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A SWISS PAPER ON FRANCE.
A SWISS PAPER ON FRANCE. The Journal de Geneve, in an article on the state of France, says the sole condition of the salvation of the country is the cure of the spirit of revolution. If this cure were effected, all other wounds would close by degrees, all other disasters are reparable. Let the regular course of political and social life be restored; let France cease to seek liberty and justice in their very opposite—force and nothing can arrest modern democratic progress in that impassioned and idealised country. The ascendancy of public opinion will ensure the triumph of useful and tangible reforms even under an inefficient Government. It will be only a question of time, which is painful to so impatient a people but they must suffer it in expiation of past faults. If France finds it impossi- ble to cure the disease of revolution, her doom is pro- nounced. No constitution, no riffime however demo- cratic or decentralising, can arrest the progressive decay of that unhappy country. After having held during more than a centurv, the sceptre of modern civilisation, France will descend to the rank of those nations which impede that civilisation, and which only possess sufficient intel- lectual and moral material to perpetuate the immobility of a refined hn.rh9dsm-
-- --THE INSURRECTION IN PARIS.
THE INSURRECTION IN PARIS. PABIB, Sunday. The strange and abnormal state of things which has existed for the last fortnight has for the second or third time produced bloodshed, and threatens a formidable col- liaion. As if enough French lives had not been sacrificed in the disastrous foreign war, the firing goes on, and the am- balances are bronghtouttobearoff men struck down by their own countrymen. The prevailing feeling in the midst of the intense excitement is one of horror and regret that the long threatened civil war is actually in our midst, and every now and then men are heard declaring that they will not fight against Frenchmen. The history of to-day is a painful one. Early in the morning a Division of the Army from Versailles was moved forward by Uneil and St. Cloud, and opened fire on some 1.500 National Guards who were coming along the Neuilly road. The Guards fled, and many took refuge in the houses, whereupon the troops had orders to follow and disarm them—a pleasant arrangement for the inhabitants. Some of the insurgents who had gone into the barracks at Courbevoie fired on the troops, but this was stopped by an attack from the troops, upon which the insurgents fled over the bridge. A fresh fire of artillery was opened against them, and though there are very various accounts of the affair, there can be no doubt that the National Guards were discomfited. The Commune narrators say that the Versailles troops were the first to fire, and killed one of the officers of the National Guard. On the other hand, the Versailles partisans declare, with more shew of probability, that a parlementairc from their side was shot. He was a doctor who advanced to the outposts, and instead of being received as the bearer of a peaceful message should be, was accused of being a spy. He denied it, but was told he was a prisoner. He then put his hand to his pocket, for what purpose is not known—possibly to produce some proofs of his good faith — but the Communists thought he was going to draw out his revolver, and shot him at once. This, according to the statement of eye-witnesses, was the signal for the fight. The outposts were surrounded by the troops, and all the guards who were captured were shot. Mont Valerien was held in force by the Government troops, and it was the artillery from thence which drove the retreating Commu- nists out of Courbevoie, where they had taken refuge. When they had subsequently been ejected from Neuilly they took refuge in Paris, shutting the gates. Even here the shells from Mont Valerien pursued them, leaving no doubt which side was master of the field. There is of course much uncertainty about the numbers engaged. Several thousands are said to be engaged on the side of the Commune, and the loss is estimated at two hundred killed and wounded. This, however, is probably a great exag- geration. It is the object of the Communists to increase the prevailing excitement and indignation, which are very unfavourable to the Versailles Government, whose mem- bers are accused of slaying Frenchmen. Those who thus reproach them, seem to forget that the French- men in question set the example of killing their countrymen by the murders of Generals Thomas and Lecomte, to say nothing of the slaughter of unarmed citizens in the amis de l'ordre" affair. As a matter of course, crowds collected round every dead body, but in reality the slaughter was much less than was reported, only nine corpses being actu- ally to be seen. The great disadvantage of the Communists was in having no artillery, whereas the Versailles troops had mitrailleuses, as the houses along the Avenue Neuilly and in the village of Courbevoie ascer- tained to their cost. Morally the Versailles forces had greatly the advantage, for the men stood firm, and though they did not follow up theu success by crossing the bridge, but contented themselves with firing a few shells on Paris, the moral effect they have achieved is very great. There was a report that one regiment went over to the enemy, but this was not authenticated, whereas it is certain the National Guards fled in great disorder, crying out that their leaders had be- trayed them by not supplying them with proper arms and ammunition. A Frenchman is always ready to blame everybody but himself. Whether in consequence of this dissatisfaction, or from a wholesome conviction of the superiority of the Ver- sailles force, a great number of men have since refused to obey the summons of the rappel, and proclaim that they will not fight against Frenchmen. At Bas Meudon there was an exchange of shots, which Caused some loss of life, and rumours have been 'Orrent of engagements in different spots, all on the •^tuilly quarter, which, unfortunately for the Communists, iø commanded by Mont Valerien, an important point for the Government. M. Thiers himself is un- derstood to be confident of ultimate success, and is far less uneasy than the peaceable citizens of Pans, who see the renewal of siege miseries and expenses, and the ruin of their just recovering trade, with anything but equanimity. The events of to-day, though possibly tending towards the break up of the Red Govern- ment are far from reassuring for the moment, further -collisions being confidently looked for. RECKLESSNESS OF THE COMMUNE. The great want of the Commune is money, and for the sake of money it is doing a great deal of harm, and run- ning tremendous .risks. When it seized the produce of the fish auction at the market, what is the effect? Not only that the money has disappeared, but that fish merchants will be chary of sending fish to the market when the sums it will fetch are thus spirited away—perhaps never to return. A flock of one hundred and fifty sheep was coming into Paris the other day; it was pounced upon by the National Guards, who declared that they had need of it. Will the farmers send their sheep into Paris to be so disposed of? We hear every day of similar requisitions at the slaughterhouses in Villette. All this means famine for Paris if it continues. Every day we are told of extreme measures to be tried by the Government at Versailles—as for instance, that they are going to starve Paris, and that they are going to cut off the railways. But such attempts on the part of the Government at Versailles are supererogatory when the Commune by its severe requisitions take the most likely means of stopping the supplies. Take one instance; the octroi duty at the gates of Paris ought to yield 300,000 francs a day. It only yields just now 80,000. The Hotel de Ville is thus a loser of £ 8,000 or £9,000 a day by the octroi alone. Besides which the system of requisitions is excessively vexatious within the walls. There was a provision merchant the other day in the Rue de Lafayette ordered to supply goods to the extent of 1,100 francs, uponthebonsof the Hotel deVille. If he refused, he must pay this sum in cash, with 10 per per cent. added to it. People are shutting up shop, and giving up business on account of such requisitions- Daily News Correspondent., The Times Parisian correspondent says:—" The trade of Paris is stopped in its growth. No more orders come in, and if they did they could not be executed or despached, nor would the value be recovered. The manufactories are at a standstill; the workmen mount guard at the barri- cades, and I can quote a large establishment, the most considerable of its kind, and the trade of which is most important, where 3,000 less clerks and workpeople are employed now than throughout the siege. When it is remembered that trade in Paris produced two milliards five hundred millions in 1869, and that now it is reduced to almost nothing, it will be easy to see the difficulty of the problem which the 'Commune of Paris' will find placed before it while waiting for the other Communes of France to seal the compact of the Federation with it. In her isolation Paris consumes, but produces nothing. During the siege no money passed outside her walls now it breaks through them at a fearful pace, by all roads and in all forms. The end will be that there will not be enough left to pay for the provisions sent up fiom the Provinces. Do the simple financiers of the Commune imagine that the vine dressers of Le Bordelais, the sugar manufacturers in the North, the sheep breeders of Normandy and La Nievre, and the farmers of La Beauce will accept their assignats in payment of the provisions they send? What "will they then give in exchange when all t e purees are empty and all the coffers exhausted? Alrea y t e price of provisions rises every day, and the moment ^^y foreseen when it will not be any lower than it was c unng the siege. Landed property in Paris already de- predated a tenth in value will soon bring in no revenue; valuable furniture and works of art will have disappeared. In any case, this is not the money which the farmer will accept, the 'rustic' whom Pari.? despises, and who rvturns it with a will. So that pillage even, whether free or organised, the seizure of the goods of the State and the clergy, the confiscation of private property become unsaleable, could neither avert nor pal- liate a crisis which advances with giant strides. If the Commune could exist for three months, it would fall to pieces of itself, but would drag down Paris in its fall."
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_u,----------THE CIVIL WAR…
_u, THE CIVIL WAR IN FRANCE. J MONDAY'S BATTLE BEFORE PARIS. The following telegraphic account of the extensive engagement which took place to the west and south-west of Paris on Monday is from the Times:- Monday (6.30 p.m.) There seems to be no doubt that the Communists, find- ing a prolonged policy of inaction fatal, planned and pro- voked the engagement of yesterday. It disappointed their expectations, as the Versailles troops, with the exception of one regiment of the Line, which at a critical moment of the action cried, "Vive la Commune!" re- mained loyal and fought well, proving clearly their immense superiority over the National Guard. Still they lost no time in following up the engagement by an attack on a grand scale to-day. All last night the rappel was beaten and large camps were formed in the Avenue Neui'ly, the Avenue de la Grande Arinee, the Champs Elysees, and as far as the Place de 130 Concorde. Bivouac fires were lighted, and great movement and animation pre- vailed all night. The Marseillaise" and the Chant du Depart "were sung, and in addition to the ordinary cry of Vive la Commune the new cry of A Versailles came generally into fashion, like that a few months ago of A Berlin In the morning it was found that the Com- munist troops had responded to the rappel better than was generally expected from them, and that some even of the so-called reactionary Arrondissements had furnished cer- tain contingents. An army of over 100,000 men ready for a sortie had assembled, under the Commander-in-Chief, General Bergeret, who divided them into three columns. At about 5 o'clock they set out, the left column marching upon Fontenay-aux-Roses, the right upon Courbevoie and Versailles, the centre upon Sevres and St. Cloud. The three were to converge upon Versailles, the object of the attack. The plan is here believed by the best judges to have utterly failed, and to-day's engagement to have been more disastrous for the Communists than that ot yesterday. The principal cause of the failure of the plan seems to have been a delusive impression on the part of the Com- munists that Fort Valdrien would riotfire upon them. In this belief they advanced close up under the guns, and even placed batteries within a few hundred yards of the Fort. The Commandant of the Fort left them undeceived as long as possible, and allowed a large number to march by unmolested to Nanterre and Rueil. When he at last opened fire, they were taken by surprise and thrown into utter confusion. A large number returned to Paris, crying out that they were "trains." The retreat began before eight o'clock, and continued some hours. The rappel was beaten to collect reinforcements, but was little responded to. Meantime, those who had passed beyond Valerien found their retreat unexpectedly cut off by the fire of its guns. The position of the Communists is generally believed to be seriously compromised. The latest news, which, however, I have had no time to verify, is that General Bergeret, with 15,000 men, has been completely cut off; that Flourens, going to his rescue, was purposely per- mitted to effect a junction with him so that the two, with a united force of about 30,000 or 35,000 men, must either surrender or give battle at the greatest disad- vantage. Other accounts, highly improbable, declare that Flourens has reached Versailles. The centre column advanced under cover of the forts of Issy and Vanvres, up to which batteries had been carried. These kept up a heavy fire on Sevres. The hottest fire was between Sevres and Chatillon. Chatillon was occupied by about 10,000 of the Communist troops. Severe fighting is also reported in the low gronnd lying between Valdrien and Buzenval. Before eight the Versailles troops were com- pletely masters of the ground stretching from Rueil and Nanterre towards Courbevoie, and their cavalry was scouring the adjacent country in search of Commuuist stragglers. It was a little after eight that I first saw the Commu- nists returning to Paris in scattered bands, apparently in full retreat. The omnibuses down the Avenue Batignolles and the Champs Elysdes were filled with them. The gates were all shut, and for a long time I found it was impossi- ble to get out at any of them. Meantime heavy cannon- ading was going on incessantly, especially from Fort Valerien, which appeared to be firing chiefly in the direction of ArgenteuiL At about 10 I succeeded in get- ting out at the Porte Maillot. I found the Avenue de Neuilly filled with Communist troops. Some were re- turning to Paris, some were lying about on the ground, or drinking at the few restaurants open. The houses along the A venue, which yesterday were filled with people at the windows and bal- conies, seemed to-day abandoned. There was no movement whatever of troops towards Coitrbevoie. The retreating Communists were loudly and bitterly complaining of the treachery of their chiefs in leading them up to Fort Vale- rien by telling them it was in Communist hands. To this they attributed their defeat. They seemed demoralised, and with little or no discipline. There were a few Gari- baldians and Regulars among them. I saw a Zouave car- rying three chassepots. At the Pont Neuilly I found a battalion formed in good order. Just then there was a panic, we could see in the distance, near the Napoleon Monument, a crowd of men rushing down towards the bridge. It was rumoured that artillery was descending from Mont Valerien, and going to sweep the Avenue. A battalion hurried up to the barricade, and with rifles lowered ready to fire made a good front. The stream of fugitives, however, still flowed on across the bridge. There was also a slight rush to the left, along the river bank, as if to see whether a flank move- ment were not being made from Valerien. I crossed the bridge, and joined some ambulance carriages which had just come up. We advanced to the Monument, and, turning to the left, went nearly to the top of the Avenue St. Germain, under Valerien, which was firing incessantly towards Argenteuil. The few people, nearly all non-combatants, were taking shelter under the walls. The bodies of two horses, said to have been those of General Bergeret, were lying stripped of their flesh in the road. In the houses we found a wounded National Guard and a dead Garibaldian officer. A shell was fired dose to us from Valerien, and the carriages were obliged to fall back. We found afterwards that the shell had probably been fired because some Communists were taking advantage of the vicinity of the am- bulance to carry off a cannon abandoned in the road. A little further on was another cannon •ilso abandoned. The firing from Valerien grew slacker, and thix>« of us advanced to Nanterre to see if ambulances were wanted therb Beyond the second deserted cannon lay in a trench the bocly of a. Communist officer. A fleld battery had apparently been placed there to act against Valerien, though immediately und^r the point blank fire of its heavy guns. A sharp fusillade was going on in front, seemingly near Buzenval, and we could hear now and then mitrailleuses, and shells were being unceasingly thrown by Valerien to our right at troops whom we could not see, but who must have been somewhere within range, under cover, as their bullets passed over our heads. They were probably a portion of the troops whom we heard afterwards had been surrounded at Nanterre. The demoralisation of the Communists was complete. We found two officers hiding in a house, and the men were begging the villagers to lend them clothes in order that they might not be caught in uniform by the troops. They seemed to have no other idea of their own position, or of the military movement of their party, than that they were surrounded and betrayed. The wounded were coming in, as fighting was going on close by, but these were not numerous. The fighting covered so much ground that it is impossible to form even the roughest estimate of the killed and wounded, but I think they must be very few in proportion to the number of men engaged. The Communists kept greatly under cover, and were attacked chiefly by shells, which did com- paratively little mischief. I saw very few bullet wounds. About three o'clock Mont Valerien had ceased firing, and the fighting thereabouts seemed over. The gendarmes were galloping about in search of fugitives. I saw many of them brought in, and in thrir treatment of them the troops certainly shewed none of that sympathy for the Com- munistic movement which they had been suspected of harbouring. The prisoners were loaded with curses and every form of abuse, and one caught in his uniform was received with blows from the butts of rifles. Three appeared to run some risk of being sum- marily shot by the soldiers, but a General in- terfered with the remark that the proper treatment for such men was to despise them. Even the badly wounded obtained no sort of compassion, but were piti- lessly jeered at. The animosity could scarcely have been more bitter. The gendarmerie were conspicuous for it. I heard one say there was no occasion to look for ropes to tie the prisoners, as they would be shot on the slightest attempt being made by them to escape. Another told them that, but for the superior officers, they would be shot in any case. When I returned to the Pont de Neuilly, I found it strongly protected by the Communists. Four heavy guns had been placed behind the barricade on the Paris side of the river; more were brought down the Avenue de Neuilly* as I parsed. The gat^s were shut, and the National Guards who tried to slip through after the Ambulance carriages were resolutely refused a pas- sage in spite of their remonstrances. Immediately inside the gate the popular excitement was very great, but further on, down the Champs Elysées and the Boulevards, Paris seemed astonishingly tranquil. That an attack from Versailles was, however, discussed is not impro- bable. The trains between Pari* and Versailles have been stopped. rt. ,¡,i., t
----FROM ANOTHER EYE-WITNESS.
FROM ANOTHER EYE-WITNESS. From the correspondent of the Telegraph comes the following account" At four o'clock in the morning a general movement was observable among the citizen troops, and in not many minutes afterwards the battalions had begun to defile out of the city to the west by the Gate of Neuilly, along the Avenue de la Grande Armde. The advance guard of the column arrived at the Pont de Courbevoie about five o'clock, and there they waited, shivering and uncomfortable, in the raw air of early morn- ing, until the rest of the battalions had formed up in their rear. So soon as the array was complete, they continued their march towards the Column of Napoleon at the Circus of Courbevoie. The force brought out by General Bergeret numbered close upon 50,000 men, the line of serried battalions extending nearly all the way from the Bridge at Courbevoie to the Porte Maillot. The Nationals took with them several batteries of artillery breach-loading field- pieces, principally 7 and 12-pounders. I am not in a position to state positively who commanded the expedition in chief, but General Bergeret, General Gustave Flourens, and—so, at least, it is said-Menotti Garibaldi, were present. It appeared to be understood among the soldiers that the fortress of Mont Valerien had been surrendered to the Commune, and that, being de- livered from all danger on this most important point, they were about to march straight on Versailles. I was assured by an officer on the staff of General Bergeret that the Commandant of Mont Valerien had promised that he would not fire upon the Nationals as they passed beneath the work on their way to Versailles by Rueil and La Celle St. Cloud. It appears to me, however, that such an arrangement would have been altogether out of the ques- tion and subsequent events will shew that at least the officer in charge of the fortress had no understanding of the nature indicated. Between five and six o'clock, when the dawn was broadening into day, the head of the army of the Commune reached the column on the Rond Point or Circus of Courbevoie. The field- pieces and mitrailleuses were drawn forward in the front; immediately after followed the carriage of General Ber- geret, in which sat the General himself, with some of the officers of his staff. A body of about 10,000 men formed the advanced force of the insurgent troops; the main army followed at a considerable interval. I had drawn my horse into the ranks, about a hundred yards behind the carriage of General Bergeret; and just when I had got abreast of the Napoleon column he alighted and went f )r- ward on foot, so that I lost sight of him in the thiong Down to this time all had been quiet—not a shot had been fired, and everything seemed to promise secure progress and an easy victory for the Communists. But hardly had I lost sight of General Bergeret, than a flash, shot out from the battlements of Mont Valerien. In a moment a stunning report broke the stillness of the morning air, the whizz of a great cannon- ball was heard, and Commandant Henry, of the General Staff, the brother of General Henry, fell dead—horse and rider being cut clean in two by the missile. In another second another flash broke from the grey battlements of the fortress; there was a fresh report, another rushing and whizzing sound, and the two horses yoked in General Bergeret's carriage were literally blown to pieces, the car- riage itself being whirled over and over, and shattered into fragments. The coachman, in the most inexplicable manner, escaped with his life, although, naturally enough he was almost frightened to death. Then ensued a scene of the wildest confusion. The Nationals had not in the very least expected an attack from such a formidable quar- ter and the echo of the guns had hardly died away before they began to retreat, uttering cries of conster- nation. In the rush of the Communist army—now become a mob—backward to the city, I was fairly borne away, in spite of my efforts to keep as much as possible in the front, which had now become the rear. It was im- possible to stop until the rout had reached as far as the Pont de Neuilly, where the jumbled mass of armed men halted for a minute or two. I speak now of the main body; the advanced column of some 10,000 men was on the further side of the Fort, and the firing, which was in- cessant, was directed principally upon that portion of the Parisian forces. From the distance at which I was placed it was difficult to make out precisely the movements of that isolated portion of the troops; but they appeared to me to be pushing steadily forward to the west, which, of course, was as much a movement of retreat from under the guns of Valerien as if they had succeeded in repassing under the work and coming across the Seine at Neuilly. The cannon con- tinued to boom from Mont Vaterien; but when this had gone on for half an hour there came sounds as if it were being answered by adverse artillery. As well as I could make out, General Bergeret had planted a number of field-guns in the open country, somewhere to the right— that is, to the east—of Nanterre, and was vigorously keeping up the battle. But what could a few field-pieces avail against the huge guns of Mont Valerien? The firing was maintained on both sides until about half past nine o'clock, then it gradually slackened and died away. Down to this moment I have been able to learn nothing as to the fate of General Bergeret. It is simply impossible for him to re-enter the city without passing right under the guns of Mont Valerien; and, after the experience of this morning, it seems little likely that he and his 10,000 can effect a safe retreat to the city. M. THIERS ON THE STATE OF AFFAIRS. At a recent sitting of the National Assembly, M. Thiers referring to the policy of the Government, said:—" I would not for the worM appear guilty of arbitary acts, but we cannot allow ourselves to be classed as pro- scribers. Heaven forbid that we should hurt the feelings of those who have lost the power they once possessed. M. Rouher has written a letter which relates false intelligence. At the same time that the disturbances in Paris took place some persons who held a high rank under the Empire appeared on our frontiers. Being experienced in revolutions, I was not afraid of the existence of a plot but thought it advisable to exercise a strict surveillance. M. Rouher was put under arrest to protect him from the crowds which gathered round his hotel at Boulogne. He himself expressed his readiness to retire to Belgium, as his position in France could only be attended with unpleasantness. After this is it fair to designate our conduct as arbitrary ?" I should be in- deed unwilling to commit arbitrary acts towards men who have acted in an arbitrary manner themselves, and whom history will condemn accordingly. We shall never pre- sent the demoralising spectacle of men who practise in power those principles which they have con- demned in opposition. Even in the crisis be. fore us I shall not be false to those views VJiich I have advocated all my life, and which will not permit of any act in contravention to justice and respect for the laws. With respect to Messieurs Cas- sagnac, father and son, I informed them that the French territory was interdicted to no one, but that it would be dangerous for them to pass through the country. M. Cassagnac said he fully comprehended the state of affairs, ,and explained it to his son. I repeat that we do not wish to carry out proscriptions, but to confine our- selves to the execution of the law. I leave to the judg- ment of the public the opinion to be passsd on these nJen, who thank us for our courtesy towards them, and then go* away to publish letters of complaint in the journals ) against the course which we have pursued. (Loud cheers.)
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SPIRIT OF THIS PRESS.J
SPIRIT OF THIS PRESS. J THE PRESS OX THE LICENSING BILL. The Times says Mr. Bruce's Bill is bold. He proposea it, effect to take the sale of excisable liquors into the hands of the public, and to farm it out to a limited number of leasees in each district, who, subject to certain guarantee? for good conductand penalties of forfeiture in case of misbe- haviour, will be the highest bidders tendering for the exercise of the privilege. All our attempts at the local regulation of the traffic in intoxicating drinks are noto- tiously defective. In great towns the degeneracy of the system is complete. The brewers put such onerous cove- nants in their under-leases that they are sure to lose nothing, come what may they are careless of the charac- ter of their tenants, they compel them to take all their beer from themselves, and too often at such prices that they are driven to adulterate or dash the liquor before they retail it. Even in the best parts of the country the Excise Licenses, for beers hops given without the consent of magistrates till lately defeated altogether the safeguards of the system. We can approve almost without reserve Mr. Bruce's Bill as a scheme for the regulation of publichouses in the future but how does he propose to deal with those now licensed ? This is the weak part of his measure. The effect of this proposal would evidently be to defer for ten years the general operation of the mea- sure. In those districts, constituting the majority, where the number of existing- licenses is equal to or in excess of the number allowed by the bill there would be no room for fresh licenses until ten years have expired. We are aware of the strength of the "brewing interest," but it is impossible not to feel that the concessions thus made to the present holders of licenses are excessive, and we sus- pect Mr. Bruce would not be displeased if some little pressure were put on him to modify them. The treat- ment of the "vested illtarests "-and the phrase is used in a very elastic sense when thus applied—makes his bill a bill to come into operation ten yeiirs hence. We cannot believe it is impossible to anticipate that distant epoch. If provisions can be devised giving existing licensees privi- leges of priority in 1881, they might be applied at once, and upon such graduated terms as shall be sufficient to compensate license-holders without such a postponement of the measure as would throw its operation into a distant and almost indefinite future. The Standard thinks that the bill introduced by Mr. Bruce, in a very long speech, is, in form at least, an im- mense concession to the party which desires to suppress the liquor traffic altogether. Much, of course, will dspend upon the details of the measure, but we are very much atra d, to judge the scheme from Mr. Bruce's statement, that it will satisfy nobody, and prove a great deal too complicated for working. We make no comment upon provisions which can only be fairly appreciated when we have the text before us, than to express our doubt whether the submission of the question of the number of houses to be licensed in excess of that already existing to the ratepayers will create a sound public opinion against drunkenness. The provisions of the bill relative to the renewal of public-house licenses are equally complicated. We are sorry to be obliged to say that whilst we must re- serve our judgment as to the earlier propositions, we must express a decided opinion that these later ones are most injudicious and impracticable. Some of the proposals, -especially that with regard to Sunday—are impossible for London. They may be enacted by Parliament, but they will be evaded, aud that very illicit- traffic will grow up which, at one period of his speech, Mr. Bruce pro. fessed to consider an evil to be carefully guarded against. Other provisions of the same kind appear to us open to the same objection-that they will be unworkable in Lon- don-and indeed, anywhere else. For the present, we will not enter further into an examination of them, and only express our opinion-which, being founded on Mr. Bruce's speech the text of Mr. Bruce's bill may modify -that the measure has very little chance of becoming law. So far, says the Post, the bill offers the outline of a re- form which will free the present licensing system from acknowledged defects, and will tend to some extent to raise the character of the property with whnh it deals. Much more, however, is necessary if Parliament is to combat, with any substantial hope of success, the intem- perance of the lower classes. The Government have wisely determined neither to adopt the plan of permissive prohibition, nor the opposite doctrine of free trade. They admit the necessity of making sufficient provision for the wants of the people; but they also acknowledge that the supply of those wants is, in many districts, largely in excess of their legitimate need. The Bill insists on the counteraction of intemperance by inflicting fine and imprisonment for a first offence on the manager of a tavern who encourages intoxicati >n by sup- plying its means to persons of evidently dissolute habits, and by visiting a second offence not only with this punish- ment but with the forfeiture of the license. How far it will be possible to carry out this provision may be a matter of doubt, and it is also a question whether the clauses which regulate the hours of closing on week-days and on Sundays can be maintained. But no one will hesitate to welcome that portion of the Bill which seeks, by a system of inspection, to put an end to the almost universal practice of adulteration. The intemperance of the lower classes is not only attributable to the excessive quantity of the liquor they drink, but to its execrable quality. The Daily Nzws declares that Mr. Bruce's Licensing Bill is lara; in bulk, if it is not great in conception. It contains something which will please all parties but the e publicans, and something that will disappoint them all. It bears evident traces of the long, laborious inception it has undergone, and is clearly intended as a compromise between conflicting interests and claims. As the result of several years of agitation, inquiry, and promise, it is, in one respect at least, quite worthy of the anxious expecta- tion with which its advent has been looked for by large sections of the public. It is an attempt at gradual revolu- tion. Three new principles are introduced into our licensing system. The first and most important of all i8 that of giving the public part of the profit of a monopoly which the public grant. Mr. Bruce establishes the clear right of the public to share the profits of this monopoly, by making the monopoly itself more profitable than ever. The se- cond new principle introduced by the bill is that of the popular vote. Mr. Bruee introduces the principle tenta- tively, and perhaps timidly, but still he introduces it. The discretion of the magistrates is almost taken away, and in the only point in which it remains the popular vote may overrule it. If the third innovation does not bring in a new principle, it at least creates a new class of offi- cials. It remains to be seen whether the bill can be made a little less cumbrous and a little more direct. It is a measure of details, if not a thing of shreds and patches, but it probably goes in some directions quite as far in the way of reform as the public mind is prepared to go, though it may not set the whole licensing difficulty finally at rest. The Telegraph considers how to deal with existing licenses is a far more difficult question than the manner of new ones. The number is painfully in excess of the real need. In Middlesborough there is a public house for every sixty persons in the town, and in other places the proportion is equally discreditable. The consequence is at once manifest and disastrous. The tavern-keepers must encourage drunkenness, and must adulterate their liquor in order to gain sufficient profit to pay their rent and sup- port their families. Hence they kill their clients body and soul. Many of the small public-houses throughout England are the haunts for the manufacture of drunkards, lunatics, wife-beaters, thieves, murderers. Those dens of intemperance are such a curse to the nation that the Minister who could sweep them away without doing a flagrant injustice would live in per- petual remembrance. Yet how can they be re- duced Sir Wilfrid Lawson and the other ad- vocates of the Permissive Bill would make short work of the difficulty for they deny that the licence-holder bas any vested rights, and they would shut up his shop by a parish vote. Parliament and the country have, however, admitted in practice that such men possess certain limited vested interests; the de- struction of those interests would be confiscation, and con- fiscation is but a long name for robbery. Mr. Bruca would like to buy up the unnecessary houses, and so extinguish them but he does not see how public money can be devoted to such a purpose, and his perplexity will be shared by the country. He seeks, however, to leave the ground clear for compulsory sale, and he throws out the hint that the ratepayers might do well to follow the example set by certain Swedish districts, which bought all the public-houses within their area, shut up those that were needless, and entrusted the care of the rest to paid managers. Thus, it is said, a marvellous change was wrought in places that had won as unenviable a repute for drunkenness as any town of England. At present, however, we do not discuss the details of one of the most elaborate bills ever presented to Parliament. The vast importance of the subject, the magnitude of the interests at stake, and the care which has been manifestly be- stowed on the preparation of the measure, all demand such a scrutiny as is seldom challenged by any scheme of reform. The Advertiser says :—Mr. Bruce has introduced his Licensing Bill, which, ingenious in itself, was provocative ot mv-ch ingenuity on the part of his hearers, in order to comprehend its voluminous provisions. As it stands, we do not; see how it can pass into law, apart from its intrinsic merits' or demerits, or rather how, if it should pass into law, if-s provisions can possibly be carried out. The thin end of the Permissive Bill is introduced, to the partial satisfaction of Sir Wilfrid Lawson by allowing the rate- payer. a veto as to the number of houses whicn aloe to be opened in a district but, on the other hand, they are not to be allowed to re- duce the number of houses below a certain average. There were two things Mr. Bruce said, which we think especially call for an answer. He spoke of his disgust, when he was a licensing magistrate, at the attempts made to influence his decision from all quarters. What, we say of that?' Is anyone bound to listen to such attempts? Oii"ht ithey not rather to assist and guide his judgment ? And a:?ain, he spoke of publicans encouraging drunkards. There riever was a greater mistake than this. As for the utual licensing, it is clogged with so many conditions, restrictions, difficulties, and penalties, that "ve simply doubt whether the system can ever work. The question of permitting drunkenness will lead to such va'>*ue conclusions, that it is only a weapon of persecution in the bands of the law. Who is to define the exact limit between* sobriety and drunkenness? The bill as it stands will mal'^e the life of a licensed victualler almost intolera- ble. As for putting up licences to the highest bidder, we should imagine that few will have the hardihood to enter upon stich a career. The bill as it stands can never work, even w'ere the Government to carry it through Parlia. ment,1* defiance of the real wishes and requirements of the nation. THE WEEKLY PRESS. PARIS AND FRANCE. The, Saturday Review observes that it is probably because M. T1 liers ponders with much painful anxiety on the past that h e is so loth to put down the insurrection of Paris with ja high hand. It may well seem a dreadful thing to him to begin once more the policy of repression, and to let the p,rovinces win a victory over Paris. M. Thiers is far too r nuch of a Parisian to wish to see Paris perpetually under' the thraldom of remote peasants and priests. It is true tlbat, however much he may hesitate the attitude of Paris will drive him before long to have recourse to force. The I'arisians complain that for years France has for- sjottei i them and their grievances, and now they are shew- ing that hi their turn they forget France. They are push- ing to an extreme their claim for municipal independence, for ai 'eai local force, and for immunity from the dictation of thf provinces. They propose, so for as the leaders of of thl j provinces. They propose, so far as the leaders of ;he I ieds represent them, to withdraw from France latoz( -tbp-r. BaJj. Paris, belongs to_Fnuase as well a» to itself, ana cnnma TtC anowerr, ir it wisnefl, to TMSOme another Genoa or Pisa. Putting Socialism for the moment aside, it is an absurd and impermissible anachronism for Paris to cut itself out of France and set up on its own account. It would be so irritated by the isolation in which it fnmd itself that it would be sure to wish to eHape from it by getting the provinces under its com- mnnd, and would thus provoke the conflict from which it professes to ask to stand aloof. The men, too, who lead tiie devolution are to all appearance utterly incompetent for the prolonged management of affaiis, and a movement last long the leaders of which have thought it a good stroke of business to burn all the records of the Police (Mice, while they give an official sanction to the advocacy of assassination. Whatever may be the fair claims of Paris, and however much the evils of France may be attri- butable to the policy under which Paris has been repressed, the Communal Council and its adherents must speedily collapse or be put aside by force, unless French society is wholly to decompose. But it is not enough to put down the insurrection in Paris. A new coup detat, if it brings immediate relief, will bring its train of indirect and per- petual evils. The hopes of France lie not in a resuscitation of Imperialism under its old or a new name, but in the in. troduction of a system of government which shall unite a fair share of independence and local life in the large towns with the cohesion and unity of the country. The task is doubtless a very difficult and dangerous one w hich the statesman who tries to introduce such a system will have to undertake, but the success of the undertaking is not beyond hope or, if it is beyond hope, then the permanent peace and prosperity of France are beyond hope also. THE HOUSE OF COMMONS AND THE CONFERENCE. It will be more likely, says the Spectator, that Sir Charles Dilke will learn something by his experience of Thursday night, than that the Ministry will profit by it; yet there is quite sufficient in the way of practical lesson for them both. The real judgment of the House was passed by Mr. Bernal Osborne, when he said that every- body felt there was a good deal as to which they could be glad, and nothing at all as to which they could be proud; end so it was. The House of Commons felt that the ques- tion had been settled, and that as it was not, on the whole, a case for censure, it was still less a case for candid criti- cism. But what it is quite natural and right policy for the House of Commons with its public responsibility to do or to refrain from doing, it is by no means necessarily right for independent critics and journalists, whose chief function is to teach the public how to estimate accurately the calibre of their statesmen, to praise, or even to re- frain from criticising. We may say that Sir Charles Dilke made out, we think, two great points to the com- plete intellectual satisfaction of the vast majority of his audience,—that the Conference was really a measure sug- gested by Prussia at the instigation of Russia for the pur- pose of practically legalising the lawless declaration of the Czar that he would no longer regard himself as bound by the article of the Treaty of Paris which he most disliked; and that we acted with undignified and indecent haste in forcing on a Conference called solely for the purpose of giving authority to this cynical breach of public law, at a time when we had not even the opportunity of consulting our chief allies, and were compelled to act without so much as the pretence of deference to their wishes. It would have been impossible for Sir Charles Dilke to demon- strate more clearly than he did that Germany moved in the matter under confessed Russian sympathies, though, of course, as a matter of form, disapproving the mode of Prince Gortschakoff's communication nor that Ger- many even went out of her way to snub us most wantonly for the publication of exciting and inflammatory de- spatches. We know it is sometimes said that this snub was pointed at Count Beust, and not at Lord Granville, to which it is sufficient to reply that in that case it should have been addressed to the Austrian Minister, and not to the English. Nothing can really be clearer than that Germany proposed the Conference in the interests of Russia, and that it was the interests of Russia which the Conference really subserved. It met to register Prince Gortschakoff's declaration, and after declaring pro f01-mâ that it met to do nothing of the kind, but to deliberate freely, it proceeded to do the work for which it met. Again, we think Sir Charles Dilke really proved that it would have been far better for British dignity, for the peace of Europe, and for the interests of public law, had we discouraged a scratch Conference got up for a special purpose, while our chief ally was quite unable to take a serious part in the matter, instead of snatching at it as eagerly as a timid child snatches at an arrangement which will prevent it from being left alone in the dark. There was real mischief in proclaiming so eagerly to Russia that we were afraid of leavfng this question open till we could consult our allies quietly about it. Intellectually, then Sir Charles Dilke succeeded in shewing completely that we had snatched with unworthy eagerness at a proposal made by Germany^ in the interest of Russia, and that we should have incurred not more, but less danger, and far^ less indignity, if we had kept our, presenceof mind, been in no hurry to anticipate the decision of Europe, and shewn Russia that, though far from desiring war ourselves, we were not in the least afraid that she would wish to precipitate it. But the blunder has been made, and the House of Commons was, of course, quite right in not needlessly weakening the authority of an Administration which, in Foreign Affairs, appears to need a lifting up of the weak hands, and a strengthening of the feeble knees, instead of any new laxatives or discouragements. HOW SHALL WE APPLY THE SURPLUS? The Economist says the excellent weekly account which Mr. Lowe was the first to provide enables us to anticipate the retrospective part of his Budget statement, and that evidently leads us to expect a large favourable balance. On the other hand for next year our outlook is not satisfactory. The expenditure of the country is, as we shewed on a recent occasion, to be increased by B4,500,000 or some such sum. Why then, it may be said, should we not set part of the surplus of last year against the need of next year ? Why would we pay additional taxes for it all ? In most years there would be a very simple answer. If the entire new expenditure were of a permanent character it would be of little use to set a temporary windfall against a permanent obligation. A steady financial system is in itself a great good only to be sacrificed for a greater good. But this year that answer is not applicable. Much of the new expenditure is temporary, not permanent. And in this case there is plainly no reason why an occasional good should not be set against an occasional evil—why an extra outgoing should not be set against an extra in-coming. But it will be said by our system all surpluses of past in- come are applied to the reduction of debt. One-fourth of the surplus of each quarter is always, by notice in the Gazette, so applied. Since 1866, the amount of debt thus extinguished has been large. It may be said that it is undesirable to interfere with this easy and beneficial pro- cess, which reduces the National Debt without anyone's making an intentional sacrifice for it, and without any but a few people hearing of it. And we should not our- selves like to confiscate the whole of the realised surplus, and spend it on the anticipated and coming deficit. But pedantry is bad in finance as it is in anything. We have now a realised surplus of more than £ 2,000,000; why should it not be equally divided—why should not £ 1,000,000 be devoted to the liquidation debt, and £ 1,000,000 to the expenditure of next year ? There is precedent for it, and of the highest kind. In 1SGO there was also a sudden temporary increase of expen- diture, and Mr. Gladstone employed malt CNdits" to meet it— that is, he called in a sum of money which Government used to lend to particular persons, and used it to meet the temporary demand. In that year the effcet, though hardly the designed effect, was largely to reduce the "cash in hand," the Exchequer balance, too. Mr. Lowe's first Budget was upon the same principle. He called in debts due to the country, that is uncollected taxes, and used them to pay the bill for Abyssinia." As last year's surplus is so large, as it is so much more than we usually use to payoff debt, and as our temporary occasions next year are much greater than umial, we think that £1,000,000 of it might fairly be used, jutt as in those two celebrated Budgets Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Lowe used for extra payments the extra resources at their disposal.
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The Irish Church Sustentation Fund stanls at present as follows :—Donations, jE367,397 annual sub- scriptions, £38,858. Capitalising this sum at four years' pnrchase will give a total of £522,820, This amount does nfot include the special collection on 1st January, or the per centage on property.—The Rock. ACOUSTICS OF THE ALBERT HALL.—Colonel Scott, Secretary to the Provisional Committee of the Albert Hall, writing on its acoustic proporties, says that one word of explanation will settle the differeuces that prevail on the disputed question of the echo. He had trusted too much to the destruction of appreciable echo from the roof and the error was discovered too late to be rectified. He forgot, too, that the Prince would occupy a more central position than the orchestra, and that the echo would be intensified for those on the other side of it. He fully believes that these mistakes can be rectified for a future occasion. At any rate he asks those whoae opinions are of weight to suspend their judgment for the present. Colonel Scott thinks that the Hall will be as suitable for chamber music as for choral effects if a different disposition of the performers takes place. He quotes a letter of congratulation from Pro- fessor Tyndal on the acoustic success of the building on the opening day. The singing and music were heard with admirable clearness in the two parts of the Hall which he visited. The Prince of Wales's reading was also most distinct, and had he faced the audience, and used a little more energy, Professor Tyndal thinks, he could have been better heard by the audience of 8,000 than he him- self was by the 2,000 he addressed some time since in the Philharmonic Hall at Liverpool. The Builder remarks that the acoustic properties of the Albert Hall have been much improved of late. In such parts of the hall as we could try, the bars ceased promptly and distinctly, without echo or reverberation. The destruction so far of the disturbing echo has been effected by the simple expedient of a vela- rium or tent-like roof, stretched over the area below the glass ceiling. We may observe in passing that this acoustic expedient has had a very happy architectural effect. It has almost entirely hidden from view the not wholly satisfactory lines of the glass ceiling. The tent-like structure and arrangement of this veil is appropriate and Lxpry. 'HIUST'S "Tinmen UATUKDIIAL, ÜUTIUN,nr. Roe's munificent offer to restore, at his sole expense, the fabric of Christ Church, was formally communicated to a meeting of the chapter and select vestrymen on Saturday evening. T' e Archbishop of Dublin presided, and read Mr. Roe's letter, which stated that the gIft. was intended as a thankofTering for the donor's prosperity. On the motion of the Duke of Leinster, seconded hy the Dean of St. Patrick's, a vote of thanks was passdd to Mr. l\oe. It was also resolved that the liepresentrtive Body should be at once applied to to take the steps necessarv for securing the cathedral to the Church. EXTRAORDINARY CURE OF A COUGH BY POWELL'S BALSAM OF ANISEED. — "Her Majesty's Gunboat, Netley. —Wick, North-east Coast of Scotland. September 7, 1868. Pear Sir- Having had a most distressing and severe cough, which caused me many sleepless nights and restless days, I was recommended by his Lordship the Earl of Caithness to try your most invaluable Balsam of Aniseed, and I can assure you with the first dose I found immediate relief, even without having to suspend my various duties and the first small bottle completeley cured me therefore I have the greatest confidence in fully recommending it to the million. Most respectfully yours, To Mr. POWELL." W. LINZELL, H.M. G.B. Netley. The above old-established medicine is invaluable in re- moving Coughs, Colds, Hoarseness, Difficulty of Breath- ing, Night Cough, &c, and those troubled with Asthma will find it an excellent remedy. Prepared and sold by Thomas Powell. 16, Blackfriars-road, London, and sold by Chemists and Medicine Vendors throughout the world, in i: bottles, at 18., lid. and 2s. 3d. Ask for "Powell's Bal- sam of Aniseed." i 5868 j
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COMIC PAPERS. (From PuncA.) ASSOCIATION FOR THE RELIEF OF PARIS.—A FreaA Army. A WELCOME VISITOR.—" I could a tale unfo1L- Could you ? Then lose not a moment, but go instantly to Mr. Darwin. He will be delighted to see you. A FRENCH LESSON.—Britannia to English Republicaa (pointing to fight in Paris) "Is that the sort of th £ q £ you want, you little idiot ?" WONDERS OF FASHION.—" Wear my hat on my hea41 Impossible, grand'pa, dear Haven't done such a thiqg for ages It's pinned on with my hair I" To A CORRESPONDENT.—" A young Matron" write* tt ask us to rccommend her a good Manual of Domestic Medicine. We know of no better book than SoutheyTt Doctor. A PANIC IN THE KITCKEN. Facetious Page: "NO* then, here's the Census, and Master's ordered me fill it up. I've put down your ages within a year or and you're to 'return' yourfollerers, if any, how many. and state p'lice or military,' fees and tips from tradesmen, andwisitors 'per Ann. price o' kitchen-stuff, averages breakages, &c., &c." DEAN OF RIPON AND MR. PURCHAS. Dean Close I'd not stay in such a Church as You would make it, Mr. Purchas. Mr. Purchas Nor would I, dear Doctor Close. Were our Church what you suppose. (From Fun,) A J?I?UI?11ENT ^„Ep.—The Prince Imperial has joined the Clnselhurst Iroop of the West Kent (Queen's Owa| Yeomanry Cavalry. This is a prudent choice—better ba an English yeoman than an Emperor of France, my boy! CAPITAL AND INTEREST.—The latest news from Ver. sailles is that the Government intends to attack the capital. The latest news from the Bank of France is that the capital has been attacked and sacked by the Reds A SMOOTH ANSWER.—Phattiboy of our corps says that he does not consider Brighton a proper place for a volun- teer review. "You don't like the Downs," said the Adjutant. I object still more to the Ups," said Phatti- boy. CARRIAGE FOLK.—At a recent inquest it transpired that the earnings of the deceased, a crossing sweeper, were between three and four pounds a week. How we wish we kept such a broom It's not every book-maker, even in these literary days, who can win such a sweep's-takes. THE CENSUS.—An acute statistical inquirer has calcu- lated that the sum of the years substracted by the fair sex from the return of their ages would be equal to the number of years in the Christian Era. In mercy to the offender we do not publish his name; but as it may creep out we should advise him to go and insure his life heavily. (From Judy,) The best substitute for silver—Gold. } A Constant Gleaner—The tax-gatherer. Why Oxford did not Win—Because the wind blew any. thing but the right blue, according to accounts. NEVER JUDGE BY APPEARANCES.—" Judy" appears weekly, though it is really the strongest comic journal. THAT IS THE QUESTION.—Haughty Patrician (after h^lf- an-hour'a grumble): I don't want to complain, Parkins, but I am afraid we must part." Horticulturist: "Deary me, now, me lady, and where will your ladyship be think- ing of going to?"
THE SMALLPOX IN LONDON.
THE SMALLPOX IN LONDON. The fatal cases of smallpox in London, which had been 227, 213, 194, 185, and 205 in the five previous weeks, declined again to 192 in the week ending last Saturday. In seven permanent and temporary hospitals for this disease, 60 deaths were recordt d last week. After distri- buting, so far as practicable, these deaths in hospital among the districts from which the patients were admitted, it appears that 17 deaths from smallpox last week belonged to the West group of districts, 50 to the North, 17 to the Central, 51 to the East, and 57 to the South. The fatal cases last week in the different groups of districts shewed but slight variations from the numbers in the previom week they were, however, more numerous in the St. Pancras District including Somers, Camden, and Kentish Towns. Not a single fatal case was returned in Maryle- bone. In Shoreditch and Bethnal Green Districts the disease continues very fatally prevalent.
THE GREAT ANGLO-CANADIAN ROWING…
THE GREAT ANGLO-CANADIAN ROWING MATCH. On Tuesday night a meeting of the backers of the English Champion Four was held at the house of James Renforth, Queen-street, Newcastle. Mr. Thomas J. Pickett was voted to the chair, and in a few minutes the subscription list for the English crew's share of the stake was declared full. The srms promised included one from Mi. Charles Bush, of London. It was re- solved that the articles forwarded by Fulton, the stroke of the St. John's four, should be signed without alteration, and Renforth signed them accordingly. After some minor business had been transacted, the meeting closed with a vote of thanks to the chairman. The constitution of the crew has not yet been decided upon, but Kelley is almost certain to form one of the fcur, and perhaps Bright and Winship may fill the remaining seats, but a number of candidates for the places will be tried before a decision is come to. Fulton has been apprised by Atlantic cable of the signature of the articles.—Sportsman.
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METROPOLITAN FREE HOSPITAL, DEVONSHIRE- SQUARE, LONDON.—The Committee of this excellent in- stitution has just received through its bankers, Messrs. Barnetts, Hoares, and Co., Lombard-street, a third donation of one thousand pounds under the initials "E. G." This munificent gift could not have been more opportunely made, as the income of the charity had been materially affected by the claims upon the benevolent for purposes arising out of the late war. THE UNDER-SECRETARYSHIP OF THE COLONCES. —With reference to my announcement concerning the impending resignation of Sir Frederick Rogers, the per- manent Under-Secretary of the Colonies, and his probable successor in that office, it is perhaps desirable to remark that, while Mr. Holland has been in the Colonial Office for a longer period than Mr. Herbert, yet the latter ranks above him, and would, therefore, in the ordinary course be promoted.—London Correspondent of the Scotsman. PRESENTATION OF A COMMUNION SERVICE TO CRATHIE CHURCH BY THE QUKEN.— In the course of last summer, her Majesty the Queen resolved to present the congregation of Crathie Church, where she is in the habit of worshipping during her residence in the Highlands, with a Communion service in solid silver. The work has now been completed, and consists of a flagon, four cups, and two salvers and is exceedingly massive and elegant. The design is Gothic, severely chaste and simple. <> The salvers bear the inscription— Presented by Her Majesty Queen Victoria, to the Church of Crathie, 1871.Glag- gow Herald. ABERDEEN AND THE ROYAL MARRIAGE.—In reply to the congratulatory address by the Aberdeen Town Council on the occasion of their marriage, the Princess Louise and the Marquis of Lome have adlressed the fol- lowing letter to the Lord Provost:—" We return our sincerest thanks to the Lord Provost, magistrates, and council of the city of Aberdeen for the congratulations on our marriage kindly sent to us by you and we request your lordship to make known how much pleased we have been with this expression of goodwill from a city in the neighbourhood of which the Princess has so often resided. (Signed) LOUlSE- LORNE." THE MANSION HOUSE, LONDON.—On Tuesday, the four envoys from the King of Burmah, who are now on a visit to this country, attended at the Mansion House, and were introduced to the Lord Mayor by Captain Sprye, who is appointed to accompany them. After a short interview with the chief magistrate, they went with him to the justice room, where Mr. Oke, the chief clerk, ex- plained to them the nature of the proceedings. The appearance on the bench of the envoys, in their pictu- resque and handsome costume, excited much interest. They are quite conversant with English and some of the continental languages. On leaving, the Lord Mayor invited them to the Easter banquet. BURGLARIES IN ESSEX.—During the last three or four years an extraordinary number of burglaries have taken place in Essex, particularly in those divisions of the county contiguous to the metropolis. Parsonage houses especially have been pitched upon, and in many cases the communion service has been carried off. To the inha- bitants of certain districts the state of affairs during the last three winters has been positively alarming, and many persons have been compelled to keep loaded are- arms in their bedrooms. On Tuesday an exhaustive report was presented to the Essex Quarter Sessions on the subject by a committee, who recommended that an addi. tion should be made to the present police force of thirty- four men, viz., four first class sergeants at 28s. per week, ten second class sergeants at 25s. per week, and twenty constables at 23s. per week. We learn that the report was adopted with two dissentients. SAD ACCIDENT TO A YOUNG WOMAN.—At noon on Tuesday a young woman named Frances Morgan, servant of Mr. Reader, St. Margaret's Bank, Rochester, waj occupied in the kitchen, when Mrs. Reader, who was in the front parlour, heard violent screams. She opened the door to ascertain what was the matter, when the servant rushed through the passage into the High-street enveloped in flames. Mr. Hurley, a shoemaker, residing close by, threw her down, and a hearth rug was thrown over her, and the fire was thus subdued. Mr. Hurley had the right side of his face burnt. Every particle of the poor girl's clothing was burnt off. She was placed in a cab and conveyed-to St. Bartholomew's Hospital, New- road, Chatham. It is doubtful if she can recover owing to the shock to the system. She is 29 years of age. ROYAL COLONIAL INSTITUTE.— It appeal's very necessary that there should be a reporter for industrial products from the colonies. India has long derived great benefit from such an officer, in the services of Dr. Forbes Watson, who has greatly aided in the development of Indian resources, and the introduction of new raw ma- terials for our manufactures. The numerous colonies that we possess, extending over various latitudes, have a much larger range of produce than India, and the aggregate value of the imports of raw materials which are received from the colonies is ten millions in excess of those derived from India, conse- quently it is very necessary for colonists and manufac- turers to have a source of accurate information as t. special requirements, prices, qualities, and improvement of processes in shipment. A meeting of the Royal Colonial Institute was held on Monday, at which an animated dis- cussion occurred on this subject, and it was finally resolved that a deputation from the Society of Arts should wait upon the colonial secretary and submit their views to him. SLIP- KNOTS. Divorces. It is now well known, that the Chinese "face" tea. with mineral powder to hide the defects of worthless brown leaves, and so pass off the inferior sorts as the best. Messrs. W. H. and F. J. Horniman's mode of direct im- portation, and supply to the public (through Agents) of tea free from mineral "facing powder,is found very advantageous to consumers, as uniform, strength, rich flavour, and real cheapness is thereby secured, boldiQftly in Packets. For local Agents see advertisement.