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FARMING IN ESSEX.

AGRICULTURAL PROSPECTS.

GARDENING NOTES.

WALES AND DISESTABLISHMENT.

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LABOUR REPRESENTATION IN PARLIAMENT.

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LABOUR REPRESENTATION IN PARLIAMENT. MASS MEETING IN THE RHONDDA. "MABON" AS A LABOUR CANDIDATE. SPEECHES BY SIR HUSSEY VIVIAN, M.P., AND MR. BROADHURST, M.P., » MABON," AND OTHERS. [BY Ap GWILYM.] "Mabon "—it is so hard to speak of him as Mr. Abraham—scored an undoubted success on Monday. As every man and his wife knows, it is the wish of a large section of the mining community of the Rhondda to send him to Parliament as their repre- sentative. I am not surprised at it. There is not a more thoroughly representative man in the whole valley, or one who is more cognisant with aspira- tions and requirements of those whose confidence and approbation he retains. He is of the people and for the people, and if he does not know what is for the good and welfare of the newly-Hedged con- stituency there is no one who does. The gathering in the neighbourhood of Llwynypia on Monday was not one called to place Mabon's" claims before the division, but it nevertheless assumed that function, and if that gentleman's had been the only name before the constituency, and the meeting had been convened for the sole purpose of declaring him to be a fit and proper person to represent the Rhondda in the Commons House of Parliament, there could have been no more flattering reception than that accorded to him yesterday. It was Mabon from the beginning to the end of the proceedings, and it will be$matter of general surprise if, after what has occurred, Mr. Lewis Davis permits his good reputation to be endangered by listening to the Delilah-like beguilings of a self-constituted clique who have dared to speak and to act in the name of the newly-enfranchised electorate. The occasion was the annual demonstration of the members of the Rhondda Miners' Association, which took place on the mountain side at Pandy, Llwynypia, but advantage was taken of it to express confidence in her Majesty's Government in general, and in Mabon'' as a candidate for the suffrages of the constituency in particular. Travelling by the Taff Vale Railway from Ponty- pridd, it was not difficult to discern that something unusual was on the tapis. The collieries to be found on both sides of the line gave no sign of life. The winding-wheels above the shafts were motion- lass, the summits of the chimney stacks were free from smoke, the whirl and clatter of machinery was no longer to be heard. A stranger passing through the district might have thought a great strike had occurred, or that trade was so bad that the works had to be stopped, if it had not been for the groups of men in holiday attire to be seen wending their way in the direc- tion of Llwynypia, and the gathering of women and children on the thresholds of their homesteads in- tently alive to all that was transpiring around them. At thirty of the collieries work was sus- pended, and the employes took holiday for the pur- pose of attending the meeting; but at the Ocean and Ferndale Pits—the latter belonging to the firm with which Mr. Lewis Davis ia concerned—there was no cessation of labour. At the station Sir Hussey Vivian, the genial junior member for the county of Glamorgan, was met by the light and leading spirits who were the sponsors for the demonstration, and at their backs was a seething multitude who cheered vociferously directly the familiar form of the popular baronet was descried ascending the elevated path leading from the platform, A procession was formed by the gathering of the contingents from the lower section of the valley, headed by the Ton Band, and the upper section led by the Blaenrbondda and Treorky Bands. Route was then taken to the place of assembly, and a most animated scene was presented. Just before reaching the mountain side a meeting of the leaders was held at the local hostelry. I was not, of course, in the councils of these, and mado my way a.t once to the platform which had been erected a few score yards from the base of the hill. The auditorium was as convenient as it was natural, for the hillside formed a tier from which many thousands could see if they could not hear the proceedings. At this time there were something like twelve hundred people sitting on the sloping grass, very orderly and very undemonstrative as yet, enjoying their pipes and conversing in tones scarcely above a whisper among themselves. The sun shone brilliantly, and continued to do so almost unin- terruptedly during the day, although a biting wind swept across the platform, which made those who had not brought their overcoats with them regret their determination. After a delay of half an hour Sir Hussey Vivian, preceded by Mr. Abraham, and followed by Mr. Broadhurst, M.P. (who, with Mrs, Broadhurst, had been staying in the neighbourhood for some days), Mr. W. Morgan, of Pontypridd, the chairman of the day, and others, made his way along the gangway which led to the platform, amid the cheers of those present. When the proceedings commenced there must have been more than 2,000 listeners immediately in front of the dais; but I have been assured that there were quite 6,000 on the field during the day, who con- stituted at various times the fringe of the gather- ing, but who, not being able to hear the speeches, and becoming tired of the pantomime of gestures without words, wandered back into the town, much to the worldly welfare of Boniface, or pro- ceeded to enjoy the fascinations of the booths and shows and stalls of many kinds which were con- gregated in the immediate vicinity. There was no great amount of enthusiasm evinced at first-this I am bound to admit as a brief and abstract chronicler of the times—but it was not long before those present were roused into heartiness and thoroughness by the fire and eloquence of the speakers. The chairman acquitted himself well in breaking the ice, and if anyone had gone to the meeting in doubt as to its real object he would soon have been enlightened, for Mr. Morgan did not attempt to disguise the fact that labour representation was the theme, and that Mabon" was its fitting embodiment. The next principal speaker was Mabon himself, who supported a vote of confidence in the Government and of thanks to Sir Hussey Vivian for attending the meeting. His reception was most cordial, and after a brief prelude in English he fairly lifted his audience, when, in well-chosen sentences in his native tongue, he urged the claims of labour representation on those who listened, charmed by his eloquence. To my mind Mabon is a born orator. His lips have been touched with the live coals, his voice is sonorous and penetrating, and his action graceful and suited to his words. Following came the honoured guest of the day, Sir Hussey Vivian, who received an ovation of which even a representative of 28 years' stand- ing might be proud. I felt quite a thrill of pleasurable excitement when I heard him denounce the so-called friends of the working man, who were little less than Socialists and Republi- cans, and who used language towards the Queen which made his blood boil. Did not the colliers take off their hats and use their lungs when the speaker gave the hint for three cheers for her Majesty! Then the hon. baronet went in tooth and nail for labour representation, quoting the letters of Mr. Talbot and Lord Aberdare in favour of it, and indicating Mabon'' as a candidate who would do honour to the constituency. After a kindly reference to Mr. Broadhurst and Mr. Burt, as the direct representatives of labour in the House of Cbmmons, Sir HussjJ> went for the "Liberal Three Hundred," and denounced them with a vigour which will surprise many of their friends. He said that they were a new invention," but all new inventions were not always good. If there was to be a Caucus it should be a thoroughly representative one, and every elector should have a voice in its selection; a. sentiment which was vociferously applauded. Then Mr. Broadhurst, M.P., stood to the front, and in a forcible address to his" fellow workmen dilated, with an easily-recognisable Pottery accent, upon the injustice of allowing every class to be represented in the t> House of Commons but the one which was the backbone of the country. He painted a somewhat sombre picture of the daily round of a member of Parlia- ment, and said that if they sent Mabon" to Par- liament they must be prepared to keep him there in a position which would be no disgrace to him or to them. Other speeches followed, and the pro- ceedings wore protracted to a late hour in the afternoon. [BY our OWN REPORTERS.] The mass meeting of Rhondda miners, to which there has been so much looking forward, was held on Monday on the Pandy Field, when there were about 5,000 persons present. A splendid stage had been erected, and the view from it of the seething mass in front was a grand one. On the platform were Mr. Walter H. Morgan (presiding), Sir Hussey Vivian, Bart., M.P., Mr. Broadhurst, M.P., and Mrs. Broadhurst, Mr. W. Abraham (" Mabon ") and Mrs. Abraham, Mr. T. Edwards (chairman of the Rhondda District of Miners), Mr. W. Howell (ex- chairman), Mr. James Jones (secretary of the Rhondda Labour Parliamentary Committee), Mr. E. A. Rymer (Forest of Dean), Lewys Afan," Mr. Isaac Evans (member of the Sliding Scale Com- mittee, Neath), Mr. J. Morgan (Rhondda House coal agent), Mr. T. Davies, Ton (treasurer of the Ithondda District Miners), Mr. Idris Williams, (Porth), Mr. Griffiths (Ynyshir), &c. The CHAIRMAN first addressed the meeting in Welsh, and was most cordially greeted in that tongue. He afterwards proceeded to say, in English, that he felt at home there in that valley, upon his native heath. This was the third annual mass meeting of miners which he had had the pleasure to preside over. But since they last met there—or rather met at Ystrad, for they were still in the parish of Ystrad—he had to congratu- late them, the working men, upon having been invested with new rights—he meant the electoral rights which they had had conferred upon them during the past year. He felt certain that no persons would better appreciate the acquisition of those new rights than they who were there assembled— and he felt equally certain that they, the working classes, who for so long a time had been deprived of those rights, would now prove that they knew how to exercise them to their own advan- tage. The Franchise Bill was passed, not to enable capital and the landed interest to have additional representation, but to enable the masses of the people to have it—(hear, hearl-that they, the working men, should have a voice in the legisla- tion of the country, so that their interests, which had been so long neglected, should now receive the protection they deserved. And it behoved the working men to be careful to secure the first opportunity—as Mr. Spurgeon would say—that they had to take care of themselves, for unless they took care of themselves no other class of the community would look after their interests. How would they exercise the new rights conferred upon them ? He knew they had considered that ques- tion before that day. He knew that they—the working men—were not the riffraff, which the Con- servatives had described them, who did not know what the new electoral rights were. There were two questions for them to consider. The first was: Would they exercise the rights which bad been conferred upon them in such a manner as to secure direct labour representation in Parlia- ment so that measures peculiarly affecting their in- terests, which had been neglected for so many years, might be brought prominently before the House of Commons ? They" (the miners) were by far the great majority in that part of the country. And the second question was, Would they be content to be put in the same body with other classes—classes who were really dependent upon the miners—and have only general representation ? They were quite capable of answering that question them- selves. The labouring classes were far behind all other classes in securing laws for their own pro- tection, and he attributed that to the fact that other classes had direct representation in the House of Commons, whereas they, the labouring classes, had, up to a short time ago, no represen- tation at all, and even at present the number of representatives was not sufficient. Con- sidering that the working men comprised a large majority of the population of the division, it was difficult to understand who but they ought to have the choice of a candidate. (Applauso.) At last year's meeting they all assumed, without the slightest hesitation, that they were to be repre- sented by a labour candidate. (Loud applause.) But this year it seemed there was some objection to that. (A Voice No, no.") That No, no, had only anticipated what he was going to say. And when he looked at the great gathering before him of men who had come there openly to assert their rights, caring for no man, caring for no person or body, he could venture to as- sume that in their minds there was not any doubt whatever, and that the opinion which was formed last year was not changed. (A Voice, "Not in the least, sir," and applause.) Now he came to rather an unpleasant business, for in a parish of that kind, which he had known all his life—where they had worked harmoniously to- gether—he spoke more especially of the miners, because he had more to do with them than any others—(applause)—it seemed that the Liberal Association^for the division had selected another gentleman. (A Voice: The wrong man, sir.") He could only say this, that he knew that gentleman personally, and he bad every respect for him, and if that district were not unquestionably entitled to a labour representative, and had he represented the views of the larger majority of the population, he must frankly admit that, were such the case, Mr. Lewis Davis would be the very best man they could have. (A Voice; "We won't have him.") Al- though Mr. Lewis Davis had been selected by the Liberal Association, they should not show hostility to him, because he had not yet accepted the invi- tation—(applause)—and he asked them to join him (the speaker) in paying Mr. Davis the highest respect as a man and as a master—(applause)— and if a fight took place between him and a labour representative it would not be a personal fight, but it would be a fight between capital and labour. (Applause.) But it was rumoured that Mr. Davis would not accept. (Applause, and a Voice: That is true.") How far that rumour was correct he did not know, but if it was correct he trusted that the Liberal A ssociatk>n,who represented all classes, to seme extent, in that district, would act in a conciliatory, rather than a hostile, manner, and would coincide with the choice of the miners. (Applause.) A fight between capital I and labour must be injurious to all parties. (Ap- plause.) But he had every confidence in the wis- dom of the Three Hundred, and that such a fight would be avoided. (Hear, hear.) It needed no words from him to commend to them the object of their choice—Mr. William Abraham, (Applause.) He had proved himself worthy of their confidence and had represented them faithfully and ably in the past in various matters, and if elected he would, no doubt, with equal fidelity represent them in Parliament. (Applause.) Mr. W. HOWELL, Great Western Colliery, moved in Welsh and English the first resolution:— That this meeting desires to express its unabated confidence in her Majesty's Government, and the Members for this County, aud to thank them both for so ably supporting the principle of Labour Re- presentation, and to thank 8ir H. H. Vivian, Bart., M.F., for attending this meeting. This was seconded by Mr. WEEKS, Treorky, and supported by Mr. W. ABRAHAM (" Mabon "), who, on rising, was received with great cheering. He said: It is with great pleasure indeed that I come here to support the resolution. (Applause.) I do so because the present Government, to my mind,have, above all other previous Governments, under most extraor- dinary circumstances, strenuously protected, advocated, and promoted the greatest and the most sublime of British interests, and thus have also promoted the common weal of the common people that live in common throughout the land. (Applause.) Lord Derby, on one occasion, when a member of the Conservative Ministry, said that the greatest of British interests was peace," and we have met here to-day to re-echo that sentence. It is a great truth. But it appears that the Conservatives of to-day cannot realise its signifi- cance. Their voice is still for war. Last week they were ready to vote £11,000,000 now they are disappointed that those millions were not spent in the destruction of thousands of lives, But, on the other hand, Mr. Gladstone finished his magnificent speech this day fortnight with a declaration that the Cabinet would not cease to labour in the cause of peace. We are accredited with being a nation of shopkeepers. We accept the compliment. 0: such we must have peace. In order to obtain a livelihood we must have work; to obtain work we must have trade; to command trade we must have peace. Peace, therefore, is the greatest of British interests. It may be to the interest of the aristocracy to have war, for out of war they have honours, places, and pensions. The people are called to send forth their sons to do battle for their country, but it is not to the sons of the people that the honours fall. (Hear, hear.) And while we are not afraid to lay down our lives to defend the rights and honour of our country when necessary, we are strongly opposed to the bar- barous practices of war; and, therefore, we are warm advocates of a system of international arbi- tration. (Applause.) Here and upon this point we believe that Mr. Gladstone has compelled Russia to take a new departure, and he has, in our opinion, secured the peace of the world by a stroke of policy that the Czar of Russia was bound to accept. In all this controversy the intellectual supremacy of the Premier has been apparent. There has been no haste, no impatience, not a word said calculated to give offence, but under the velvet glove there is the iron hand. (Applause.) After speaking of the cost of war, Mr. Abraham went on to speak of the services rendered to the industrial, and espe- cially the mining, community by his action in relation to the sub-inspectorship question, the shot-firing question, &c., and the sup- port he had given to matters brought before Parliament by Messrs. Burt and Broadhurst deserved recognition. (Applause.) The House of Commons, the speaker went on to say, was good in itself, but it had been unable to perform its profession of carrying on legislation known as the greatest good for the greatest num- ber. The fact was that there was not a sufficient number of true representatives of the common people. But the present Government, seeing the injustice of this, gave the working men the power of making a complete change. In the next year, or perhaps at the latter end of the present year, instead of wielding onlv one-third of the political power of the country, the working classes would be enabled to wield three-fifths. That would give them the power of sending into Parliament men who held views in accordance with their own opinions, whatever they might be—men who had proved themselves true to the people. They would have to prove to the Government whether they were able to use this voting power as the Govern- ment expected they would use it. The CHAIRMAN, in putting the resolution, said he would divide it into two sections—one thanking the county members and the Government, and the other thanking Sir Hussey Vivian personally for his aid and presence. (Applause.) The first was passed unanimously, and the second was received with three cheers for Sir Hussey Vivian. Sir BUSSEY VIVIAN, Bart., M.P., who was to have spoken to another resolution later on, got up to respond, and went ahead with his speech in order to avoid the necessity of addressing the audience again. Sir Hussey said be had very great difficulty to express in words what he felt upon an occasion like that—it was, in fact, impossible for him to do so. It was not as though he were a young and untried man coming amongst them for the first time. He had had the honour of representing that great constituency—the county of Glamorgan— for the past 28 years. When he first went into the Rhondda be remembered that he had to ride. There was no road, and he recollected that he lamed a horse in fording the river. He mentioned that to carry their minds back to the days when he first had the honour of representing the county, and he fait deeply grateful to be able to come there amongst them again and receive the recep- tion which had just been accorded to him. When the invitation reached him to attend their annual mass meeting and speak on the question of labour representation, he found some difficulty in accepting the invitation, because, unfortunately, his intimate connection with the district would soon cease, and it was, therefore, a very difficult matter for bim to express his views on such a question. But he was assured that they desired him to do so, and that they had passed a resolution asking him to come amongst them; otherwise he would not have been there. They—the miners—were now free men.-(loud applause)—and it was now their duty to decide two points. He found, however, that the sun was shining down upon his bald head, and he was afraid that unless he put on his hat he should get a sunstroke. (Laughter.) [The hon. member had consequently to cover his head.] Continuing, h9 went on to say that they were met there that day to decide, as far as they possibly could, two points. One was, Were they going to have labour representation for the great Rhondda district ? And the other question was, Who should that represen- tative be? Now, he had always felt that if there were any district in Great Britain which was en- titled to labour representation it was the district of the Ithondda. (Hear, hear.) And not only did he desire to see labour represented in Parliament but, perhaps, they would allow him to quote from a letter written by his colleague, Mr. Talbot. He thought it would not be out of place to read the letter, because Mr. Talbot was not only a man with larger experience of the House of Commons than any other man; he was one of the cloverest and most distinguished men alive. The hon. baronet then read the letter from Mr. C. R. M. Talbot, M.P., on the subject which was published in the Western Mail recently. Then, continued the speaker, there was Lord Aberdare. He had been given a copy of the letter which he wrote on the subject, which he then took the opportunity to read. They had, he said, in the letter the opinion of a man who knew the district better than any other man, and who was well qualified to give an opinion on the question. He (the speaker) had, too, no hesitation in absolutely and entirely endorsing the opinions expressed by those two gentlemen. (" Hear, hear," and ap- plause.) He thought it was most fitting and proper that amongst the five members for the county of Glamorgan—the constituencies of which were so very largely made up by working men— it was most fitting that the working men should have at least one representative. (Hear, hear.) All varieties of interests were at present repre- sented in the House of Commons. They had soldiers very largely represented, and there were naval men equally well represented, and he was afraid that these were not always influenced by the desire for peace which Mr. Abraham bad spoken of. He was afraid that there was too mucq colour in their minds, not for peace, but for war. There were, beside, bankers largely repre- sented, in the House of Commons, and there were railway directors—ft very powerful interest—also largely represented. He had heard it said to a member," You will never carry that, because you have all the railway interest against you." Merchants of every class and manufacturers were also represented. There was also, as they knew, a host of lawyers—(laughter)—but what interest they all represented he quite failed to see. They were undoubtedly excellent representatives of themselves. There was, however, one very serious drawback in their being in Parliament, and that was that they were uncommonly good speakers. That was one of the evils of the present House of Commons—too many people wanted to make speeches. This was the only objection that he had to the lawyers. But there were also in the House of Commons two representatives of labour, and he declared that two better men did not exist in the world. One of them they had present with them in the person of Mr. Broadhurst. They had both distinguished themselves by their ability and by the power that they exerted upon the questions which came boforevtho House. No two men had ever more distinguished themselves than Mr. Broadburst and Mr. Burt, and the country could do with a great many more of their sort. There was a certain class who liked to be regarded as the champions of the working classes. These wore the philosophical members, whose minds were very much imbued with Socialistic and Communistic theories, and they tried very much to tickle the ears of working men. But his experience of working men was that they were not Socialistic or Communistic. He had heard some of these gentlemen speak ill of the Royal Family and of their Sovereign the Queen. But he was sure if he asked the throng of working men gathered at that meeting for a cheer for her Majesty there was not a man who would not take off bis hat and give a hearty cheer for her Majesty. (Loud cheering.) They were all loyal and true men, and they had no desire to possess themselves of the property of their neighbours. (Hear, hear.) But they wanted their rights looked after-Chear, hear)—and if they judiciously selected such a man as Mr. Burt or his friend Mr. Broadhurst, h. was certain that end would be attained, and they would do honour to themselves. He believed if the choice of the men fell upon the one who had been spoken of that honour would fall on them. (Hear, hear.) That, too, was what Lord Aberdaresnidinhislotter. It was not for him (the speaker) to suggest any name to them. He wished it to be distinctly understood that he did not name anyone to them, but he believed if their choice fell upon Mr. Abraham he would be an honour to them. (Cheers.) What, then, they had to consider was this: One of their own class—a working man—could do excellent service upon measures which were quite certain to come before the Legislature, such as, for example, the Mines Regulation Act. When the first Mines Regula- tion Act was introduced the Minister at the time, Sir G. Grey, sent him a draft of the Bill which he intended to introduce into the House of Commons some months before it was brought in. He looked at it, not from a one-sided point of view, but as much for the benefit of the coalowner as the workman. He did his best upon that occasion, as he did on all occasions, for all parties, and he thought that, on the whole, the Mines Regulation Act, which had been since altered and amended, was a very good measure, and he bad little doubt that many whom he saw there that day owed, per- haps, their life or their limbs to the things con- tained in that Act. But it might be that that Act should be amended, and if it were so, who were so well able to express an opinion upon it as the work- ingmen themselves? Of course, he (the speaker) knew colliery practice pretty well, as he used to go down the pit twice or three times a week, but he could not know it so well as the workmen them- selves. Then take the Employers' Liability Act. There, again, the working men representatives, who knew the opinions and feelings of the men, would be better able to make them known in the House of Commons than any other persons, and on this subject he might perform very useful and good service. So, again, in all the legislation which affected the interests of the working classes. When Mr. Broadhurst and Mr. Burt rose in the House of Commons to express their opinions they were not only listened to with attention, but thore was great deference paid to what they said,and they always great weight. He recollected that one of tile first speeches that he made in the House of Commons was upon that peculiar ques- tion when it was proposed to put a tax upon the export of coal. That was a question, no doubt, upon which a coal owner might very well speak. He thought be himself was able to do so, and he sat upon it. Then, again, there was the question of the use of their fine steam coal in the navy. He had battled that matter over and over again, and would do it again. (Hear, hear.) Well, he saw, and he saw it with regret, that there was a question of a gentleman, for whom he had the highest respect, coming forward for this division. There was nothing that he deprecated so much as a split in the Liberal party, and he should very greatly fear any question which was likely to raise. bad blood between employers and employed, especially after the good relations which had existed for so many years. (Hear, hear.) He would most deeply deplore that any such question should be raised. But it was said that the Liberal Three Hundred had invited Mr. Lewis Davis to come forward. He wished to speak with respect and admiration of Mr. Davis, because no man had been more successful and honourable than he. He was a personal friend of his (the speaker's), and was one of his own supporters, and he was a good Liberal. He was well qualified to have a seat in the House of Commons. (A Voice: Not for the Rhondda.") Very well, the men were to judge of that. But there were many other seats. He saw that there was a good deal of squabbling in the Eastern Division, and he was told that Mr. Lewis Davis might be selected there, and he was told that he would be elected without opposition. (Voices: Sure to be.") He should only be too glad to see him in the House of Commons. There were far too few representing these industries. But what he wanted to ask was this— Did this Liberal Three Hundred represent the men of the Rhondda? (Voices: "No") That was what he wanted to know. They knew that this Three Hundred business was entirely a new thing; and they also knew that new things were not good. The question was—Was it really representative? (Cries of "No.") To make such bodies really representative every elector ought to take part in their selection—(hear, hear)-other- wise it was not representative at all. It then became like the" Three tailors of Tooley-strebt," who set to work to govern the British Empire, but, unfortunately, the British Empire did not see it. He did not know how far the Liberal Three Hundred came up to his standard. (A Voice: It was a great mistake; they nominated themselves. He would ask them not to allow the Liberal party to be split, or to let ill-blood rise. There was no chance of letting in a Tory. (Laughter and cheers.) That was certain, and it would be a misfortune if they did. They knew that the great Empire of Russia was creeping on to our Indian possessions. They as Englishmen did not want Russia to take India away from them. Mr, Gladstone was doing all in his power to prevent the aggrandisement of Russia and yet to maintain peace but if it were God's will that they should go to war they were ready to go to war. So long as they had a Liberal Govern- ment in power they would do all they could to ensure the blessings of peace. (Hear, hear.) If they let a Tory Government get into power they would never have Mr. Broadhurst's Bill on lease- holds carried, nor would they ever carry Free Trade in land. He would not mislead them on this subject. He did not want to take away anyone's property; but he wanted to see Free Trade in land; he wanted to see land as easily saleable as any other commodity. (Hear, hear.) Then there was the repeal of the law of primo- geniture—a Tory Government would never carry that. (Hear, hear.) He had heard it suggested that his friend Mabon was a Tory. (Laughter.) He had no doubt that he was as good and sound a Liberal as any one of them there present. (Hear, hear.) He supposed the story was founded upon his having written some articlos to a Conservative paper in the county. What the history of that was he did not know. In conclusion, the hon. member said he feared that this would be the last time he should have the honour of addressing them as the member for Glamorganshire, but he assured them that be would have as deep an interest in their affairs, whatever division he sat for, or whether he had a seat at all. (Loud cheers.) Mr. JOHN MORGAN, house coal representative, proposed the second resolution, in Welsh:— That, in the opinion of this meetiry*. it is not only necessary, but imperative, that the newly-enfran- chised working classes should use their political power for the purpose of returning the representa- tives of their class, and by themselves supported, not with the intention of subordinating any other inte- rest, but with a view to placing themselves in a position to help on legislation peculiarly connected with the working classes, and to 80 shape the House of Commons that It may be tbe true expression of tlte opinion of the 11at,lOn. which cannot be attained except all classes have some practical interest therein. Mr. T. LLEWELIYN, Pentre, seconded, and Mr. JOHN MILLS, Tarian office, Aberdare, supported the resolution. Mr. H. BROADHURST, M.P., who was received with a hearty round of applause, congratulated them upon the two sections of the Reform measure now secured, viz., the Franchise and Re- distribution. The days of class government, he said, were past, and the eve of government by the people was about to commence, and as long as the English name would be known, so long as English literature and language were known, so long would the great name at the head of the Government be remembered as the Moses of the people of this country. (Applause.) Now, all reforms were but means to an end, and it was for them, now that they possessed the power, to declare the ends they aimed at, and go straight to them. (Applause.) Sir Hussey Vivian had referred to a subject which would require all tho firmness, all the force, and all the courage of the British people to grapple with—and that was the reform of the Land Laws. (Applause.) None of them wished to rob their neighbour, but what they said was this, that no just laws could sanction that a few men, com- paratively a few men, should own the land of the nation — land created, not by man, but given by God to His people for an inheritance. (Applause.) They desired that the land should grow food for the people, rather than it should be, as was tho case at present in many parts of the country, mere game preserves to minister to the pleasures and the passions of the rich. (Applause.) He did not propose to assist anyone in taking one inch of land from any person by unjust means. What they said was that it would be well for the whole nation that the land should be distributed in ownership more fairly than it was at present, and they wore deter- mined that it should be so distributed. (Ap- plause.) And it was for that purpose that they had asked that those he saw beforo him should have the power, believing they would exercise that power to the best interest of all and not to the injustice or real injury of any section of the community, whether rich or poor. (Applause.) Another subject which awaited the application of their powerful force was that a proud, rich Church should 110 longer be the dominant sect ia the nation, using for her own purposes enormous revenues which rightly and justly belonged to the nation as a whole. (Applause.) They believed the people would in due time disestablish and dis- endow the Church of England. They did not wish to destroy the Church, and no one loved more honestly than be did some of its features, but they wanted her to be a free Church. (Applause.) Another question was that of educa- tion. He combatted tho notion thut the children of workmen could be over-educated, provided they were educated sensibly and reasonably. (Applause.) They wanted to see the endowments of the nation, whether they were ecclesiastical or educational, so scattered that the sons and daughters of the poor man might, if they had brain power, have education placed within their reach. (Applause.) Having dealt with some other reforms, the speaker said he wished it to be clearly understood that he was not there to say one word to complicate any difficulties that might at pre- sent exist, or to incite passions or condemn courses already adopted in the matter of the representa- tion of the Rhondda Valley. (Applause.; He did not quite endorse some remarks which he had heard as to the value of what was called "Three Hundreds." If such organisation were selected upon a proper basis, composed of honest men and managed by honest men, where all sections of the community were fairly and proportionately repre- sented, then it was a legitimate and proper body to measure their political opinions. (Applause.) The selection of such an organisation he would, were he a Liberal, accept whether that choice fell upon an employer or upon his friend "Mabon, if tho choice were the outcome of the free action of a freely-constituted body, elected openly and not in a hurry, and not in the dark— (applause)—not in holes and corners. (Hear, bear.) If the Liberal Association had been chosen on the lines he had indicated, it was difficult to gainsay its authority. But those conditions had not been complied with, and their selection could not, and would not, meet with the approval of the people in this valley. (Applause.) He understood —but now he was speaking only from rumours which he had heard since his arrival here on Friday—but he had heard that Mr. Davis was not likely to accept, or, at any rate, at present had not accepted, the invi tation of this association to contest tho valley. If Mr. Davie did dot accept, surely there would not bo much difficulty in taking the next highest on the poll and let him go as the candidate of the whole party. (Applause.) Now, if Mr. Davis had been thinking of accepting this invitation, what an opportunity for a great and noble- minded man, such as he understood Mr. Davis was. of making a great and ever- lasting position in the hearts and minds of these people by saying at once he knew they would send him to Parliament for their respect towards him, and as a compliment to him and bis family, but that he knew, deep down in the breasts of thousands of the people, there was a desire that "Mabon" should go. (Applause.) Therefore, Mabon" should go, so far as he (Mr. Lewis Davis) was concerned. (Applause.) Now, a word as to his friend. He was surprised to bear Sir Hussey Vivian state that some people had been stupid enough to speak of Mr. Abraham as a Tory. (Laughter.) He could not help thinking that people who would say that would say something else equally absurd if they did not take that particular form of objec- tion. (Laughter and applause.) If he thought Mr. Abraham was not a true and faithful and staunch Radical to the very backbone, not all his trades-unionism, not all his life devotion to labour would induce him for a moment to help in sending him to Parliament, where he would be called upon to deal hourly with politics. (Applause.) It was because he believed him to be a Liberal—a Radical—and a faithful and capable supporter of the Liberal party that he hoped to see Mr. Abraham in Parliament. (Applause.) Now, they were not many in the House of Commons, as their good representative had been pleased to tell them. Mr. Burt and himself were the only true sons of labour in the House of Commons. There were many good and true and noble supporters of the cause of labour; but they were the only two who knew what it was to have laboured as they under- stood the term. Sir Hussey Vivian had relieved him of a delicate task by saying that, no matter how well he understood mining, Mabon" must understand it better. (Applause.) That was a great and a noble admission, a great text from which they could preach many eloquent sermons—and uttered by an authority in Parliament and the commercial world second to none in the country. (Applause.) He did not believe Mabon" would in Parliament seek to represent the industrial classes only. He believed he would be a national representative, seeking the welfare of the whole community, the honour of the country, and the progress of the people, rather than the personal advantage or the benefit of the particular order or class which sent him there. (Applause.) He sincerely hoped the great influence of Sir Hussey Vivian and the peaceful character of the speeches that day would do something to lessen the deadlock into which it appeared the party had drifted on the question of the selection of candidates. (Applause.) He hoped and trusted Sir Hussey Vivian's influence would bring reason and common sense to bear upon the situation from the middle class point of view; and he was sure Mr. Abraham himself would be the first to hold out the olive leaf to the other side. (Applause.) Mabon's whole life had been one of seeking peace and harmony rather than the promotion of strife, and he (Mr. Broadhurst) felt sure that the influence which Mr. Abraham had brought to bear on industrial questions be would apply likewise to political questions. In con- clusion, Mr. Broadhurst dwelt upon the arduous nature of the duties of a member of Parliament, and urged the.n to be prepared to supply Mabon" with a sustenance fund sufficient to maintain him in respectability. (Applause.) Let them send Mabon" to Parliament in as creditable a manner as Mr. Burt's position was creditable to the Northumberland men. (Applause.) If they wished to succeed in their policy of forcing a labour representative to the front they must be true to themselves. They could do it if they liked. (Applause.) Mr. THOMAS EDWARDS, Porth, then moved :— That this meeting desires to express its confidence in Mr. Thomas Burt, M.P., and Mr. H. Broadhurst, M.P., the present labour representatives in the House of Commons, and takes this opportunity of assuring them that in the discharge of their Parlia- mentary duties they have our heartfelt sympathies, co-operation, and support, and fully hope that ere long they will be assisted in their successful efforts ill behalf of the labour cause in the House of Commons by our faithful representative, Mr. W.Abraham. He said if all the miners assembled there were of the same opinion as himself they would pay no attention whatever to a Liberal Three Hundred. He had nothing to say against Mr. Lewis Davis, as he had always found him a thorough gentleman, but he knew that he was not the man selected by the men of the district; he would not be a gentleman to stand for the Rhondda. They should not allow shopkeepers and preachers to step in and make strife in the way threatened. Mr. W. EVANS, Treorky, seconded in Welsh, and Mr. E. A. RnIER, Dean Forest, supported. Upon being put to the meeting, the clause refer- ring to Mabon separately and the resolution as a whole were received with acclamation, not a single dissentient hand being held up. The other resolutions published in the Western Mail were also adopted, Mr. ISAAC EVANS, Neath, supporting them. [BY AN OLD COLLIER.] That working men need be represented in Parlia- ment is 80 self-evident that it will require but little argument to convince even the most obtuse or make the matter clear to the most sceptical. As workmen, we are more or less affected by whatever is done in the House of Commons. If taxes are levied we have to pay them, or if bad laws are enacted we have to obey them. Whatever of evil arises from the proceedings of that House we feel it as citizens, and as citizens we ought to be fairly and properly represented. We are not only the most numerous, and, without egotism, I might also say the most important, class, as by our labour we keep the State machinery in motion, and thus uphold the entire superstructure of society but we are also the only class not, in some measure, adequately represented. A glance at the represen- tation of the various interests in the House of Commons clearly demonstrates this fact. Out of the 639 members of that honourable House— thirteen seats being vacant—the commercial, manufacturing, and trading interests of the country are represented by only 155 members, a number which is considered to be greatly disproportionate when compared with the aristocratic, fighting, and landed interests in the House. But, if the com- mercial, manufacturing, and trading interests of the country are disproportionately represented, what can be said of labour, with only two members in the House representing the whole of the labouring community? Take, again, the legal interest, and we find that it is represented by 90 barristers, six retired barristers, four recorders, three Scotch advocates, sixteen solicitors, two re- tired solicitors, and one ex-judge, making a total number of 122 persons in whom the interest is directly represented in the present House of Com- mons. Can there, then, be any sane working man who believes that our interests can in any way bo further protected by augmenting the number of either of these already well-represented interests ? There can be no doubt whatever that our various interests as workmen have suffered greatly for the want of a fair representation in Parliament. Consequently, with the addition of two millions of persons to the electorate, the great majority of whom are working men, we ought to consider the best means of using the power thus extended to us in connection with ourselves and for securing our own interests. It may be said that this is a narrow and contracted view to take of our changed position, and an abuse of our newly-acquired power. Still, in pursuing this course, we are not only following m the footsteps of others who have long possessed the power, and not infrequently abused it, but we are justified in the act by our present dispropor- tionate and unfair representation. I have no hesi- tation in saying that this power should be used towards our elevation and emancipation. Political power is said to be all power in the end, and in using it for the purpose I have nameù. we are dis- playing no want of patriotism, but acting the part of wise and thoughtful men, who, w#iie wishful to do all things in peace and order, and act in conformity with all good usages and customs, still cannot overlook the terrible inequalities existing in our midst, and deem it a duty to do something in trying to lessen these discreditable social differences. All will admit that the wealthy classes have nothing to gain by tho enactment of laws which will inaugurate changes calculated to brine about a more equitable distribution of the nation's wealth. So long as the working classes are unrepresented in the House of Commons, or, as now, but very slightly represented, those laws will not be agitated for, and our present lous social relationships will be continued without even a change being desired, much less sought; whereas if we were proportionately and properly represented the claims of workmen could be put forth and supported in a manner very different from anything we have known in the past, and something would be done towards furthering the social changes necessary to increase the comforts oI m entire people.

THE SPIRIT OF THE WELSH PRESS.…

THE SOUTH GLAMORGAN PAKLU…

MR. J. T. D. LLEWELYN AT COW,…

ITHE REPRESENTATION OF GOWER.

THE ROYAL NATIONAL EISTEDDFOI…

IDIOCESE OF ST. DAVID'S.

ST, DAVID'S COLLEGE SCHOOL,…

CURRENT AGRICULTURAL A TOMCS.

t art"18' GDAN0 As MANURE.

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