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WALES AND THE LIBERAL GOVERNMENT.

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WALES AND THE LIBERAL GOVERNMENT. Important Pronouncement by the Chairman of the Welsh Parliamentary Party. The Welsh Revolt and the incidents of the struggle between the Board of Education and the Welsh County Councils have occupied public attention so much, to the exclusion of other matters, that one is apt to forget that the Education Question is not the only one in which Wales is interested. This is very forcibly brought home by the following interview that a repre- sentative of the South Wales Daily News had with Sir Alfred Thomas, M.P., the chairman of the Welsh Parliamentary party. Sir Alfred expressed himself with great frankness upon a number of questions directly affecting the relations of Wales and the Liberal Party-and particularly the next Liberal Government. The Welsh Revolt. The Welsh revolt naturally took first place. Upon this, however, Sir Alfred showed great reticence, declining to enter into the question of future policy. In this matter," he said, Wales has hitherto placed every confidence in her accredited representatives on the County Councils and in Parliament, and must continue to do so. As to the general principles of what is known as the Welsh revolt, Wales is practically unanimous. Under no pretence and upon no consideration will she consent to the voting of money from the local rates for the maintenance of sectarian schools, or schools over which the public are not allowed complete control, or in connection with which any religious tests are applied in the case of pupils or teachers. We have now reached a critical stage in the struggle, when any outside interference with the plans of those who have been entrusted with the control of this fight would be manifestly both impolitic and unjust." The Position of Nonconformists. You speak of a critical stage in the struggle. Does that mean the new situation now created in Merionethshire and Montgomeryshire ? "That partly, but not entirely," was the reply. "There has never, in my opinion, in the whole political history of the Principality been a period so serious and a situation so acute as exists at the present time. It is one which essentially demands the combination of the greatest prudence with the boldest and most un- faltering courage. Wales possesses in this education fight the greatest opportunity she has ever had, or is likely to have in my time, for securing once for all full civil and religious liberty. It has placed the Disestablishment and Disendowment of the Church in Wales not only within the range of political politics once more, but actu- ally within our grasp. If we let this opportunity slip the present generation of politicians at least will not have such another. But like all things worth having we must pay the price for it. Non- conformists must sacrifice far more than they have yet done if this is to be accomplished. These sacrifices must not be confined to the leaders and the public men; the rank and file of Nonconformity throughout the country must participate in them. If the Welsh are, as they claim to be, a nation of Nonconformists, then this education fight must be made a great national occasion, a struggle in which each one must be prepared to take his part." The Prospects of the Future. Then there is more involved in this struggle than the fate of the schools ? Very much more," was the emphatic re- joinder, and it is that fact which makes me so concerned about the future. I do not anticipate very much difficulty in settling the educational controversy. Our professed political opponents are really prepared to assist us in this now. The whole country has been educated and en- lightened upon many points by the universal hostility shown to certain provisions in the Edu- cation Act, and particularly by the bold stand the Welsh Councils are making. I have made it my business to discover what is the real feel- ing among members on the opposite side, and so far as I am able to judge from conversations with representative men in the Conservative Party, I believe that a large proportion of them are prepared to accept the greater part if not the whole of what may be described as the Welsh educational proposals. This, of course, refers to the laymen, and not to the extremists among the clergy and the bishops. There is really more danger from the indifference of lukewarm friends than from the active hostility of professed enemies. There are some people, I dare say, who would say 'Why make all this bother now when we know that with the advent of a Liberal Government this question will be settled?' It is just there the danger lies. As to the immediate issue of the fight, I am per- fectly sanguine. We are bound to win on the education question. The Relations of the Welsh Members to the Coming Liberal Government. Do you think the next Liberal Govern- ment will take up the question of Disestablish- ment?" It will be the duty of the Welsh members to see that they do so." Have any steps been taken by the Welsh party to secure the necessary assurances from the Liberal leaders that this shall be done?" No, there has been no formal communica- tion on the subject." "Will steps be taken with that object, say, before the General Election ? Certainly." Now, pardon me for pressing the question, but what will be the attitude of the Welsh members towards the next Liberal Ministry in case Wales gets no satisfactory assurances as to legislation on Welsh questions, and particularly on Disestablishment ? We certainly expect the Liberal Ministry to recognise the paramount claims of Wales to special legislation, and particularly to the intro- duction of a Disestablishment Bill as a Govern- ment measure in the first Session of the new Parliament. It would be a question of policy for the leaders of the Party to consider whether they would defer the settlement of the education question for another year in order to carry Dis- establishment in the first Session, as that would make the settlement of the education question afterwards a very easy matter indeed. But I would not consent to any other measure than an Education Bill having precedence over Disestablishment." "Assuming that Disestablishment forms no part of the immediate legislative programme of the Liberal Government, what then?" "Personally, I Should Not Be Prepared to Support any Administration which does not make the Disestablishment and Disendowment of the Church of England in Wales an essential part of its legislative programme." Steps will be taken to make your position clear before the election ? "Certainly; and I need not point out that the Welsh Members are now a very important asset of the Liberal Party. We have a number of brilliant men who must, in the natural order of things, take a prominent place in the future House of Commons. These, I am assured, are prepared to assert themselves where questions affecting the national interests of the Principality are concerned. And I cannot conceive the possibility of any Liberal Government in the future being so ill advised as to give just cause for offence by deliberately ignoring what they know to be the legitimate expectations or, if) ou like to put it so, demands of so powerful a section, and that the very section which, when all is said and done, formed the backbone of the fighting brigade on the Opposition side during the present Parliament." Welsh Patience Exhausted. But there will be other claimants for legis- lation ? Of course there will, but none whose claim is more just than that of Wales. As a matter of fact, Wales has been too long patient, and has permitted others to take the precedence which was her just right. The Irish Party and the Irish people owe Wales and Nonconformity a debt of gratitude which they have not yet begun to repay. I, for one, do not feel inclined to make further advances to a debtor who makes no attempt to pay what he already owes. I am as anxious as any man to do

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