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SWANSEA, FItlnAY, Nov. 20.

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SWANSEA, FItlnAY, Nov. 20. — — NEWSPAPER STAMPS. 'Returns to an order of the House of Commons of the number of Stamps issued to each of the tinder mentioned Newspapers during each of the four years ending the 6th <J January, 5840. 18:5S. IS::HJ. TolaL ,13:50. 183?. • 1838. 1839. Tola!, OA-wait! AN of.SOO 89,000 92,500 99,0-0; 3^8,8-»> Carmarthen Journal .S4.750 4; J l8-.i9,000, 40,0.i0 liiO.'JbS Cava ir-. on herald .2-4,850 39,700 42,345, .^6,4^) 14->5 Metthv r Gu;rdian 42.000 6S ,475.48,01)0 40,CO;) 165,475 Monmouthshire Merlin 41,439.61.693'73,923 I0(».0fi;!j J.77.0GG M vottthsbire Beaoon — 37,000 84,500 Kortli Wales Chronicle 10,850 2^,83o :i0,5i)0; 24,000} 84.5b;! Si'nri.'iti 29,501) 4( ,950 3 i,50{) 35,000| 133.950 \eisl>:sian 33,815 5!7t.i 45,500 3G,9;)0| 107,49* A similar Return has been published of the number of Stomps turned j c i p,,bli,le,,[ lle 1).f,3 1,1 !o car/ a/ the above-named Papers j■ r the jirst six months til 1840; a,-d is asjollow. Jr.ii. Feb. 'Mar. vpril. iV<:i v. June. I ota!. CAMFi:;i-\N. 7:«;0 70<H> 70t> 709a — 14,009142.09!) C-rnar Journal 40.TO 4199 4000 4909 | 4000 4009! 24.10O Onrn»r. Herald MK» 4SC0 <5309 — 1.759 27,650 Mer'.h\ r Gu.■ rd. 140-J0 — ;i:c' — — 4000 23.000 o- Merlin — 10,000i :4.f?00 20,090 10.090 54,000 Mo: Beacon 25'J9 — 2i»00 2000 4500' 11 ,909 N V,Chronicle 1090 3900 — 2000 4000 2:100 12,000 Silurian — 3000 6900 3900 3000 15,000 Welshman — < 4990 | — I — i 4000 40!)0 12,'>,0.) -¡'? No question of domestic policy, can, at present, tin 1 in interest tli;f of vtctt-o or. \y<ir with PrniH'e. 'I he Cabinets of b:.th count: i-s, now that M. Tire is has retired fr.mi oil'ice, arpear !u!iy <iispose<l to pre- seri o the tranqni'lii v of r»r<ipe. hut a I;irpe j.ortion of the Paris nnd London press, are krumntto' to keep r.live hostile feelinus at.totig; the people, hy the grossest Misrepresentations of Lord P.xluiersion's last. note. These unprincipled newspapers, pretend to believe that the passion for war had been rapidly dying: away :R Franc: and wns t when his Lordship's letter to our A mbasr.ador at Paris u made its appearance. Upon reading it, say they, the i'urv anil violence of the war party was nc.atn revived, and if the disturbance of nil Christendom he not the consequence, il will at least require much time and pains to restore the public mind to its equilibrium. But wiio in fact are the oersons that sulfVr maiks of irritation against Lord Palmersfon to escape thorn ? Who but the journalists of the war pary, the old ene- mies of h's Lordship. of all Europe, and even of civi- lization itself? Did thev not keep up the war whoop as loi-o- as they were, able before the note of the British Minister appeared ? Did thev not pour forth a^aue-t him v.hole volleys of sneers and taunts, under the sup- position that he would not reply to M. TSr.ors's note of the 8'h of October ? And is it not manife st to all the i -,i i to ].,Is world thai they were equally prepared to revile his Lordship, whether he should speak or preserve silence? And what we say of the French journals is equally true of the 'J'imcs, and other journals of that class. It always irks them'ot;eco)t:el'cd!o niter anything, which they do not di em derogatory to the existing government, no member of which is more constantly the object of their vituperation than Lord Palir.erston. In the present case, however, it demands hut little in- to his Lordship. M. Thiers, in a series of diplomatic notes, had perseveringlv misrepresented the course of negociations pursued by Great Britain and her Allies, in reference to the affairs of Turkey. According to him, the views taken by France, were the wisest and most unobjectionable that could possibly have been imagined, while those of Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, were absurd and vision- ary. Nor was this all For while M. Thiers, placed in ihe best light tlie designs of his own Cabinet, he purposely imparted an appearance of weakness and inconsistency to the proceedings of the Allies. Now, it unfertnnntely happens that M. Thiers is a man of some celebrity, how little soever he may deserve it, and his representations, therefore, if left wholly uncon- tradicted, might, in many quarters, have produced an injurious effect. On this account, it was incumbent on Lord Palmerston to reply to them, however little he might feel disposed to enter into a diplomatic contro- versy, and whatever iiis enemies may affect, to think, it is our firm conviction, that no impartial politician can peruse his terse, luminous, and most masterly notes, without acknowledging that he has triumphantly estab- lished all the points which, at the outset, he undertook to make oat. On most of these we have already offered some observations to our readers. Accordingly, we do not here design to open up again the discussion; but we shall content ourselves with alluding briefly to two or three poin's, which, being admitted, all the others may s'tfely be left to themseh es. First, then, it is demonstrated by the notes of Lord Palmerston that M. Thiers did not understand what all the rest of the world understood, by the integrity of the Ottoman empire Second, that it has all along been the aim of Great Britain to preserve bona fide the integrity of Turkey, and that the present operations in Syria have no other object. Third, that it was not the Allies who, in the course of the negotiation*, abandoned France, but France who voluntarily abondoned the Allies Fourth, that, consequently, no insult could possibly be intended to be offered to France, and therefore that if France should deem it advisable to have recourse to arms, it could only be in order to effect some secret purpose which neither her Ministers nor her journalists have yet thought proper to avow. Thus, if war should now take place, Great Britain must stand acquitted of all blame in the eyes of the whole world, which cannot fail to perceive that our government has conducted jiself from first to last with a candour and frankness, and a respect for neighbouring states, which canno: be too much extolled. That several opposition prints, taking their cue from the revolutionary journals of Paris, endeavour to disguise the true state of the case, is a lamentable fact, which only proves, however, to what unhappy lengths, men otherwise respectable, may he driven by party spirit. The affecting to believe, as some of them do, that the dispatch of Lord Granville was uncalled for, is a very miserable device. For if M. Thiers s note of the 8th of October was at all necessary, then the reply to it was equally so, more especially as the French ex-Minister had strenuously laboured to create false impressions by the artifices and studied ambiguity of his language. But the goal towards which the opposition journals are moving, is quite obvious. They desire to displace Lord Palmerston in order to set up the Duke of Wellington in his room, without considering the mental condition of his Grace, his physical weakness, or the historical circumstances which demonstrate his unfitness for the office they would force upon him. Nothing could be more hit miliating to this countrv than his Grace's Chinese policy, which, if persevered in, would have rendered us a mockery to the whole civiiized world. Nor was his Grace's intermeddling with Turkish affairs a jot more creditable to his character as a statesman. In truth, it onlv needs to point to the treaty of Unkiar Skeh-ssi to shew how little the Duke of Wellington understands the measure of respect due to Great Britain, or the place she ought to occupy amid the the civilized powers of the world. We have no desire to tarnish tile laureJs of a great man, more especially when that great man is far advanced in the vale of years; but we maintain that it is indecent, that it is even criminal, in the Tory journals, to thrust forward the Luke of Wellington in spite of all his political errors, as a person worthy to succeed the first diploma- tist in Europe. I' will be an linfortunate (hy for this country when she shall lose the services of Lord Palmerston.

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