservatives, aided as they were by the Par- nellites, drove the Liberal Government from power in order that they might take office, if only for a few weeks, so :1., to secure the pensions for life which those offices carried. (Applause.) That was their object. The Liberal party had secured for them religious liberty, and they would soon have religious equality. He was pleased to say that he voted for Sunday Closing in Wales; and if the Liberal party were returned to power they would do their best to prevent even those on the borders of Wales from evading that Act. (Cheers.) The Conservative narty in the House of Commons did little but bstr let Liberal measures, and if they could not do oo by fair means they did it by obstruction. DJ had been detained in the House all night, night after night, in trying to pass Liberal measures, and the obstacles they had to encounter were intolerable. He would vote for the repeal of this law of primogeniture. With regard to land, there was power to sell, to partition, and to lease at present. Existing land- lords were not so deficient as they were sometimes spoken of. He believed that in the next Parlia- ment the disestablishment of the Church would occupy a foremost position. He would vote for it, and very few of the Welsh members but would do so. (Cheers.) In a short time they would all be educated to vote for it. (Applause.) Mr. HENRY ALLEN said that nearly every measure of the last 50 years had been passed by Liberals. Referring to the recent meeting at Newport of the Conservative party, he was not aware, until he saw it in the papers, that in Tenby they had a Habitation of the Primrose League, whatever that might mean, and he also saw that the same gentlemen who represented the Primrose League also represented the Conservative Association, From the fact that the same gentlemen represented both organisations he did not think them very formidable. These gentlemen were introduced to Lord Salisbury by Admiral Mayne, his opponent. Of that gentleman he had not a word to say except that he (the speaker) thought that he was as capable of representing those boroughs as Admiral Mayne, although it had been stated in the local press that a sailor was more fitted to represent them than a landsman. He was an advocate of quick progress and opposed to anything savour- ing of revolution. For this reason he welcomed 11 the enfranchisement of the two millions of voters in the Parliament to come. They would have faci- lities for the transfer of land, making it more easy for small proprietors to obtain land, and also con- siderable modification in the matter of leases. This was as apparent in the speech of Lord Salisbury as it was in Mr. Gladstone's Manifesto. The question of procedure would also have to be dealt with. He looked forward with great con- fidence to the passing of useful measures for the benefit of the masses. He concluded by stating that lie bad confidence the country would not trust the destinies of the nation to the Tories, but that the Liberal party would go back with a great majority. (Cheers.) Mr. EDWARD LAWS then moved a resolution pledging the meeting to use their best endeavours to return Mr. W. Davies and Mr. Allen at the ensuing election, and the meeting closed. There were several interruptions during the evening. MR. C. II. JAMES, M.P., AT MERTIIYR. A meeting in support of the candidature of Mr. Alfred Thomas for the Eastern Division of Glamor- ganshire was held on Monday evening at the Tem- perance-hall, Merthyr. The chair was taken by Mr. Thomas Williams, Gwaelodygarth, who was supported on the platform by Mr. C. H. James, M.P., and a few small bored local Radicals. There was only a mode- rate attendance, a large proportion of those present being youthful non-electors. After a some- what tedious speech from the Chairman, Mr. C. H. JAMKS, M.P., moved a vote of confi- dence in the home, domestic, and foreign policy of the late Government. The hon. member pointed out the immense importance of the great struggle now before the country, and urged the electors to bear themselves manfully in the fight to return the Liberal party to power with a triumphant majority. There was no doubt that the Irish vote had been bought by the Tories, and unless the Liberals were returned in such strength as to outweigh the combined forces of the Tories and the Irish they would fail altogether. This was a very serious matter indeed, and he hoped the British public would see the position plainly. It was clear from Lord Salisbury's Manifesto that he was endeavouring to make up his party by bribing various interests. There was a remarkable part of his speech, the meaning of which they would see was that all Church, Roman Catholic, Wesleyans, and other Denominational Schools should have separate grants, and be perfectly independent of School Boards, or anything else. This was a grand bid for the Roman Catholic vote. The clergy vote they already had in the main. It was clear that whatever they were not going to do, the Tories were determined upon maintaining the Establish- ment of the Church. That was a subject which in Wales, he thought, was pretty well settled for the Principality was to the backbone for Disestablishment and Disendowment. (Applause.) The motion was seconded by Mr. F. SONLEY JOHNSTONE. Mr. ALFKED THOMAS, in supporting the resolu- tion, said that after reading the speech recently delivered by Lord Salisbury he came to the con- clusion that it was the deatli-knell of Conservatism. Excepting the allusion which referred to the Church of England, it might stand as a very good Liberal speech. So rapid had been the advance of Liberal opinion in this country that the Conser- vatives, in order not to be left so far behind- hand as to be quite out of the race, had had to throw away all they used to consider most worthy of keeping. Dealing with the question of Disestablishment, Mr. Thomas said that it had been sufficiently discussed, and it was now time that they were at work upon it. He thought it should have been settled the same time as the Irish Church was dealt with. The speaker, in touching on the land question, advocated the abolition of the law of entail and primogeniture, and expressed himself in favour of the enfranchisement of lease- holds, the granting of compulsory sites for religious purposes, and free education. The motion was then submitted and carried unanimously. Mr. W. MORGAN (Pant) moved a resolution ap- proving of Mr. Thomas as a fit and proper person to represent the constituency and pledging the meeting to use every legitimate means to secure his return. Mr. DAVID DAVIES (Glebeland) seconded the motion, which was passed with acclamation, and the usual compliment to the chairman brought the meeting to a close. MR. T. P. PRICE AT BLAENAVON. A demonstration was held on Monday afternoon in the square outside the Lion Hotel, Blaenavon, to further the candidature of Mr.T. P. Price, the Radical candidate for the Nerthern Division of the county of Monmouth. Among the speakers was Mr. Blake, the Liberal candidate for the Forest of Dean. In the evening a larere meeting was held in the Town-hall to hear Mr. Price state his political views as the Liberal candidate for the division. Mr. H. L. Baker, solicitor, Abergavenny, presided. A vote of confidence in Mr. Gladstone and the Radical party having been passed the proceedings terminated. ADDRESSES BY SIR J. J. JENKINS, M.P., AND MR. D. PUGH. The Liberals opened their campaign in East Carmarthenshire on Tuesday evening with a mass meeting at Zion Chapel, Llanelly, when the borough representative, Sir J. Jones Jenkins. and the candidate for the Eastern Division, together with other gentlemen, delivered addresses at the above chapel. The attendance was fairly large, and included many ladies. Indisposition kept Sir Arthur Stepney, Bart., away, and in his absence Mr. J. Maybery took the chair. A letter was read from Sir H. Hussey Vivian declaring his regret that a call to London prevented him from attending the meeting, and bearing testimony to the admirable manner Sir John J. Jenkins performed his duty in the House of Commons. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the meeting, said they were on the eve of an important election, as to the result of which neither party could be very cer- tain. He advised the Liberals to be prepared for surprises. Dr. J. A. JONES moved and Mr. JOHN DAVIES seconded a vote of confidence in the late Govern- ment. Sir JOHN JONES JENKINS, who rose to support the motion, said that he believed the next election would be the most important since the great Reform Act of 1832. Speaking of the late Government, he remarked that undoubtedly mistakes had been committed with regard to foreign policy. Mr. Gladstone him- self did not deny it. They all knew what a lover of peace he (the late Premier) had been throughout his life, and what efforts he made to avoid complications with Foreign Powers, and, possibly, in much of his foreign policy he had fol- lowed the lead of others rather than take the initiative himself. Some strong supporters of Mr. Gladstone might have desired to see more firmness shown, especially in Egypt, where much bloodshed might have been spared thereby. Referring to obstruction in Parliament, Sir John said he felt compelled to do justice to the late Conservative leader in the House of Commons, Sir Stafford Nortlicote, by saying that his conduct had always been gentlemanly and straightforward. Never had he seen anything in his action which could be construed into evidence of a desire to obstruct tho business of the House. He then criticised Lord Salisbury's Manifesto at Newport; a large part of this the speaker thought might have been uttered by Liberals. Some of his proposals would have been considered extremely Liberal twenty years ago. Since the present Government had been in power it had confined itself to the passing of Liberal measures. He was glad to notice that the Conservative leader had opened his eyes to the necessity of the great reform of county govern- ment. Undoubtedly, Lord Salisbury was conscious of the fact that the country people had now the power of making their requirements known and get- ting them considered favourably. (Loud applause.) Lately they had heard a great deal of Tory democracy. Much more was included in the pro- gramme of the class who styled themselves Tory I Democrats than appeared on the surface. Ono of their articles of faith was to place an import duty of 5s. per bushel on wheat until the price reached 40s. Hops were to be taxed J61 per cwt. The Commission to inquire into the depres- sion in trade, he said, was a movement to increase the emoluments of landlords. Refer- ring to peasant proprietorship, he adduced reasons to show that it might not prove as beneficial as some people thought. There was much divergence of opinion in rogard to free education, even among Liberals, and he was disposed to take up the same position as Mr. John Bright, who could not yet make up his mind on the subject, but said, I will do what I judge best for the community at, large." Reflecting upon it, one great difficulty had occurred to his (Sir John's) mind which woultl be absent if all the education were carried out by Board Schools. The difficulty was this: if they made education free in Board Schools, would they apply the same thing to the Voluntary and Denominational Schools? This idea of free education was first brought, forward bv Lord Randolph Churchill at Birmingham las't spring, when the leader of the Fourth Party inti- mated that he would be glad to see the education charge largely increased and defrayed cntirelv by the Imperial Exchequer. After a few more remarks the speaker resumed his seat amid applause. Mr. DAVID PUOH said peasant proprietory had always been a favourite idea of his: He wanted to see the land in the possession of many hands. They should have religious equality levei up, not level down. There was an idea that the disestab- lislitment and disendowmeut of the Church in England would have to stand over for a short time, but there was no such understanding in regard to the Church in Scotland or Wales. (Loud applause.) He concluded by urging upon the Liberals united action.—A resolution was moved expressing confi- dence in Sir John Jones Jenkins and Mr. Pugh as Liberal candidates, and pledging those present to use every legitimate means for securing their return. The meeting terminated with a vote of thanks to the chairmftn. LORD EMLYN AT LLANSTEPHAN. A very successful Conservative meeting was held at the Union-hall Hotel, Llanstephan, on Tuesday, under the presidency of Mr. Scott, when Lord EMLYN, who was loudly cheered on rising, delivered a capital speech, which lasted about an hour. His lordship, having reviewed the acts of the late Government, and compared them with the promises made by them in 1880, referred to Mr. Chamberlain's scheme of cottage allot- ments, in which he proposed to give to certain boards the right to buy from the owners the land at a so-called fair valuation, and to div de it into allotments to be given to working men. Let them suppose they bad got this board. This board would require some land, and they would take it from the landlord, without asking his leave, at a fair valuation. But they had not only to deal with the landlord or owner. There was the tenant, who had farmed the land to the best of his ability, and these boards were going to take the land from him without any considera- tion for his unexhausted improvements. They turned him out, and lie could go wherever lie. liked. They knew how hard it was at the present time for farmers who had been all their lives at it, and who had the best machinery, and a good deal of capital, to make farming pay. Was anyone so wild as to imagine that the labourer, without either the knowledge, capital, or machi- nery at his command, could make a living out of his farm. What would be the first, thing he would do? He would go to the money-lender for capital, and when the money-lender had his hand on his throat, he (the speaker) hoped the labourer would go to Mr. Chamberlain and thank him for his kindness. (Laughter.) Then there was the free education scheme which Mr. Chamberlain had brought forward. What did Mr. Chamberlain want to do ? He wanted them to pay L2,000,000 a year in taxation extra in order to pay for the schooling of the children of parents who could well afford to pay it themselves. The speaker concluded his address by urging on those present to do their best in the coming struggle, and to put their shoulders to the wheel. Other speeches having been made, Mr. R. R. CARVER proposed a vote of confidence in Lord Emlyn, which was carried with loud cheers. REAR-ADMIRAL MAYME'S CANDIDA- TURE. A meeting of electors was held at the Masonic-hall, Haverfordwest, on Tuesday evening the chair being taken by Mr. C. E. G. Philipps, the Conservative candidate for the county, when the hall was crowded by a large and attentive audience. The CHAIRMAN congratulated Admiral Mayne on the magnificent meeting that had assembled to wel- come him. Admiral MAYNE, who was received with quite an ovation, after the cheering had subsided thanked them for the cordial welcome they had given him. He would only say that he hoped they would find out before long that he desired to be their friend. (Applause.) He was there that night to endeavour to prove two things— First, why they should not return a Liberal Government; and, secondly, that the best repre- sentative they could have was their humble servant himself. (Loud laughter and applause.) The Liberal Government were utterly unworthy of their confidence. Sir W. Harcourt said he knew the Tory policy to be one of wild taxation, poverty, and distress; and he asked them was there ever a period when they could rememberwhen these things were so rife as within the last six years. (Applause.) The speaker then dealt at some length with the foreign policy of the late Govern- ment, which, he said, had become a by- word with foreign nations. Coming to the Soudan, that found expeditions which had been started too late. The batties which had taken place he described as wanton slaughter, and he saw no reason why England should have turned their troops against those unfortunate tribes. As usual, the Liberals had attributed all this to those wicked Tories. (Laughter and applause.) He was a believer in the federation of the colonies. But Lord Derby had snubbed them so effectually that a hostile feeling had been created. Referring to Mr. Chamberlain's views on the free education scheme, he said there was no such thing as that. He was in favour of any measure which would relieve the poor mm of burdens which oppressed him most heavily. (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, he said he wished to contradict a statement which he understood had been circulated, that he would not go to the poll, and, further, he said he would not leave a stone unturned in endeavouring to be returned as their candidate. The gallant admiral resumed his seat amidst deafening cheers. Mr. PHILIPPS stated that Admiral Mayne was perfectly willing to answer any reasonable question that anyone might wish to put to him. The challenge, however, received no response. Mr. R. T. P. WILLIAMS then read the following resolution:— That this meeting heartily approves of Admiral Mayne's candidature, and pledges itself to use every legitimate effort to secure his return as their representa- tive. The resolution was seconded by Mr. E. H. ELLIS, and was carried with only one dissentient. MR. WM. DAVIES, M.P., AND MR. HENRY ALLEN, M.P. On Tuesday evening Mr. W. Davies, M.P. for Pembrokeshire, and Mr. Henry Allen, M.P. for the Pembroke Boroughs, addressed a large meeting of the electors at the Market-hall, the chair being taken by Mr. Bowen Rowlands, Q.C. There were present on the platform Mr. W. Davies, Mr. Joseph Thomas, Mr. John Lewis, Mr. Samuel Thomas, Mr. John Palmer, Rev. T. Davies, D.D., Rev. D. Meyler, Rev. W. Davies, Mr. Joseph Mary- church, and many others. After an address from the CHAIRMAN, Mr. JAMES PHILLIPS moved a resolution:— That this meeting, approving of the policy of Mr Gladstone's Government, and fully recognising the staunch support Mr. H. G. Allen and Mr. W. Davies have at all times accorded to that Government, pledges itself to use every lawful means to return Mr. Allen and Mr. Davies again to Parliament. Dr. DAVIES seconded the resolution. The resolution was carried unanimously and the candidates addressed the meeting. MABON" AT LLWYNPIA. A well-attended public meeting was on Tuesday evening held at the Baptist Chapel, Llwynpia, in support of Mabon's" candidature for the Rhondda Division. The chair was occupied by Mr. Morgan Jones, who called on Mr. J. Simons to move the first resolution, expressing hope that the. Liberal party would be returned to power, and that the next Parliament would include a good sprinkling of labour representatives. This was seconded by Mr. John Benjamin, and supported by several speakers, after which MAROX," who was received with loud cheers, said he was very sorry for the necessity of having to call attention to some things said at a meeting held in that chapel last week, when a gentleman named Francis said that Mr. Broadhurst told Mabon personally at Southport that had be known he was coming to the Rhondda Valley to speak or fight against the Three Hundred he would not have come at all. Whatever might be the feelings of Mr. Broadhurst on that matter, two things were certain. Mr. Broadhurst understood all the circumstances before he came to the Rhondda, and not one word passed between Mr. Broadhurst and himself concerning the Rhondda Division while they were at Southport. (Applause.) The friend who had said the contrary was quite wrong. (Shame, shame.) Having declared himself a Radical, he explained the programme he had set out for himself as a labour candidate. The motion was then put and carried. A resolution in support of "Mabon's" candi- dature was then proposed by a workman, seconded by Mr. D. Harris, and supported by Mr. George Abblett, Ynyshir, and the Rev. J. S. Edwards, Treorky. Questions being invited, Mr. MORGAN THOMAS said Mabon had read a statement showing what class interests were re- presented in Parliament. He would like to know what interest Mr. Gladstone represented ? (Ap- plause and interruption, a too-enthusiastic sup- porter of Mabon in the gallery being mainly responsible for the disturbance.) MABON replied that, so far as ho understood the classification, Mr. Gladstone was among the Ministers, ex-Ministers, and placemen—(applause) —and the landed interests. (Applause.) An elderly man in the audience asked if Lord Abcrdaro had not represented the working classes better than anyone in Wales, and whether they did not owe to him important mining "legislation. (Applause.) MABON did not think it fair that lie should be questioned on people's biographies. (Applause, and Vote, vote.) The resolution was then put and carried by a large majority. MR. GODFREY CLAHKE AT PONTY- PRIDD. Mr. Godfrey Clark, the Conservative candidate for tho Eastern Division of Glamorganshire. addressed a public meeting at Howard's-hall, Pontypridd, on Wednesday afternoon. There was a good attendance. The chair was occupied by Mr. L. Gordon Lenox, J.P., who said those who 'were present at Newport must have felt pride and satis- faction at the signs that Conservatism was growing in South Wales, hitherto regarded as a hotbed of Liberalism. (Applause.) The Conservative pro- gramme, as then enunciated, was one which even Radicals themselves, through their prin- cipal organs, had really almost failed to find any great flaw in. (Applause.) He then calltd upon Mr. Hamilton to read the can. didate's address to the electors. (Applause.) Mr. HAMILTON then read the address, which dealt exhaustively with the main topics of tho day. Tho CHAIRMAN characterised the address as one combining Conservative progress with reason and common sense. (Applause.) lie proposed a vote of confidence in the present Government. (Ap- plause.) Captain WILLIAMS seconded the resolution, which was carried. Mr. CLARK then roso to address the meeting, and was received with cheers. They were, lie said, in a time of great depression. For the last four or five years matters had been growing worse, and they knew who had been in power during that period until lately. A Government was not respon- sible for the weather, but they were for the broad lines of their policy—(applause)-—and they knew tho Liberals made certain specific promises when they went into power. They knew whether times were better, whether they had been fighting or not, and whether they had spent more money than the Conservatives. (Applause.) For the first time on record the year's expenditure had attained the enormous sum of one hundred millions of money, and the taxpayers would consequently be touched on the breeches pocket. (Laughter and applause.) Referring to Lord Salisbury's treatment of the land question, he said it was more practical and sensible than any of his opponents' suggestions. (Applause.) As to the proposal to lend money to farmers to buy land, he asked why not also, on ,the same ground, give money to other people to start shops., (Laughter and applause.) The Rev. S. R. JONES, vicar of Glyntaff, proposed a resolution pledging the meeting to do its utmost to secure Mr. Clark's return for East Glamorgan. (Applause.) He (the speaker) had been a clergy- man for twenty years, and had not attached himself to any political party before this contest. But, inasmuch as a certain political party had made it a leading feature of its creed to rob the Church of her birthright, he had now taken his side. Then another question was free education. Ho held that Nonconformists were satisfied to allow children to grow up uneducated until they had the power to put their hands into other people's pockets. But since then they had developed a wonderful interest in education. He urged that the transfer of Voluntary Schools to the rates would mean an enormous expenditure. Mr. R. MALE seconded the resolution, and it was declared carried. MEETING AT TAFF'S WELL. On Wednesday night, at the Board School, Taff's Well, a meeting of the supporters of Mr. Godfrey Clark, the Conservative candidate for East Gla- morganshire, was held. Mr. H. Lewis, Green Meadow, occupied the chair. A number of resolutions were submitted to the meeting. MR. ARTHUR WILLIAMS AT PENARTH. Mr. Arthur Williams, the Liberal candidate for the Southern Division of Glamorganshire,addressed a meeting of the electors on Wednesday evening at Andrews' Hall, Penarth. The hall was crowded to excess. The Conservatives were strongly repre- sented. Mr. J. P. Thompson occupied the chair. The first resolution was moved by Mr. THOMPSON :— That this meetinl: expresscs its indignation at lhe cou- duct of the present Government, and trusts that the electors will at the General Election return a Liberal Government to power. The motion was seconded by Mr. JOHN DUNCAN. Mr. WILLIAMS, who was received with applause, then addressed the meeting. He said nothing was so culpable as the conduct of the nominal head of the Conservative party, Lord Salisbury. At the mention of Lord Salisbury's name by Mr. Williams there was loud and long- continued applause, mingled with some hisses. They" would get nothing real if they trusted to the Conservatives. Lord Salisbury At this stage the meeting got very uproarious. Order having been restored the speaker went on to say that Lord Salisbury objected to the dis- endowment of the Church, but this statement was also greeted with loud applause. The resolution was then put and carried, but several hands were held up against it. A man at this stage of the proceedings got up and demanded a hearing amidst great dis- order, He asked what charge had Mr. Williams to bring against the present Administration since they had been in office. But Mr, Williams declined to answer the question. SIR HENRY JACKSON AND MR. WARMINGTON AT TYDEE. Sir Henry Jackson and Mr, C. M. Warmington addressed a Liberal gathering at the Board Schools, Tydee, on Tuesday night. The meeting, which contained a large sprinkling of the juvenile element, was presided over by Mr. M. W, Mog- grid,e.-After the chairman had briefly opened the proceedings, Sir Henry Jackson was called upon to address the meeting, and submitted a motion ex- pressing confidence in Mr. Gladstone and the late Government, and an anticipation that they would be returned to power at the next election by a large majority. In the course of a tame and uninteresting speech, Sir Henry was compelled to admit that the Egyptian policy of .the late Adminise tration had been a failure and a mistake. Refer- ring to the recent speech of the Prime Minister at Newport, he expressed his agreement with the noble marquess in his remarks concerning the cheaper transfer of land. He would like to see other reforms carried out in con- nection with the land question, and he strongly favoured the proposal of small allotments, The speaker further expressed his approval of a reform of the House of Lords, and pledged himself to support free education.—The motion was seconded by Mr. Lethby, Risca, and Mr. Warmington next addressed the meeting, after which the motion was put and carried. A second proposition, expressing confidence in Sir Henry Jackson, the Liberal candidate for South Monmouthshire, was also subsequently passed. LIVELY RADICAL MEETING AT CAERLEON. Mr. Joseph Howes, a Radical itinerant lecturer, addressed a meeting at the Drill-hall, Caerleon, on Tuesday evening, Mr. Lewis, Maindea Hall, in the chair. After the address matters became some- what lively in consequence of a promise which emanated from the chair that subjects should be discussed being set aside by the chairman pro- hibiting any more than mere questions and answers.

WELSH MEMBERS' VOTES ON LOCAL OPTION, SUNDAY CLOSING, &c. We have received, through the courtesy of Mr. Danvers Power, of the Country Brewers' Society, the following extracts from a return of the votes given since 1880 by members of Parliament who are candidates at the forthcoming election:— Sir E. J. REED (Cardiff Boroughs) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for England, Durham, and Wales; also for the increased duties on beer and spirits (Budget, 1885). Mr. C. R. M. TALBOT (Glamorganshire) voted only twice—viz., against Sunday Closing for England and for the increased duties. Sir H. H. VIVIAN (Glamorganshire) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for England, Durham, and Wales and for the increased duties. Mr. L. L. DILLWYN (Swansea) voted for Local Option, Welsh Sunday Closing, the closing of public-houses on polling days, Corrupt Practices Bill (prohibiting use of committee-rooms in public- houses, &c.), and the increased duties. Mr. E. H. CARBUTT (Monmouth Boroughs) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for England, Durham, and Wales closing on polling days, Cor- rupt Practices Bill, Wages Bill (prohibiting the use of public-houses for payment of wages), and for the increased duties. Colonel the Hon. F. C. MOKGAS (Monmouth shire) voted against Local Option, Sunday Closing in England and Durham, Corrupt Practices Bill, and the increased duties. Mr. J. A. ROLLS voted against Local Option, Sunday Closing for England and Durham, and the increased duties. Mr. C. H. JAMES (Merthyr) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for England and Wales, closing on polling days, Corrupt Practices Bill, and Payment of Wages Bill. Mr. H. RICHARD (Merthyr) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for England and Wales, Corrupt Practices Bill, and the increased duties. Mr. W. F. MAITLAND (Brecknock County) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for England, and the increased duties. Mr. CYRIL FLOWER (Brecknock) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for England, Durham, and Wales; and for the increased duties. Mr. W. R. H. POWELL (Carmarthenshire) voted for Local Option. Sunday Closing for England and Durham, Corrupt Practices Bill, Payment of Wages, and increased duties. Lord EMLYN (Carmarthenshire) voted against Local Option and Sunday Closing for England, also against the Corrupt Practices Bill and the increased duties. Sir J. J. JENKINS (Carmarthen Boroughs) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for Cornwall and Durham, Corrupt Practices Bill, and increased duties. Mr. W. DAVIKS (Pembrokeshire) voted for Local Option and Welsh Sunday Closing Bill. Mr. H. G. ALLEN (Pembroke Boroughs) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for England, Corn- wall, Durham, and Wales; closing on polling days, and increased duties. Lord KENSINGTON (Haverfordwest) voted for Local Option, Sunday Closing for England, Corn- wall, Durham, and Wales; closing on polling days, Corrupt Practices Bill, and increased duties.

LORD ] HARTINGTON'S THREATENED RETIREMENT. The London correspondent of the Bristol Times and Minor says:—" The Whigs who sit and dis- cuss old-fashioned politics at Brooks's are in it state of great agitation about their leader, the Marquess of Hartington. Mr. Chamberlain's threat not to take office unless his peculiar schemes are taken up by the next Liberal Cabinet is quite lost sight of in the general apprehension about Lord Hartington. His speech on Saturday is taken to mean 'No surrender;' but what the Whigs fear is that the hope of the House of Cavendish will throw up politics in disgust. Lord Hartington has hinted as much himself, and those who are acquainted with his disliko of worry and annoyance, especially in official life, quite believe that the future Duke of Devonshire will not be found in the next Liberal Cabinet. Lord Hartington is not the sort of man to fight with his colleagues. He gave up the leadership of the Liberal party to Mr. Gladstone without a murmur, and although he has treated Mr. Cham- berlain with aristocratic scorn, both in and out of Parliament, it is the scorn of the man who is per- sonally offended by the presence of a political Cheap Jack rather than any desire to interfere with his calling. But, to tell tho truth, Lord Hartington is a lazy man. In the House of Gammons he lolls on the Treasury Bench with his eyes closed, and treats the most exciting politics in the most i in perturbable manner."

THE PALL MALL GAZETTE AND MR. LEWIS MORRIS. In criticising tho merits of the various candi- dates for the professorship of poetry at Oxford the Pllll ilfall Gazette remarks that "an expounder of poetry need not, fortunately, bo a great poet him- self any more than a teacher of singing needs to be a Mario. It is not in the least necessary that he should ever have perpetrated a verse, but it is highly desirable that he should not have perpe- trated (since arriving at years of discretion) any considerable number of bad veases. This con- sideration should put Mr. Lewis Morris out of tha running for the Oxford professorship. Whatever may be Mr. Morris's gifts-and such popularity as his is not to be acquired without merit of some sort—a pure taste, a just sense of style, certainly cannot be reckoned among them, and this is pre- cisely the one thing needful for the occupant, of a chair of poetry."

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FREE EDUCATION. WHAT MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S* PRO- POSALS ARE. IMPORTANT CORRESPONDENCE. In sending to the Times correspondence which he has had with Mr. Chamberlain on the question of the free education proposals, Dean Plumptre says :—" As the outoome of the interchange ot' views contained in them, I would venture to express my conviction that it will be the wisdom and the duty of that it will be the wisdom and the duty of Churchmen to join Mr. Chamberlain in offer- I ing free education to the labouring poor with I both hands, and not to wait till he offers that boon with one hand, while the other is stretched forth to deprive the working classes of their free Church. It is, I think, honour- able in him that he does not make, as he might have made, the offer of free education the bait by which to allure those classes to the work of disendowment, but is willing that each question should be fought out on its own merits." Dean Plumptre, in his letter to Mr. Chamberlain, while expressing general concurrence in the scheme of free education, says:—With this general agree- ment, however, thero still remains a difficulty which stands in the way of complete acceptance. I do not gather from your speeches how you pro- pose to apply the principle of free education in the case of Voluntary Schools, whether of Churchmen or Nonconformists. In the case of Board Schools the difficulty might be met, I suppose, by increasing the school rates till they covered such part of the cost of the schools as is now covered by the chil- dren's pence. But even-handed justice and respect for the rights of conscience demand, I think, that Voluntary Schools should be helped in a way which should not interfere with the freedom of their voluntaryism, and the question which I wish to ask is whether you propose that they also should be helped out of local rates to the same extent, or whether both Board and Voluntary Schools should receive larger Government grants than at present, based upon the average attendance-whether, in otlier words, tha money wanted should come from local or national taxation. I note, of course, that in some of your speeches you hint vaguely at applying some of the revenues of a Church disestablished and disendowed to this purpose; and it is here that I am compelled to join I issue with you, and to regret that you have mixed up two questions which are clearly separable, and which ought, in my judgment, to be dealt with separately, The standpoint from which I look on things may, perhaps, influence my judgment, as your standpoint may determine yours; but I am constrained to say, while I admit fully the mistakes and shortcomings of the clergy in times past and present, that, in common with not a few Liberals, lay as well as clerical, I find in the activities of the clergy one of the chief hopes of the future of England, and should look on their disendowment as a grievous wrong done to the labouring poor of our country. I could not purchase what I admit to be a good at the price of an overbalancing evil. I find, however, some ground of re-assurance in the fact that while you put free education into the forefront of your programme, you are content, while pressing the question of disestablishment by all legitimate means, to relegate it to what the great leader of your party has called the dim and distant future," and I presume, therefore, that you are prepared with some at least provisional scheme for carrying the former into execution which will not necessarily involve the latter, and it is with the hope of ascertaining what that scheme is that I have now ventured to address you. MB. CHAMBERLAIN'S REPLY, To the Very Rev. E. H, Plumptre, D.D., Dean of Wells. Sir,—I have now the honour of acknowledging the receipt of your very courteous and most in- teresting letter of the 28th of September. It is a great satisfaction to me to find such powerful support for the principle of free educa- tion, and I most gladly recognise the fairness and liberality with which you have approached the consideration of the question. I agree entirely with the arguments so well stated in your letter, supported as they are by your own practical experience as a manager of schools. I am also entirely at one with you as to the historical argument, and it is matter of constant regret to me that in recent times the intentions of the founders of the old educational endowments have been stultified, and in many cases their bene- ficence diverted from the class whose advantage it was originally designed to secure. The mistake is, as you point out, analogous to that which has been made by the Legislature in dealing with commons. In both instances Parliament was governed by the best intentions, but in both the result has been a serious injustice to the poorest and most necessitous class of the community. In this connection free education is not merely ex- pedient and just in itself, but it is really a debt due to the poor from the classes who have profited at their expense in the modern disposal of educational endowments. I will not presume on this occasion to argue the question of an Established Church,butl am bound to say that I think that the tendency is setting so strongly against all State interference with religion that the settlement is likely to come quickly, and not in the dim and distant future as you sup- pose. Still, the delay may be considerable, and I do not think that the claims of the working classes to free education should be postponed until a sepa- rate and altogether different question is ripe for consideration. t My view, therefore, is that all schools, Voluntary as well as Board Schools, should be at once made free, and that to meet the cost an additional grant should be provided from the Consolidated Fund. It would be a matter for consideration whether this grant should take the form of a capitation grant, calculated on the average amount of the fees,or of an additional grant for results calculated so as to amount, on the average, to about the same sum now received from the parents. So far I believe that we shall be in complete agreement, but, as I explained at Bradford, I am personally desirous of going further. I think that the present position of the Voluntary Schools is anomalous, and that in every case there ought to be some popular representative control of the schools during school hours, leaving the use of the buildings at all times, except those when the secular instruction is being given, to the sub- scribers and voluntary managers. Trusting that I have made my meaning clear to you, I have the honour to be, your faithful and obedient servant, J. CHAMBEKLAIN. Highbury, Moor-grcen, Birmingham, Oct. 9, 1885. The Times, in writing on the subject, says:— Of free education, understood and explained in the sense of this correspondence, we are at least prepared to say that the question may fairly be regarded as open to discussion on the grounds of expediency and educational efficiency. The claim for free education in this sense cannot be regarded in any way as a matter of right, nor, on the other hand, need it be allowed on the ground of principle. It is mainly a question of expediency, convenience, and expense, and as such it is manifestly one for public .opinion, after full discussion, to decide. But if its decision in the affirmative is held to involve, either directly or indirectly, a disturbance of the educational settlement of 1870 a much larger issue is mani- festly raised. Dr. Plumptre himself is evidently prepared to part company with Mr. Chamberlain on this point, though he concurs with him in the main argument, and, unless we are much mis- taken. Liberal and Radical opinion will be found to part company at tho same point. The difference is a very important one, therefore, and it ought not to be lost sight of in future discussions of the question. It behoves Liberals who are not Radicals to take care that in opening a fair field to the dis- cussion of free education, as a matter of expe- diency and a means of increased educational efficiency, they do not find themselves committed unawares to a new compaign against Voluntary and DenDiiiinational Schools."

LIVERPOOL WELSH NATIONAL SOCIETY. ADDRESS BY MR. LEWIS MORRIS, M.A. A meeting to inaugurate the above society was held at the Royal Institution. Colquitt-street, on Thursday evening. Lord Mostya occupied the chair, and Mr. Lewis Morris delivered the inaugural address.—Lord Mostyn expressed the great honour he telt ut being appointed the first president of that society; it was a society strictlv non-political and non-sectarian, and as Liver- pool became year by year more the metropolis of Wales it behoved them in the Principality to assist their friends in that town to which they owed much for the vast trade which it brought into Wales. (Applause.)— Mr. Lewis Morris began his address by referring to tho ridicule which tho English people used to throw on the Welsh people. Ho spoke of the positions of trust and the part which Scotchmen took in the government of the country, but he looked in vain for the names of Welshmen in such places. Why should this be so Tho Welsh were an ancient race, with distinct characteristics, a peculiar language, and their vices and virtues were much their own. They had little in common with any other race inhabiting these islands. He. therefore, did not, think the pre- sent position of affairs was such as they should be satisfied with. Even in Wales they did not held their own in industrial com- petition. It was with these objects they came thero that night—to seek the national interest of Wales, the social intercourse of Welshmen in Liverpool, and tho advancement, of literature, science, and art. In conclusion, he referred to the advance which the education question had made in Wales, and said if ever a satisfactory measure was carried he would stake his reputation that the number of Welsh students would soon be over a thousand, or even two thousand, in a very short time.—Mr. W. Rathbone, M.P. for Carnarvonshire, in proposing a vote of thanks to Mr. Morris, said he took a more sanguine view of the Welsh position than Mr. Morris. The prejudice against Wales was passing away, and they were getting out of the plough of despond.—The vote was passed with acclamation, and a vote of thanks to the noble chairman closed the proceedings.

RBMARKABLB DISAPPEARANCE! Of all Dirt from everything DV using HUDSON'S EXTRACT OF SOAP. <3T Use it every day. For Clothes, Knives, Folks, Dishes. Sauceoaaa, Guns, Dogs, Horses, to

I CURRENT AGRICULTURAL TOPICS. LBT AGRICOLA" elF TKE FLBL*L But we can't make it pay, my lord," was Mr. John Tread well's exclamation at the Dairy Show dinner, when Lord Vernon, the chairman, was pointing out the desirability of more cows being kept and dairying being extended and a similar cry arises from the farming ranks. whatever may bo the measures or improved courses recommended to the farmer's notice by way of alleviating the deplorable depression which undoubtedly prevails. If we are to believe Mr. Clare Sowell Head, there is no hope of bettering his condition left, to the British farmer, and, certainly, if dairying fails him, there are few other branches of husbandry more proniisinl;. Tiie prospect is dark and dreary enough for all producers just now, whether of milk, iron, cloth- ing, human foud, or any kind of manufactures whatever, and it is just because trade is so depressed generally that so little milk is con- sumed in towns just now. and, probably, we may find in that circumstance the true causo why the wholesale price of milk has dropped rather than in the increase of cows. No doubt our dense urban populations might consume a great deal more milk than they do at present. Sir James Caird pointed out at this self-same dinner that there is only one cow to 15 head of the population in England whereas the ratio is one in five in the sister countries. There must surely be ample room for a great increase in our cows and dairying, not only to the extent of making up the difference, but of a proportional nature to keep up with the rapid in- crease of population. The idea of there being the slightest danger of over-production in milk any more than in meat or butter or cheese ought to be dismissed from attention as not worthy of the slightest thought. Foreigners compete with British farmers in the supply of all these articles, but as regards milk only in the condensed form. Our home cheese producers can still keep ahead of foreign competi- tion by making a superior article, and so could home butter makers if they only tried. One primary cause of the present depression of the dairy interest is the circumstance of foreigners sending into the market a far better article than British farmers, and in much larger quantities, that they appear to have fairly beaten the latter and driven them out of their own markets. At any rate, a large proportion of English and Irish butter will only sell at from 6d. to 8d. per Ib, the price of butterine; whereas Lord Vernon stated at the Dairy Show dinner that he can obtain Is. 5d. per lb. for every bit of the butter manufactured in his large dairy. At the Dairy Show Conference a truly happy picture was held up of a coming revolution in the milk trade, when the lacteal product will be sepa- rated into the two articles, cream and skim, or separated, milk, and the retail milkseller will supply the two articles everywhere. This theory rests on the principle that fresh, sweet skim milk is a more healthy and better article of human diet than whole milk, which can, no doubt, be scienti- fically and mdically proved but the great body of the consuming public will require a great deal of education ere this truth will be received suffi- ciently to bring about the change alluded to. By way of lessening the cost of milk distribution to the public, and thereby lessening its price to the community, Mr. George Barbam, of the Dairy Supply Company, made an exceedingly practical suggestion at the Milk Conference. He said truly that there can be no justifiable reason for the silly custom of householders having their milk delivered twice a day in winter, as milk will keep fresh longer at that season than 24 hours. If the public would be content with an afternoon delivery only throughout the winter, the retail price of milk, he thought, might be considerably reduced. A valuable paper was read at the Dairy Confe- rence on the utility of farmers keeping exact registers of the milk yields of their cows, and the came subject has, on several previous occasions, been brought before the attention of the public at the Farmers' Club and elsewhere by Mr. E. C. TisdaU, Mr. Allecder, and others. It was stated in the discussion which ensued after the reading of Professor Fream's paper that in Lord Vernon's large. dairy of 50 cows the yield of every cow is weighed each time she is milked, the bucket being hung on to the spring-balance weight indicator by the milkman as soon as he has finished milking her, as he enters the room in which he empties the contents into the vat. It was stated by his lord. ship's manager that the period of milking is not prolonged more than ten minutes in consequence of this. Mr. Tisdall, however, considered that it would be sufficient for all practical purposes if the milk were weighed one day in a week, or, perhaps, a fortnight, and that it would be far better to perform the work less frequently under the superintendence of the farmer himself, or his bailiff, than to have it always effected, but left to the men. The utility of testing milk yields and making milk registers rests on the fact that without this owners of cows cannot be certain to what extent they are deep-yielding or otherwise. They may think they know their character by observation but it often proves a most incorrect one unless subjected to direct test. Some cows give a large quantity of milk for a brief period just after calving, and then fall off throughout the remainder of the time they are in profit; while others begin moderately, and go on steadily, beating the former in the long run. Besides, the effects of a change of pasture or in the home dietary cannot be ascertained unless by this testing, and the change might suit some animals and not others. Cows are also afflicted with secret ailments, for indication of which this milk test has often proved to be the first and readiest means. If the owner perceives a sudden failing in the milk register, he knows that the animal is ailing or that the food she is receiving does not agree with her. Good breeding ani mills are not only often seriously damaged in their properties of fecun- dity by being eubjacted to show train- ing, but there are risks and dangers connected with the show system which animals heavy with young ought never to be subjected to. One exhibitor learnt a very trying, practical lesson in respect to this last week. A very fine Shorthorn, over-due to calve, was sent from Peterborough to the London Dairy Show and calved after arrival, before the show opened. Her capacious udder and magnificent appearance caused her to secure, not only first prize in her class, but the champion cup for Shorthorns. These honours were, however, purchased at the cost of her life. On the morning of the second day of the show she was found down in milk fevor, to which attack she succumbed, or what was the same thing, had to be slaughtered at nightfall. The folly of judging milch cows at, dairy shows otherwise than by results has been proved over and over again. The committee of the British Dairy Farmers' Association has always practised both methods at its shows-the ordinary way of judging cows and heifers by appearance. and then subsequently by milking trials, only those animals being tested by the latter that are entered specially for them. In the majority of instances the results of the latter have been strangely con- tradictory of tliB prizes previously awarded by mere observation. The results of last week form no exception, as the first milking priss in Shorthorns as well as the champion cup for the best of the first winners in the milking trials weut to Daisy, a ncn-pedigree Shoitborn belonging to the executors of Mr. T- Birdscy, which had received no notice whatever in the previous class judging. It appears to have been a near contest between that cow and Mr. Phillips's Red Cherry, which had the second iShorthoin milking prize, their respective total points being 98 30 and 98 10. Red Chcrryand Mr. G. Titus Baihaui s Laaybird U.. IheGuercsey cow which had first milking prize in the second action for Channel Island females, received high honours in either competition. In Kioist other cases it was the reverse. I F ANJ) THE pmcROyMKAT.

Seveini in the Ferry Hill district, County Durham, dissatisfied with the prices received tor sheep in the public cattle markets and from dealers, are killing animals themselves, and retail- ing legs of mutton at 7ri. per pound, and other cuts at less price. I

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GARDENING NOTES. BY NR. J. MUIR, MABOJLM.] Llangedwvn, one of the seats of the late Sil Watkin Wynn, and now the residence of Lady Wynn, is charmingly illustrated in the Garden ot October 10. The house is not an imposing erec- tion, but the garden is said by the writer to be one of those wo like for its own sake and it* happy and simple charms." The pictures of some walls covered with rock-foil and ferns are exceedot ingly pretty, and the view of the avenue shows some remarkably fine trees. No paper equals the Garden in exemplifying the beauties Of our gar. decs by true and artistic illustration. A PBIMOLA CONFERENCE.—This is to be held at South Kensington on April 24, 1836, and is note- worthy from a local point of view, as Mr. J. T. D. Llewelyn, of Tenllergare, has been elected presi- dent. There is no gentleman about London better known in connection with subjects of this kind than Mr. Llewelyn, and while his position will be regarded with much pleasure by all connected with the conference outsiders wili look upon it aa quite a right and natural result. SMALI. GREENHOUSES.—So long as genial weather prevailed and a profusion of flowers were pro- duced in the open air, greenhouses or conserya. tories might not be regarded as necessary connec- tions with a garden and the production of choice blossoms, but now that outside flowers are almost past and will soon bo quite gone those who have been delighted with their exquisite colours, rich hues, and delicate fragrance will miss them sadly, and no doubt their thoughts will revert to the advantages of having a small greenhouse and a continuance of winter flowers. -Summer flowers are very enjoyable, but winter ones are equally, or more so, as tbe cheerless weather deepens their attractions, and if all who could afford to invest in a small conservatory would only do so they would find its contents more amusing in the autumn, winter, and spring than almost anything else. It is an endless attraction in cold and wet, weather to inspect and attend to the plants and flowers with comfort, and the whole may be said to be a continuation of summer gardening in a miniature form. Taking to a thing of this kind is no mere hobby, ardently desired to-day and neglected to-morrow, as I never knew of anyone who put up a greenhouse give it up voluntarily, and this in itself speaks for the abiding attractions of those floral receptacles. Some of those who consult horticultural builders' lists may think them rather expensive, but outside show is not the most important consideration, and as wood, glass, and labour may all be had at a reasonable rate, good and serviceable structures may alwavs be built on tho premises. SUMMER" FLOWERJNG CHRYSANTHEMUMS.—These* have become very popular of late, and deservedly so, as thev are easily managed and exceedingly showy. they grow and bloom with all thi freedom of the autumn flowering sorts, and they remain in blossom very much longer. They are per- fectly hardy, will stand out all the year round, and bloom from Juno until December. They are suitable for both large and small gardens, and withstand changes of weather as well as any Alpine plant. Madame Desgrange is one of the best of them. It grows about 18 inches in height, and produces perfect masses of large white blooms. This is the best white flowering plant we possess, and its cdltivation should be general. Those who may be growing it in pots should try and secure as many cuttings of it as possible. Besides being showy in the beds and borders, it is excellent fox cutting. COMMON FLOWERs.-The Garden has always been a powerful advocate for these, and recently a writer remarked :-These, unhappily, are not common enough. What can excel in beauty the larkspurs, bellflowers, ranunculuses, aconites, perennial sunflowers, day lilies, St. John's worts, irises, and such like things? Very likely theil absence from many gardens is due to the desire to possess something uncommon. September and October are notoriously wanting as regards flowers, and such as we have are for the most part things which have been grown for centuries—speedwells, hollyhocks, carnations, early chrysanthemums, heaths, clematises, peas, colchicums, pentstemons, lilies, &c.; and, of course, if they were more largely planted, as well as some of the kinds pre- viously named, we should not be without bloom at the end of the season. Dahlias and a few more tender flowers now so largely cultivated are indis pensable, but they not only make a full stop on the appearance of early frosts, but are absolute die figurements to our borders afterwards. THE INTERNATIONAL POTATO Snow was held at the Crystal Palace last week. The display was hardly up to that of some former years. According to reports, the prizes were divided between fifteen competitors only, and this is a very poor result. The majority of the counties throughout tha country were unrepresented, and the competition appears to have been almost confined to profes- sional exhibitors." The Exhibition may please sk few and pay the Crystal Palace Company, but, in my opinion, it does not do so much for the general cultivation and improvement of potatoes as the prizes offered at county and local shows. Local exhibitors will always appear creditably in cases of this kind, and their absence from a show which is only international in name is no loss to them- selves or their crops. CROCUS SPEciosus.-The Gardening World ob. serves:—What a lovely form this is. It is now throwing up its large, beautiful, and striking flowers in places where I permanently planted is a few years go; I think that is the way to treat it Plant it 6in. deep at least, in good soil, where it oan remain undisturbed, and every autumn about this time of the year it will flower gloriously How shall I describe the flowers of this lovel) species? Say soft blue-lilac on the exterior, but in the interior of the petals a warm lilac- blue, with a few purple lines and saffron-coloured stamens. I have tried to flower jt in pots with indifferent success, but as soon as I planted thr bulbs out of doors, under a west wall, they began to flower gloriously. And yet, grand as the species is, and so worthy of a place in gardens, it does not find a place in any pf the bulb catalogues of the ordinary character. Like the colchicums and the pretty saffron crocus (C. sativue), it blooms in autumn, as if it would alter the right to flower despite the advancing frosts of winter. BEETROOT.-This is rather liable to be injured by frost, and where the roots have attained a fair size they should bo taken up, the leaves cut sway about three inches from the crown, and the roots stored in a cool sheder cellar. To prevent them shriveling they must be covered over with sand .or ashes. TOMATOES IN THE OPEN AIR AT HEADING.-a correspondent in the Gardener's Chronicle describes ,b these, and says:—" Through the large and admi- rably conducted trial of tomatoes which bas been conducted in the London-road Nursery of Messrs. Sutton and Sons, at Reading, that firm has ren- dered considerable service to all who may wish to cultivate these fruits in the open for market or other purposes. The trial included some forty of well-known kinds, and was throughout conducted most impartially. It comprised eleven beds, each containing some 150 plants in pairs, three abreast, each plant being tied to a single stake, as throughout the simple plan of keeping every plant to a main stem alone was adopted. That style of training is easily insured by simply cutting away all side shoots. Generally, where the growth was good the resulting crop of fruit was remarkable. One entire bed was devoted to Chiswick Red, which soems to do marvellously well out in the open; the plants carried eaeb, from five to six clusters of fruits, large and very heavy, ali the earlier fruits being quite ripe Perhaps the most noticeable as a promising market kind is Earliest of All, because under thil form of culture it showed without exception pre. cocity in ripening fruit in advance of all other sorts The crop, tuo, was a heavy one, and to secure fine samples in the open would be all the better for thin, ning. The fruits are of a rich colour and some- what punctured, though improving as the season advances. Powell's Early comes near to this ir appearance, but is later, whilst a very fine and free cropping kind is Sutton's Main Crop, apparently here one of the very best for out-dooi culture, rich in colour and fine in fruit. Several American kinds were tested, but seemed generally to lack robustness. Williams' Red King, Hack- wood Park, Trophy, Hatbaway's Excelsior, Ne Plus Ultra, and various other good red kinds under glass cropped moderately. Yellow kinds, of which there were several representatives, seemed to lack the needful robustness for this fully-exposed form of cultivation, which naturally differs materially from wall training. The plants were all raised in heat, potted up singly, then turned out early undet a fence in manure to make root, and from thence. later in the season, planted out into the open ground. Happily, the sharp frosts of a fortnight since did the plants no harm, neither has disease." HOME GROWN TIMBER.—We extract the follow- ing from a Scottish pi.per: Two years ago a violent storm blew down an enormous number of trees in Scotland. On the. Duke of Buccleuch's estate (at Druuilanri^) a hundred different woods were devastated. The trees have remained ever since as they fell. >'o one could |be induced to undertake tiie huge contract of removing them. Just lately, however, an enterprising London merchant has purchased tho entire lot from the duke's stewards, who, indeed, had be- ceujo so anxious to have them removed that they offt)red them at an extremely low price. The pur- chaser has begun to do a flourishing trade, for he can afford to undersell the Baltic merchants. The incident seems to show tlitit forestry is indeed a neglected industry in this country. There seems no reason why tho Baltic trade should not be per- manently rivalled by the products of our own woodlands." GATHERING FRUIT.—This should bo fiiiished as soon as possible. Some very late kinds may still bo very firm on the tree, but they will not mature much more there, and the late October winds are sure to bring quantities to the ground, whicl- wiil be bruised and spoiled for keeping long, and this is tbe main point with late applos and pears.

THE AMERICAN CEIiEAL CHOP, A Reuter's "telegram from Washington say; the returns of wheat are on the basis of the yield per acre. For the area harvested the average is about ten and a half bushels, but it is only nine on the area sown. which was- nearly 40,000,000 acres. The area harvested is not precisely determined, but it will probably not exceed 34,000,000 acres. The average yield of oats will be nearly 28 bushels per acre, and a crop of over 600,000,000 bushels is insured. Tho ryo average is 10 4-10 bushels, or nearly two bushels short of the yield of 1884. The average yield of barley will be about 22 bushels per aero.

PIlESlDExNT OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE. Mr. Thomas Herbert Warren, M.A., bas beer elected President of Magdalen College in succes- sion to the late Dr. Bulley. Mr. Warren, who is a fellow of the College and Senior Dean of Arts, gained the Hertford Scholarship in 18T3, the Gara- ford Greek Verse Prize in 1875, and the Craven Scholarship in 1878. He took his bachelor's degree in 1876.

PASKT AttB Roews's Ivelsh I-arns are th* lest. j.

Lee with the price the Toi'i^s have paid for ,r temporary occupation of office they hare n Instrument? in our hands to carry out the e t, t they formerly opposed. (Laughter.) M Will not -i;dge them their wages—(laughter Ik, —although we cannot agree to give our respect.. (Cheers and laughter.) £ RIVAL POLICIES ssed tt yhat 53 of chief importance now is to know y 01 t tile- would do :f they ceased to be care- nes* and if the constituencies were to give them tiif tiler ask for—a long- lease of power. (" IVo, aD V(-,el! it is possible now to compare the nd" hCles of the two great parties. You have, on the >axl Li- land, Mr Gladstone's Manifesto, which Lord ) tfi with characteristic good taste and ^J^esy, described as a long and dreary docu- and you have, on the other hand, the speech 0lU' occupied two hours jn its delivery and in Lord S=ili9burv developed the programme of ersl <* he leads. I do not complain of the length n0'i speech, and I even wish that it had been and (cheers)—if therebv its meaning had been wal e .1 little more clear, tut what I complain of that while there is more than one important sub- on entirelv pas.-M»d over in Lord Salisbury's tie, b ti. only one amongst those to which has rtfe" on which it is possible to be perfectly hell as to his meaning. late DJS.^AJBLISBMKNT. ii there is no doubt whatever as to his Its. «3 to a Suae Church. Lord Salisbury md a State Church with the main- tii« jTl^ce of the sacred rights of property, m<i Under those circumstances he is perfectly :e Ire in determining to maintain the institution. itfc jj. car.no help saying th:it this show of deter- il y^stion appe?;rs to me to be little more than an M manceuvre. Lord Salisbury knows its that tlie Liberal party is not com- ic* [j,, rtS R P"r,y to any attack upon the Estab- liil Church, and there are, no uoubt, many i venils—of whom I am not one—(cheers)— ^h» ere n° doubt many good Liberals who *a firmly attached to the maintenance of the bS J A'ect ion t),tweeii the Church and ihe State as '3t Salisbury hiiiiftif,tln(i tliey-e iq noone,wlietlier m tH ar a Tcrv, a Churchman or a ■ renter, wli • beiieves that there is any chance 13 that this great question will receive its en ^>41 settl«*ra-nt in the P <riiaaaent which is about ut oQ'AS'mble. (hear, l;?ar.) On the other hand, I 3 ih 'l wt I think that the recent extension of the ty f^Dchise may serve to throw very considerable a very important, argument, as to Ut (h hitherto we finv« riot been able to pro- .nce with much certainty. Lord Salisbury founds his support, of the connection ,fen the Ctiurch and the State on the allega- JS that without the State endowment the t.l>Pch would be unable to exist, and, as i *"3*3, suffering humanity would be 8 of her ministrations. ("Oh, oh.") >< J^rd Salisbury does not piead for himself it is not |C his cla.<s or for the wealthy Churchmen that he K ^shes to sustain the Church. They can provide, .0 doubt, 5n any circumstances, for religious wants, *r' j^itis for the poor and ne<dv, and especially ? .?r the poor and needy of the agricultural districts, ? .pt. Lord Salisbury pleads to allow that it is a r v-°.n? argument in favour of the existence of a i^jooal Ctiurch. But do you think this is true? S 0.") If. on the eQuira-.T, it, Iiould turn ;\1t. that the poor end needy in the If a|CuItural districts are of a different jWoion, what would Lord Sf.lisbarv say 3 »Le° If it siiould be found that t'oe presence of be cultivated ge'itUman in every parish which is St*1 ^yvWrtr^ HS aa undisputed advantage of a Sr e Church—if it siiould be found that this has 1 druwbacks, and th.it he does not always use '"OSurnoe and authority to the satisfaction or 3 &J*" the bfUffit. of those to whom he ministers; OF Should appear that the labouring poor are ) Opinion that the national funds might be I aPPli-d to some better purposes, then, I ??.v> it would be very difficult, to resist j ■? conclusion that an institution that has '^led to cum mend itself to tiiose whom it is I P^ially ir)teridet and dt-sixned to benefit is one 'K,ae continued tsistetu/e in this special form it °«ld be found very difficult to justify. But, as I said, this is ratJUer a matter of "speculation aQ of immei'iate practical importance. PROCI,DCR), IK THB HOCSK OF COAEUOXS. j.- "'t* tlie ether hand, there «re two or three qups- §!* of urgent and immediate interest upon j "ch Lord Salisbury h is been altogether silent, v the fir«t piace, there is the question of the or procedure in the House of Commons, hear.; By the abuse of its rules and ot the k^ty of free debate that great historic Assembly :44 been reduced to a condition of comparative ^Potfenc# and inefficiency, and this, believe ^e» is WL national :r.?sfortune for which tought, to find an imniejiate remedy. When .j^t streat instrument of tlie national will is ren- j^f«d pow. rless our whole coiistitutional system brou-tit into discredit, and it wouid be of very «ve fr>r u.s to plume ottrselws upon the ^°rcu in the representation that we have just j^DQplished if, after all, Parliament is not to full power and control Vi.-r its own debates its own legislation. ^Hear, hear.) Then ^nect^d with this there is the question of ^truotion in the House of Lords—(cheers and ^°«»nsjs—theiv is th" question of roend ng or end- ^?~*Vcries of Tvuding ">—that Chamber, which, 'th0Ut aCy pretence to any popular authority, l^ertii-less arrogates to itself the right of delay- disfi^uung, at)d sometime? destroying all the ■i9rk which is carried out by thj otlier branch of Legislature- But. although L-,rd Salisbury has nothing upon tiiese two subjects, no doubt it ^ld not be difficult to divine his intentions, if r^ 'U :r-) Obstruction, wnether in t'tie House » **°fds or in the House of Commons, plavs the of the Tories—(cheers)—and we must not ^Pect they will be very anxious to make the °tk of legislation any more prompt or more easy. AettiCCLTCMAL DEPKESSIOX. But the third point to which 1 am going to refer one upon which I hav« supposed that the leader J the i'orv party would h< ve easily waxed ^'°<iuent. The Contiervatives boast—whether they ""I,eAtlv W<-cl.d ^^i-'lili-'aticn I do not know—that ^7 aret'te t'rieiidi of the farmer. I do not know Hyther therear« uny farmers present. ^Cries of Then, if eo. I would beg very careful at- t^'ion to the fact lliat throughout the whole of Speech in which Lord Salisbury develops his 0 ^P'amaie there is not, from beginning to end, single word to show that- he appreciates the ^Citiun ix> which you are reduced, or that he has j y feuiedy or improvement to suggest for it. Well, If go on. let u? 'urn fro-n the subjects which Oul-, -,el altogether frou, the Conservative pro- pttrmv> and let us consider those which find a i;> it- 1 adaiire the skill with which Lord j.bury has coritrive^i to interweave old 't^rnl watchwords with Tory doctrines, and to ^Ceai the iutenticn to maintain exi-sting abuses ^ertlieoLl familiar Liberal names tOCu QOTKJRN^IENT, LOCAL OPTION, AXD FREE M-CCATION. » YOU ftnd. for instance, reference in his speech U 10011 government, Loc ;l Option, to free ^(cheers)—to the revision of taxation, and to k cheapening of land. But when you read t}, 'on the lines you will find that in using wor<^e »0t mean anvthing of that we had intended by theca. (Hear, hear.) Vis kx>k into thi« a little more closely. There .J| Points of very instructive contrast, Let us -j}e> first, question of local government, ^r, henr^ R LOCAL GOVKE>-UEXX. p relieve me. theie is r.o question of greater im- [kjtftnce or deeper interest to the rural population loo"l government. (Hear.) wl«it is meant by local government ? If you to know wliat the Liberals mean, let. me ask to vwi the admirable and exhaustive -speech ^Ch was delivered list night at Halifax y ^y friend, >ir Charles DUke. (Loud cheeks.) will find our proposais complete in every I will say oniy briefiy of them in a tliat they comprisa thp idea of a jS^Uglilv popular local government in every jT^ge and in every union in every county, which be given the largest powers and widest dis- 'hV°n' vv'1^c^11-« local affairs of the people 'a* oonducted without supervision or inter- iaK (Ciieera.) Eut what does Lord a%bUry mean by local government ? He credit for the interest which the t»3ervative party hav» always taken in the v^tion. (Laughter.) And even now Lord Salis- io^ Cttnn<?t conceal his innate distrust of popular ~^eron>^nt, his innate want of confidence in the What confidence can vou place in the tablishment of lotal government by a man who so lit t-le confidence in his fellow-countrymen, so little faith in the good sense and honestv intelligence of the people? (Hear, hear.) :t XOCAL OPTiO* A,i:>. THS LIQCOE TRAFFIC. >, let us look at his Droposal-i with regard to iw qu',r traffic" Here, again, you will find the distinction between Liberal and Tory policy. jie trust the people—(hear, hear)—and we trust whollv—(A Toice: You may trust us 3^ are"willing that- the whole of this great £ should be left absolutely to the represea- authorities which will be elected throughout j?* Coontrv. Lord Salisbury can not go so far. draws the line at Sunday trading. Lord Salis- v?T aays tliat for a tnnjority of those whom he -jfjf "non-thirsty eouis' to say to the minority c* thirsty souLs," You shall not drink/' would be uP°n the elementary liberties of the and that if we were to do this we should ,jk 1dually wliittie away our civil and religions w^tiea. And then he coolly proceeds himself, sublime endeavour of his own logic and j^Tf°ning, to whittle away the principle he has tw/ up, and to fcund over the rights of that absolutely upon one day if the week. *s a great principle any invasion of which immoral, and detestable, and Lord Salisbury sfiys, "But it is a principle h you need nor observe on Sundays, provided 4^. careful to observe it upon the other six 4 v This, gentlemen, is no principle at all. It »'0j^jfislation by fractions. (Laughter, and a "Vulgar fractions." and renewed laughter.) 1 TSEE EDUCATION. tg v??1 inclined to apply much the same criticism i» v^t Lord S-ilisbury says about education. He i« t prepared to tn'ike schools wholly free, but j lûn to increase the proportion of free °t'ler words, tie snys he has no objec- conunually enlarging number of persons compelled to apply to Boards of Guardians that the fees may be paid as a kind of he refuses altogether to treat as a right which is due from the ty^jj^nity to all its members. (Cheers.) think tiiat this question of education is tnoro imporrant in the country than in the !< In the fti-st place, tiie wage? of the are lower, and the pressure of the fees H hervier burden upon his scantv resources, N^. ^tlie second place, ir» country villages there Wmpetition. It very often happens that, jj y ^fer has no choice of schools whatever, and tf 'OToed to pay whatever fe?s the good pleasure, tiie caprice, of the managers of the 1 may demand, and the consequence is faes vary in different vi!!ag?s. They vary erent times in the same village according to I v*t& ciiildren, sometime? according to j*1' tiu r? tho parents, sometimes according to t ¡ of the chiiiren, and sonatimes, and tll))ts Is tlao worst of all, acoordin? to tbe standard of education. I am told that in a great number of cases it has become customary to charge a higher fee when the child stops at school beyond the age for half time and when he desires to pursue his education through the higher standards. What results with that. The labouring man who desires to do his duty by his child, who desires to give him the best education his means allow, and who is willing to spare him from assisting in obtaining resources for the family as long as he possibly can, finds that he is discouraged and handicapped, and the idea gains currency that a cheap education is good enough for a poor man's child, and that anything better must be reserved for his superiors. To such a creed and insolent doctrine I object. (Cheers.) I do not admit that education ought to be watered down and reduced and limited to the level of the poor. (Hear, hear.) I say that the instruction which is provided by the State ought not to be grudgingly doled out to the lower orders while it is meted out in full measure to those who are in more fortunate circumstances. (Cheers.) Believe me, it is in the interest of the nation as well as the interests of the parents and children that each child, according to its natural gifts and aptitude, should have the opportunity of the best education, that all should be stimulated and encouraged to develop the faculties with which God has gifted them to their advantage. (Cheers.) Nothing could be more unwise or inexpedient than to refuse to offer to all at the cost of all a chanco in life which ought to be denied to none; and nothing could be more unwise than to allow these results to be obtained, in many instances, only by the loss of the self-res- pectof parents. It is a very curious thing that those who profess to be so anxious for the independence of the parents, which they think may be lessened by a system of free education, do not appear to think at all of the only alternative which num- bers of parents-decent, sober, industrious people —have of going to School Boards or Boards of Guardians with a petition for a remission of the fees and to submit their private affairs to examina- tion, and thus to receive as a dole and a charity what ought to be the common right of every citizen. (Cheers.) Mr. Chamberlain, having quoted Switzerland, the Australian Colonies, and America as countries already in pos- session of free education, proceeded I know that there is at this moment some diffe- rence of opinion even amongst our leaders on the subject. Sir William Harcourt, Sir Charles Dilke, Lord Kimberley, Mr. John Morley, Mr. Fowler, and others I could name have declared in favour of freedom. (Cheers.) Mr. Gladstone has said that he will suspend his judgment, and other leaders Lord Hartington and Lord Derby — occupy, I think, the same position. I want to say to you that the decision rests not with them, not willi me, but with you. (Cheers.) If you desire this great boon for your- selves and for your children, if you agree with me that it is an act of justice that has been too long delayed, then you have only to make your wishes known to those who claim to represent you. They will submit them, in return, to those who are en- trusted with the leadership of the Liberal party. (Cheers.) THE TRADE DEPRESSION. There is another question which may be, per- haps. of still greater interest even than education to the inhabitants of the country districts, and about whichlcertainlyshouldlike to say something before I sit down. (Cries of Go on.") We are told that the condition of agriculture is very much de- pressed. What do we mean by that ? Are we thinking of the landlords, or of the farmers, or of that still more numerous, but more neglected, class which constitutes the greater portion of those who are connected with the cultivation of the soil ? If we are thinking of the farmers and landlords then we may at least hope that if we should have good seasons, that if we should have a succession of abundant harvests, as we have had before, or if there should be any change, which Is not at all improbable, in the conditions of the competition which presses so hard upon them, then we might look for a revival of the prosperity which has been so long absent. But if we are thinking of the labourers, unless we can make some change in our present system, there is no hope for them, for I cannot recollect any period during the last 400 years—(cheers and laughter)—when they have had their fair share of prosperous times and abundant seasons. (Cheers.) Of course, there has been, as Mr. Bright is fond of reminding us, a great improvement in their condition during the last 50 years. Fifty years ago the wage in Wilt- shire was 6s. a week. (Shame.) Now, I believe, it is :108., and even 12s.. a week, and the cost of the necessaries of life has no doubt been reduced; but I think that even that magnificent sum— (laughter)—of 12s. a week leaves something to be desired. (Hear, hear.) For the life of me, I cannot understand how a respectable man can bring up his wife and family upon it. (A Voice, He cannot be honest.") Generally speaking, I am afraid that the condition of the labourer is still one of unremitting toil, with very little hope of a brighter future. It is still true of him :— Landless, joyless, restless, hopeless, Gracing still for bread and breath. To their graves by trouble hunted Albion's Heliots toil till death. OUR POOR. I read the other day, in a speech by Mr. Goschen at Edinburgh, how he pointed, with an air of triumph, to the fact that in many workhouse3 at the present time there are only a few paupers. Is this the noble ideal after which we are striving? (No.) Is the reward of toil and the price of the severest industry that, at the close of a long life, when nature herself absolutely rejects the possibility of further exertion, the labourer is to beek from the cold charity of the State the means of a protracted and bare and solitary existence, with a pauper's funeral to close the scene. Xo, no I protest, with all the strength of which I am capable—(cheers)— against, the cold and calculating scepticiijjU which treats this condition of affairs as normal and inevitable. We must find a remedy for it. What is the remedy ? For the proposals that I have made I claim no originality. I have not invented them. I have not discovered them. I fird them in the aspirations of the labourers themselves. (Hear, hear.) LAND RF-STOBATION FOR THE LABOURER. The source of all the mischief lies in the system by which they have been divorced from the soil. (Hear, hear.) The only remedy is to be found in the reform which will once more restore them to the land. (Cheers.) Only by this means we shall be able to raise the position of the agricultural labourer and gratify that heaven-planted craving in ever labourer's fieart to have some closer and some more direct connection with the land which his labour has made productive. (Cheers.) I say. What are our proposals ? We propose that local authorities should have the power in every case to take land by compulsion at a fair price for every public purpose, and that they should be ablo to let the land again with absolute security of tenure for allotments and for small holdings. Now, there is one thing, at all events, upon which all are agreed. Our objects, I expec:, are pretty much the same. A short time ago the Tories were saying that the labourers did not want land, that they could not make any use of it if they had it, thatsmall cultivators are everywhere a. failure. Well, they found out their mistake. There is no doubt now they are only too ready to admit that the establish- ment of small holdings is a very desirable thing if it can be accomplished, and they have even started a private association for letting land, more or less good land, to the labourers, and for creating yeomen farmers. (A laugh.) I do not anticipate much result from this private association. The evil is too deep seated and too far spread to be met by anything but general legislation. But at least I welcome the associa- tion as showing that the Tories have changed their minds about the desirability of the thing we are seeking. Even Lord Salisbury says that he regrets the disappearance of the yeomanry, although he has not any suggestion to make for their re-establishment on the land. Well, he is prepared, he tells us, to secure the registration of title and cheaper land trans- fer. He has borrowed both these proposals from the Liberal party. (Cheers.) LAND TRANSFER AND REGISTRATION OF TITLE. They are very good principles, they are excel- lent principles, but they will not do anything for the labourer, and I do not think they will cheapen the land. Th v will only enable the landlord to get a highor price for it. But if Lord Salisbury and his friends are unable to do anything to carry out these objects, which they admit to be desirable, then I claim from them a fair and even a favourable consideration of our proposals, which, at all events, would be effective for the main objects we have in view. (Hear, bear.) LORD SALISBURY AND MR. GOSCUEV. Now, let us look at what it is that Lord Salisbury has to say about these proposals. He says that they would throw a very heavy charge upon the ratepayers, and he arrived at that by a calculation which is so remarkable that I must call your particular attention to it. He says, in the first place, that land can only be bought to pay 2 per cent. He says that the local authorities can only borrow money at 4 per cent., and that as the labourers cannot afford to pay a remunerative rent, the local autho- rities will lose 2 per cent. by the transaction, and that that would be a heavy charge upon the rate- payers. Now, gentlemen, there are three assump- tions in this calculation, every one of which an inveterate Cockney-(laughter and clieers)-can see to be totally inaccurate at a single glance. Take the first of them. Lord Salisbury says that the land can only produce 2 per cent., and that the local authorities would have to borrow money at 4 per cent. to purchase it with. Does he mean to say that 50 years' purchase is the ordinary price of agricultural land in this country ? Why, he knows there is as much land as the heart of man can desire to be had at from 25 to 30 years' purchase—(hear, hear)—and that there is a good deal that landlords would be glad to sell for a good deal less. Well, then, that strikes away one of the most im- portant factors in his calculation. He has alto- gether overstated the price that is to be paid for the land. Then he says that the labourers would borrow at 4 per cent. Why? Why should they pay ♦ per cent. wlietl- in a Bill to which he himself was a party a few weeks ago in relief of Irish landlords, a clause was inserted enabling landlords to borrow at less than 3 per cent. Why, then, is the English peasant to be treated less favourably than the Irish landlord? (Cheers.) Well, then, there is the third assumption, namely, that the labourers cannot afford to pay re- munerative rents. Let us test that. Lord Salis- bury says the price of the land would be S25 an acre as an average price. Well, then, it the labourers have to pay the 4 per cent. on the purchase money which Lord Salis- bury wants to charge them that would only be Xi per acre by way of rent. Do you think that the labourers could cot exist upon land that they could get from allotments at £ 1 an acre? ("Yes.") When I was last in Wiltshire I found labourers on land for which they were paying £4 and 15 an acre. (Cries of "Shame" and Aye £ 8 and £ 10.") Well, my friends who were paying £ 4 and £ 5 were doing pretty well at it, even in spite of the price which was asked of them and which was two or three times as much as farmers close by were paying a gentleman who resides in the district where Lord Salisbury spoke about the labourers with a select audience of dames and Knights of the Primrose League- (loud laughter)—who had got chairs at a guinea a piece. This gentleman wrote to me to say that in he neighbourhood of Newport, in the outskirts of the town, labourers were paying Is 6d a perch, which is j612 an acre, in order to obtain this accommodation. Then,after that is it not ridiculous for this great nobleman, who has so much experience of the land, who is the only authorised exponent of the great landed authorities, to come down and say, The great reason why my plan cannot be entertained is that labourers can't afford to pay £1 an acre for allotments." Just let me turn for a moment to another critic—(a laugh)—still more able. still more strenuous. Mr. Goschen is more Conservative than the Conservative leader him- self. He is not only anxious about the ratepayers, but he is especially anxious lest we should discourage the landlords. He says that if wei would only let well alone a little longer, the landlords would do it themselves. (No, no.) I am quite willing to believe it, but 1 do not see any cause for Mr. Goschen's alarm for in that case you may be quite sure the local authorities would not interfere, and are not likely to undertake a difficult business if anybody else will do it for them. (Laughter.) But what harm can there be in stimulating and encouraging those good landlords by letting them know that if the bad landlords will not do it, if they will not discharge their obligations.. that the community willstepin and do it for them? (Cheers.) Mr. Goschen is very great at finding difficulties, but he would be "greater still if he would only re- member that it is the business of a statesman to overcome them. (Cheers.) To scent out difficulties in the way of every reform is the congenial task of a man of the world, who coldly recog- nises the evils from which he does not suffer himself, and reserves his chief enthusiasm for the critical examination of every proposal for their redress and for a scathing denunciation of the poor enthusiast who will not let well alone and who cannot preserve the serene equanimity of superior persons. (Laughter and loud cheers.) Well, it is a mercy we have men to tell us the rights and the wrongs of those things, any- how—(laughter)—and that Providence sends us oracular fellows to sit on the fence and slang those at the plough. (Laughter and cheers.) Mr. Goschen says that he has been told to stand aside. I don't know by whom not by me. We cannot spare him; he performs in the Liberal party the useful part of the skeleton at the Egyptian feasts. (Loud laughter.) He is there to repress our enthusiasm and to moderate our joy. (Laughter.) But, to adopt another metaphor, he says he will swim against the stream. I admire his courage, but I have no confidence in his success-(hear. hear)— and I say he may as well attempt to swim up the Falls of Niagara as to stay the progress of the democratic movement which he has already resisted. For those who distrust the people this may be matter for regret and alarm, but to me, who firmlv believes that the conscience, the morality, the "knowledge and wisdom of the nation are greater, and higher, and truer than those of any individul, however able, it is a matter of hope and rejoicing that all are now called in to take counsel about these great questions, and that all will in future co-operate in the efforts to secure the true prosperity and the true greatness of our common country, which can only be founded on the happiness, and the pros- perity, and the content of the whole population. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) The customary votes of thanks terminated the proceedings.