Llangollen Advertiser Denbighshire Merionethshire and North Wales Journal

FRANCHISE MEETING AT GLYNCEIRIOG. A public meeting was held at Zion Baptist Chapel, Glynceiriog, on Friday evening, Oct. 10th, to express approval of the franchise bill, and to protest against the action of the House of Lords in rejecting it. The meeting was announced to begin at six, but, owing to the inclement state of the weather, a heavy fall of snow, accompanied with thunder and lightning, having taken place through- out the day, and especially the heavy downpour of sleet which occurred between five and six, the pro- ceedings did not begin until nearly seven o'clock, by which time, notwithstanding the uncomfortable state of the roads, which were several inches deep in slush, a large number attended. The capacious building was comfortably filled on the ground floor, and there was a good sprinkling on the galleries, many having come from Nantyr, Llanar- mon, Tregeiriog, Pontfadog, and Llwynmawr. Mr. David Roberts, Dolywern, presided, and he was supported by Mr. Thomas Gee, Denbigh, Professor Gethin Davies, Rev. Ezra Jones, Rev. Thomas Jones, Mr. D. LI. John, Llangollen, and Mr. Richard Morris, Llanarmon. Amongst those present were— Messrs. Evans, Talygarth, Jones, Pant, R. R. Thomas, Brynderw, Hughes, Rhosycoed, Jones, Tynygroes, Hughes, Glanywern, E. Phillips, grocer, Glyn, R. P. Williams, Hen Hafod, Humphrey Williams, Hafody- garreg,Nantyr, John Hughes,Blaenycwm,Llawenog, John Jones, Tuhwnt-i'r-Af on, Richard Jones, Cwmy- geifr, Evan Evans, Dolwen, David Evans, Pencae- newydd, Robert Edwards, Ty'ntwll, Henry Hughes, Megin, J. T. Evans, Llwythder, J. D. Lloyd, Board School, Llanarmon, Hugh Hughes, Penrhewl, Evan Evans, Tregeiriog, Edward Lewis, Berllenhelyg, Thomas Davies, Nantswrn, D. Jones, Pontymeibion, Wm. Davies, Pandy, John Jones, Llwynmawr, &c. The chairman, who was warmly received, after reading a letter from Mr. S. G. Fell, a gentleman who was a great friend to the Liberal cause, expressing his regret at being unable to attend that meeting, said he was deeply conscious of the honour the committee had conferred upon him in asking him to preside that evening, and although he should have preferred the duties to have fallen into abler hands, still he would do his best. In some respects there was hardly any necessity for holding a Liberal meeting in the Valley of the Ceiriog, for nine out of every ten of the inhabitants were Liberals. Nevertheless they were not willing to let that opportunity go by, and they could not feel that they were doing their duty if they did let it pass, without expressing their approval of Mr. Gladstone and his Ministry in this important crisis through which the country was passing. In doing that they were only echoing the great chorus of approval which was raised from one end of the country to the other. The country was full of enthusiasm on the subject. There was no similar enthusiasm since the great Reform agitation in 1832. There was no necessity for him to explain to them what the franchise bill was. Mr. Spinther James had ably done that in the spring of this year. It was simply this That every householder, who had occupied his house for twelve months, should be entitled to a vote in the counties as was the case already in the boroughs. That was what the country had been expecting for the last four years, that is, since the general election but on account of the state of Ireland, the war in Egypt, and the work of the obstructionists, the matter has been delayed until this year, when, in the Queen's speech, Mr. Gladstone pledged himself that it should become law this year, and after about three months' hard work, during which time Mr. Gladstone, who was nearly 80 years of age, had been up for twenty- five nights until morning, whilst they were quietly at rest in bed, fighting hard for this bill, so that they, the working men of Glynceiriog and others like them, might have a vote he succeeded in getting it read a second time with a majority of 130 and the third time it was unopposed. But when the bill was sent to the House of Lords it was thrown out by a majority of 59. Was there any reason in allowing the House of Lords the power of undoing the work of months in a few hours? Every man who had the welfare of his country at heart would emphatically say No. Let them there- fore that evening record their disapproval of the action of the Lords and their strong approval of the action of the Government. (Cheers.) Mr. D. Lloyd John, Llangollen, who spoke in English, proposed" That this meeting expresses its approval of the franchise bill, heartily acknow- ledges the exertions made by the Government to pass it through Parliament, approves of the further steps which they are taking for the same end, and pledges itself to render them a loyal support until the measure becomes law." He scarcely thought the resolution was too strong, for, as Mr. Lowther had said, the Lords had "chucked the bill out," but he (Mr. John) thought they would not dare do that again. The attitude of the Tories now reminded him of Micawber, for they were anxiously waiting for something to turn up;" and it also reminded him strongly of the words of Sydney Smith, 50 years ago, who after relating the story of Mrs. Partington trying to sweep back the waves of the Atlantic with her broom, said Gentlemen, be quiet and steady, we will yet beat the House of Lords." If Mr. Smith had been a prophet he could not have better expressed the present state of affairs. The Rev. Ezra Jones, after reading in Welsh the resolution which had just been moved, said he had much pleasure in seconding it. They knew that the session in which the excellent bill which they had met to show their approval of, had been passed by the House of Commons, had just closed, but all their hard work had been spoiled in a few hours, by whom ? By the House of Lords. As a consequence the whole country was in a state of commotion from one end to the other, and amongst others they at Glyn had felt the effects of it. What was the House of Lords composed of ? It was composed of a number of hereditary lords, archbishops, bishops, a few who had been created peers because they were too turbulent to be borne any longer in the House of Commons-(laugbter)-a few so-called representa- tive peers, 16 Scotch and 28 Irish, who almost always rank Tories. And those were the people whom Lord Carnarvon said represented the feeling of the country. But it was Lord Carnarvon and his friends, and not the country who said so. When this bill was passed through the House of Commons these men flocked in from all parts of the country-some from fishing, others from shooting, and nobody knows where besides,- (laughter)-with the object of preventing it from becoming law. They said they would not allow it to pass unless accompanied with a redistribution bill, but their object was to force a dissolution of Parliament. But what right had they to do that? That power belonged by right to the Government. After reviewing the various arguments brought forward by the Conservatives against the passing of the franchise bill, Mr. Jones said that one of their arguments, namely, that the country did not want the franchise bill, was clearly disproved by the inhabitants of Dyffryn Ceiriog that evening, for he saw before him many from Llanarmon, Tregeiriog, Nantyr, and other parts of the valley, who had come through all the storm of snow and sleet to show that they wanted it. (Cheers.) The Tories had their pic-nics and other inducements to get people to attend their meetings, but the Liberals of Glyn needed no such things to bring them together to give expression to their principles. (Cheers.) Having explained the effects of the franchise bill, and stated that it was similar to that which Mr. Disraeli had brought in for the boroughs, but which had been strenuously opposed by the Lords, who had always been opposed to the rights of the people, the rev. gentleman said that Mr. Gladstone was determined that the measure should become law, and it was too far in the day for the Lords now to prevent it. Lord Carnarvon had said that any argument against the House of Lords was also an argument against the Queen. But the cases were not parallel ones. The people of this country could only be governed through their own repre- sentatives in the House of Commons. The Kings of England had long ceased to govern their subjects. They were too wise to attempt it. (Cheers.) The Queen, for whom we felt the greatest respect, and to whom we were most loyal subjects, did not govern-she reigned over us. The people would not allow the House of Lords to govern them. They might remain dukes, marquises, earls, and barons, if they liked, but they would never be allowed to govern us. We would govern ourselves. He had great pleasure in seconding the resolution. (Cheers.) Mr. Amos Phillips, as one of the two millions who would have a vote when the franchise bill became law, supported the resolution. They had in this country already three million voters and Mr. Gladstone was going to add two millions to them, making them five millions, a good broad basis for the Constitution to stand on. (Cheers.) It would be a step in the right direction towards bringing things right to get the two million who are at present unrepresented a voice in the election of members of Parliament, and as one of those two millions he heartily supported the resolution. (Loud cheers.) The motion was carried unanimously amidst great applause. At this point the chairman announced the arrival of Mr. Thomas Gee, who, on entering, was very warmly received. Mr. Richard Morris, Llanarmon, in rising to move the next resolution, said he was sure it would be as warmly received as the previous one. He would read it to them in English and Welsh. It was as follows That this meeting unreservedly condemns the action cf the House of Lords in dealing with the Franchise Bill, repudiates as unconstitutional the claim made by the majority in that House to force a dissolution, and records its conviction that the House of Lords as at present con- stituted calls for early and thorough reform. Probably their only object in coming together on that cold night was, like Aaron and Hur of old with Moses, they wished to support the hands of Mr. Gladstone, who, as their Chairman had told them, had done so much for them. It had been stated by some that these Franchise meetings were only got up by certain agitators. It was not agitators who had brought them together that evening. They in that valley had brought the subject of the extension of the franchise four years ago to the notice of the learned and honourable gentleman who represented them. (Cheers.) And they were still anxious to see the Bill passed, for they believed that every man should have a vote because he was a man, and not because he was possessed of a certain amount of property. The Tories professed themselves in favour of the Franchise. All very well; but it appears that the Tory time for giving it had not yet arrived. (Laughter.) They would have it with something else, and that something else would delay it for an indefinite time. The Government were like a strong team which had successfully drawn a thin rope through a small hole, until a mali- cious person, in order to retard their progress, tacked on a thicker rope at the end of it, which made it almost impossible to get it through and the Conservatives in saying that they were in favour of the franchise bill whilst at the same time doing all they could to prevent its being passed, were very like a lot of children who shouted to their companions Come in," pushing with all their might behind the door to prevent its being opened. (Laughter.) The Bill had passed the Commons, and they had the word of the Archbishop of Canterbury that it was a very fair one. The Government had also pledged themselves to bring in a Redistribution Bill. What more did the Con- servatives want ? They wanted to have the management of that business themselves, but the Government could not allow that. (Cheers.) What difference would it make to us what party had the carrying out of the Redistribution Bill ? It would make a wonderful difference. One party had faith in the people, and the other bad faith in the purse. The lords thought the people were created for their sake, and if the two measures had been sent up to them they would have made as short work of both as they did of the Franchise Bill alone. But Mr. Gladstone was too wise to do that-(cheers)-and they were there that evening to support him in his refusal to allow the lords to interfere with the people's right to say how they are willing to be governed. (Cheers.) The Rev. Professor Gethin Davies, Llangollen, in rising to second the resolution, expressed the pleasure it gave him to see Mr. Gee among them. (Cheers.) With reference to the present commo- tion throughout the length and breadth of the country, with whose various aspects they were well acquainted, he had been asking himself what might be the cause of it all. And he was forced to the conclusion that it arose from a want of mutual understanding between the parties. He thought that that lay at the root of every quarrel which had taken place from the beginning of the world. Now it was the Lords against the people and the people against the Lords. It was a question whether the Lords had ever understood the people properly. They were, to use a common expression, up in a balloon, and could not understand the great heart that was struggling and toiling below them. The well-known lines of Burns- 0 wad some power the giftie gie us To see ourselves as others see us, were very appropriate to the Lords. It would be of immense advantage to Lord Salisbury and his followers to see how the country looked at them, and it would prove of great advantage to the country too. The Lords do not understand the country, and the Tories do not understand the country. Therefore, they go arm in arm together to their own destruction. The country was thoroughly roused on the subject of the Franchise, and its voice was lifted higher and higher from day to day. He was glad to see the people of Glyn taking part in the great movement, the object of which was to support the hands of Mr. Gladstone and his Ministry. He could not see what reason the Lords had for refusing to give the enlightened labourer, who performed his duties as a citizen, and was capable of exercising his reason, a vote. The Welsh adage said, "Rhydd i bawb ei farn, ac i bob barn ei llafar"—"Every man is entitled to his opinion, and every opinion to its expression." Countries, like individuals, required very different forms of government during their infancy and after they had attained their full growth. Absolute monarchy was all very well for Russia in its infancy, and Peter the Great was the right man to govern it; but although the present Czar of all the Russias was not wise enough to see that that sort of Government would not do now. and that the people's will must be consulted, the fact was none the less true. In March last Sir Robert Peel objected to giving the franchise to a large number of ignorant" persons. Although there might be many ignorant persons in the class about to be enfranchised, there were, he was sorry to say, ignorant Lords, and very inexperienced ones too. (Laughter.) Another quotation from a Conserva- tive speaker In my opinion, the real danger is not the power of the Lords but of a single man." That single man was the incomparable leader of the people and no wonder that the Lords feared him, for he had the people at his back. The people were rising to demand their just rights, and with the people was their leader, William Ewart Glad- stone, to whom let them give the praise which his remarkable and unceasing efforts on behalf of the people deserved. (Loud cheers.) The motion was then put to the meeting and carried unanimously with much enthusiasm. The Chairman then briefly introduced Mr. Gee to the meeting. Mr. Thomas Gee, Denbigh, who was greeted with loud cheers, on rising, said he was pleased to see such an enthusiastic meeting. He thanked them for the kind welcome they had given him but he felt there was no need for him to have come there to try to convince any of them, for he knew they were thorough-going Liberals in that valley. However, he might tell them that there was one thing he did not know of until that evening, and that was the terrible hill that they had to climb over to get there from Llangollen. (Laughter.) He was at a disadvantage what to speak to them about, as he was not present to hear what the other speakers had said. It was the day of conflict, a terrible conflict it might prove. The forces were already in the field, and the exertions put forth by the opposing sides to bring their forces into the field, proved that they looked upon the battle as something more than usual. Let them think of the opposing forces. On one side was the Govern- ment pledged to pass the franchise bill. On the other the whole Tory party in the House of Commons tried without wishing to appear to be against the bill. in every way they attempted to thwart its progress. Like naughty boys, they threw stones at it and kept themselves at a safe distance. They asked innumerable questions about Gordon and this and the other sometimes it was about Egypt they wanted to know, and at other times it was about South Africa, India, Ireland, and a host of other things, and all with the view of preventing the franchise bill from reaching the House of Lords in time, so that that Chamber might have a decent excuse for throwing it out on account of the short- ness of the time at their disposal to consider it. Eventually the measure passed the Commons, and what did the Lords do with it ? They did not say they would throw it out, but they did what was virtually the same thing, they prevented its further progress. The excuse was that they wanted a redistribution bill with it. They dared not say they were against it or they would injure their party. If they had stated the truth they would have lost the support of the working men. But the truth was, although they tried to hide it, that the Tories did not want a franchise bill. (Hear, hear.) That might easily be gathered from what had fallen from Lowther, Smith, Peel, and others. No real Tory would ever feel the least inclination to extend the franchise to his fellow-countrymen who were without it. Such a one, could he be found, should be put in a glass case for exhibition as a curiosity. (Laughter.) The perfection of Toryism would be government without a House of Commons or anything, in a word absolute monarchy. Failing that they endeavour to get the country governed by a few lords. That was Toryism. What then was Liberalism ? Liberalism recognised the right of the people who had to obey the laws to have a voice in the formation of the laws by which they were to be governed a voice in the imposition of the taxes they would have to pay and also with regard to