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THE OUTBREAK IN JAMAICA.
THE OUTBREAK IN JAMAICA. Two Thousand Negroes Shot and Hanged By the arrival of the Shannon at Southampton on Tuesdav night we have advices from Jamaica to -the 8th November. The rebellion appears to be completely crushed; but the most severe measures were still being adopted against the negroes. The Jamaica Colonial Standard says:—"The rebellion has been effectually suppressed, and the few remaining fugitives among the rebels have availed themselves of the amnesty proclamation issued by Governor Eyre. The great heads of the rebellion and all the minor leaders have fallen under the power of the law and been executed, or are in custody awaiting their doom. The number of rebels that have perished by the executioner or have been shot down is very large; their villages, houses, and settlements have been razed, and such terrible example given them as will prove a perma- nent check to any future rebellion. The confessions of the rebels, documents, and other proofs show that their intentions were to exterminate the white and coloured people, and to confiscate all property for the blacks. Gordon, according to the confessions made, commenced agitating the plot three years ago, but most actively within the last three months. He founded secret societies, promoted the formation of trained bands, and placed his followers under a terrible oath, well calculated to awe the soul of the negro, and although most took it, all shrank with horror from revealing its terms even in presence of the gallowa. Captain Ford, in command of the St. Thomas-in- the-East irregular troop, writes as follows, says the Morning Journal of October 30 :— On our march from Morant Bay we shot two prisoners and catted five or six, and released them, as -3 'I these latter were only charged with being concernea in plundering, not murders. When we reached Golden- grove we met skirmishers from the Manchioneal party, reporting their arrival at the Suspension-bridge. As we had determined on making this our head-quarters, our commander sent eff to order them to join us here, which they did; that company consisted of about forty of the 1st W. 1. R., under Lieutenant CuUen and Dr. Morris. This morning we made raid with thirty men, all mounted, and got back to head-quarters at four p.m., bringing in a few prisoners, and having flogged nine men and burned three negro houses: and then had a court-martial on the prisoners, who amounted to about fifty or sixty. Several were flogged without court-martial from a simple examina- tion. One man, John Anderson, a kind of parson and schoolmaster, got 50 lashes; nine were convicted by court-martial; one of them to 100 lashes, which he got at once, the other eight to be hanged or shot, but it was then quite dark, so their execution is postponed till morning. G. W. Gordon had his black coat and vest taken from him as a prize by one of the soldiers, also his spectacles by another, so you will see he was very little differently treated from the common herd. I am told that one of his cattle at Rhine is killed every day for the benefit of the people and constables in Bath, and to-day we sent there and fetched away one for this party. We quarter on the enemy as much as possible; small stocks, turkeys, we take ad libitum; other supplies we give receipts for. We press all the horses and saddles we can find, but the black troops are more successful than ours in catching horses-nearly all of them t are mounted. They shot about one hundred and sixty people on their march from Port Antonio to Manchioneal; hanged seven in Manchioneal; and shot three on their way here. This is a picture of martial law. The soldiers eniov it—tho inTmWtttnte Wo to dread it. If they run on their approach they are snot for running away. The contents of all the houses we have been in, except only this very house, but includ- ing the barracks, have been reduced to a mass of broken and hacked furniture, with doors and windows smashed by the rebels." The correspondent of a Jamaica paper, writing on the 31st of October, says :— 5&l" There is one continual scene of hanging day by day, and it becomes a matter for consideration whether the burial of so many people, packed, as I heard a Blue Jacket say, like sardines," in the town, is not likely to produce-some serious epidemic here—already the effluvium of the dead bodies commences to taint the atmosphere. Last night particularly, disagreeable effluvia arising from the graves in which these dead bodies are interred pervaded the entire town, and it was not without difficulty that one could avoid getting nauseated. This ought to be looked after. It is a matter of vital importance. It may not be altogether uninteresting to your readers to know that slightly over 1,050 rebels have been hanged and shot in the parish of St. Thomas-in-the-East up to date; and it is not at all unlikely that ere the dif- ferent courts-martial close their sittings, there will be far over 2,000 who will have paid the penalty of their vile attempt to exterminate the white and coloured races of this island. The Evidence against Gordon. ? The J amaioa. papers publish the following procla- mation issued by Gordon, and headed State of the Island," which formed part of the evidence on which he was hanged:— A requisition, numerously signed, for a public meeting to consider the state of the condition of the people' having been presented to the Custos, his Honour has appointed Saturday, the 29th instant, for public meeting at the Court-house, Morant Bay. We trust there will be a good meeting, and that the people will not, on that day, allow themselves to be interfered with by any of those who have already written to their disparagement, and made statements without proper foundation, which has so misled her Majesty's Government as to cause the very indiscreet dispatch which the Right Hon. Mr. Cardwell, Secretary of State, was induced to send to Mr. Eyre in reply to the St. Ann's memorial. This document ought to be well handled in a loyal spirit. We know that our beleved Queen is too noble-hearted to say anything unkind even to her most humble subjects, and we believe that Mr. Cardwell and her Majesty's other ministers are gentlemen too honourable and honest in their intentions wilfully to wound the feelings of her Majesty's colonial subjects; but we fear they have been deceived and misled, and the consequence is a serious grievance to our people; but we advise them to be prudent yet firm in their remonstrances, and we have no doubt that truth will ultimately prevail. Peo- ple of St. Ann's, Poor -people of St. Ann's, Starving people of St. Ann's, Naked people of St. Ann's, you who have no sugar estates to work on nor can nnd other employment, we call on you to come forth. Even if you be naked, come forth, and protest against the unjust representations made against you by Mr. Governor Eyre and his band of custodes. You'f|don't require custodes io tell your woes; but you want men free of Government in- flllence-you want honest men-you want men with a sense of right and wrong, and who can appre- ciate you. Call on your ministers to reveal your true condition, and then call on Heaven to witness, and have mercy. People of St. Thomas-in-the-East, you have been ground down too long already. Shake off your sloth. Let not a crafty, jesuitical rector devise you; speak like honourable and free men on Saturday, the 29th. Prepare for your meeting. Remember the destitution amidst your families and your forlorn con- dition the Government have taxed you to defend your own rights against the enormities of an unscrupu- lous and oppressive foreigner, Mr. Custos Ketelhodt. You feel this, and no wonder you do; you have been dared in the provoking act, and it is sufficient to ex- tinguish your long patience. This is not the time when such deeds should be perpetrated; but as they have been, it is your duty to speak out, and to act too. We advise you to be up and doing on the 29th, and maintain your cause, and be united in your efforts; the causes of your distress are many, and now is your time to review them-the Custos, we learn, read at the last vestry the deipatch from Mr. Cardwell, which he seemed to think should quiet you; but how can men with a sense of wrong in their bosoms be content to be quiet with such a reproachful dispatch as this ? Remember that he only is free whom the truth makes free—you are no longer slaves, but free men then, as free men, act your part on the 29th; if the conduct of the Custos in writing the dispatch to silence you be not an act of imprudence, it ctrtainly is an attempt to stifle your free expression of our opinions; will you suffer this P Are you so short- sighted that you cannot discern the occult designs of Mr. Custos Ketelhodt ? Doyouseehow at every vestry he puts off the cause oi the poor until the board breaks up, and nothing is done for them ? Do you remember how he has kept the sm H-pox money, and otherwise mis-distributed it, so that many of the people died in want and misery while he withheld relief P How that he gave the money to his own friends, and kept it himself, instead of distributing it to the doctors and ministers of religion for the poor ? Do you perceive how he shields Messrs. Herschel sud Cooke in all their improper acts P Do you know how deaf he is on some occasions, and how quick of hearing on others ? Do you remember his attempt, at tyrannical proceedings at the elections last year and this? Inhabitants of St. Thomas-in-the-East, you have been afflicted by an enemy of your pecce, a. Custos whose views are foreign to yours. Do your duty on the 29th day of July, 1865. Try to help yourselves and Heaven, will help you. Dr. Underhill and the Outrages in Jamaica On Monday evening Dr. Underbill, the secretary to the Baptist Missionary Society, whose name has been so prominently mentioned in connection with the recent outrages in Jamaica, addressed a very large audience at Maidstone. The meeting was called by the local Missionary Society, and it was announced that Dr. Underbill would lay the facts of the recent outbreak before the friends of truth, liberty, and order." Dr. Underbill said the past week had been to him one of great anxiety, great labour, and great fatigue, and he must, therefore, ask them for their kind con- sideration in the remarks he was about to address to them, as his mind had yet hardly cleared its way to all the conclusions to which the great event in the island of Jamaica must lead. Dr. Underhill proceeded to show the origin of the rebellion. He pointed out that on a Saturday the first indication of discontent or a re- bellious feeling was exhibited at Moreton Bay-a small town lying upon the sea-coast, and built upona mountain spur, about thirty or forty miles from Kingston, the leading city of the island, though not the seat of the Government. On the Saturday a boy, or man, was brought before the magistrates charged with stealing cocoa-nuts from an estate called Stoney Gut, and he was convicted and sentenced to be punished. There was a considerable number of per- sons in the court, and they released the offender from the hands of the police. On the Monday another per- son was convicted of trespassing upon the same estate, and sentenced to pay a fine. Paul Bogle—whose name had since been prominently mentioned as the leader of the rebellion—at once stepped forward and told the man not to pay the fine, but to appeal against the magistrate's decision. Recognisances were then properly entered into to carry the matter into a superior court. At first sight, it did not ap- pear how those two procedures could be connected with each other, but it subsequently turned out that a man named Anderson claimed the estate, which was held, he believed it would tarn out, by a number of negroes as their freehold. After continuing his description at some length, and entering into de- tails with which our readers are already familiar, he said he believed that the horrors of the repression were not fathomed entirely. He drew attention to the anomaly in Governor Eyre's dispatches wherein he said there was no assignable cause for the rebellion, and at another time they were told that a court- martial was held and evidence given against men upon which they were convicted, and he afterwards said that the cause was a letter written by Dr. Under- hill nine months ago. Dr. Underhill then pointed out that his letter was addressed to Mr. Cardwell, the Secretary to the Colonies, and that the letter had been forwarded to Governor Eyre, who had sent copies to all the magistrates, the ministers of every de- nomination, and, in fact, every one of position in the island, for information upon it. The letter then found its way into the colonial newspapers, and considerable vituperation and abuse were heaped upon him. Meetings were then held, and much discussion took place among the people as well as among the higher classes. Mootinga were held throughout the island, and many of them were summoned by the leading magistrates of the district. At these meetings reso- lutions were passed endorsing the statements in his letter. Governor Eyre had called those statements untruthful, but according to the opinion of the people of Jamaica, those statements were exceedingly truth- ful. These resolutions were ordered by the meetings to be sent to the Colonial Secretary in London, and many of them were ordered to be sent to him, and he had a number of them in his possession. With regard to Mr. Gordon, he said, who was a coloured gentleman, and a large owner of property in the island—in fact he owned about forty estates, and had therefore some stake in the island, and was a member of the House of Assembly-he was one of the few coloured men who had stood by those of their own race, and had tried to elevate and render justice to them. It would be a long story to go into the causes of the difference between Mr. Gordon and Governor Eyre; but there had long existed much angry antagonism between them, and it had been carried to such a point that Mr. Gordon had written to a gentle- man in this country some time since, saying that he believed that his life was in danger, showing that he knew well the character of the men he had to deal with. Dr. Underhill then detailed the course taken with Mr. Gordon (who, he said, was a thorough gen- tleman, and had been educated at Glasgow University); how he was taken from Kingston, where martial law did not exist, to Morant Bay, and there hanged. Dr. Underhill then proceeded to show that for the past three years a series of droughts in the island had much interfered with the material pros- perity of the people, and this led to some discontent and disaffection; and appeals were made to this country to help the people in their distress. About 30,000 people were employed in the sugar plantations, and about a similar number in the cultivation of coffee, leaving 350,000 almost starving. The usual wages were a shilling a day for about half the year —during crop time-as there was such an abun- dant supply of labour that the planter could at any time obtain what he required. With regard to the franchise, he pointed out that a year or two ago, owing to a regis- tration fee of 10s. a year being imposed in addi- tion to the qualification of land worth zC6 a year, out of a population of 441,000 people there were barely 2,000 voters to return an Assembly of 47 representa- tives. Now, he said, the qualification was changed to the payment of 20s. in direct taxation but, as the articles of direct taxation wore very few, such as horses, carts, oxen, and the like, few but rich men could exercise the right. The consequenoe was that the Assembly was charged in the public- papers by the governors themselves as being the most corrupt Assem- bly on earth. The members were most of them place- men of the lowest class, and many of them had made an appearance in the criminal courts, and one was at the present time exiled for stealing money belonging to the State. The magistrates of the island consisted of planters, overseers, and a few coloured men, and if a black man brought a complaint before them against another planter, he was sure to have it decided against him. With regard to the sugar plantations, the arrangements of the people employed were of such a shocking character that most of the crime and the unchastity charged upon the black people had their origin there. With regard to the small freeholders, every attempt was made by the white inhabitants to prevent their rising in the world; they met with much difficulty from the tenure upon which they occupied. He thought he had shown them sufficient to prove that, apart from any personal reference to himself, and apart from anyreference to Mr. Gordon, there were political and social causes existing which would go far to account for the discontent and dissatisfaction prevailing in that beautiful island. He had written to Mr. Cardwell with the object of getting the Government to send out a commission to inquire into the legislation of the island and the con- dition of the people. Of all the islands of the west that was the only one that had gone to decay. Trinidad, St. Kitts, every other island there was in a state of material prosperity. He trusted that the future government of Jamaica would not be merely a selfish one, but that the island would be ruled for the good of the population, and then that which was now one of the most beautiful u- lands in the West would become one of the brightest ornaments of the British crown (applause). The remarks of the speaker were received with con- siderable enthusiasm, especially when he referred to an inquiry by Parliament into the late occurrence. The Rev. Mr. Dobney, in moving a vote of thanks to Dr. Underhill, expressed the surprise with which he saw the name of Dr. Underhill connected with the outrage. A milder man, or a man of a meeker spirit and more tender conscience he did not know. He called upon the people of England to bring Governor Eyre to account as Warren Hastings was for his abuse of power in India (loud applause). The resolution was carried, and the proceedings ter- minated. Gordon's last Letter to his Wife. The Secretary of the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society has received a copy of the letter of G. W. Gordon, who was executed for treason in Jamaica, written shortly before his execution, and is addressed to his wife. It is as follows:— My beloved Wife,-General Nelson has just been kind enough to inform me^.that the court-martial on Saturday last has ordered me to be hung, and that the sentence is to be executed in an hoar hence; so that I shall be gone from this world af sin and sorrow. I regret that my worldly affairs are so deranged; but now it cannot be helped. I do not deserve this sentence, for I never advised or took part in any insurrection. All I ever did was to recommend the people who complained to seek redress in a legitimate way; and if in this I erred, or have been misrepresented, I do not think I deserve the extreme sentence. It is, however, the will of my Heavenly Father that I should thus suffer, in obeying His command to relieve the poor and needy, and to protect, as far as I was able, the oppressed. And glory be to His name; and I thank Him that I suffer in such a cause. Glory be to God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ; and I can say it is a great honour thus to suffer, for the servant cannot be greater than his Lord. I can now say with Paul, the aged, "The hour of my departure is at hand, and I am ready to be offered up. I have fought a good fight, I have kept the faith, and henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteous- ness, which the Lord, the righteous Judge, shall give me." Say to all friends, an affectionate farewell; and that they must not grieve for me, for I die innocently. Assure Mr. Airy and all others of the truth of this. Comfort your heart. I certainly little expected this. You must do the best you can, and the Lord will help you; and do not be ashamed of the death your poor husband will have suffered. The judges seemed against me; and from the rigidmanner of the court, I could not get in all the explanation I intended. The man Anderson* made an unfounded statement, and so did Gordon; but his testimony was different from the deposition. The judges took the former and erased the latter. It seemed that I was to be sa.crificed. I know nothing of the man Bogle. I never advised him to the act or acts which have brought me to this end. Please write to Mr. Chamerovzow, Lord Brougham, and Messrs. Hencknell and DuBuisson. I did not expect that, not being a rebel, I should have been tried and disposed of in this way. I thought his Excellency the Governor would have allowed me a air trial, if any charge of sedition or inflammatory language were party [? fairly] attributable to me; but I have no power of control. May the Lord be merciful to him. General Nelson, who has just come for me, has faithfully promised to let you have this. May the Lord bless him, and all the soldiers and sailors, and all men. Say farewell to Mr. Phillipps, also Mr. Lieard, Mr. Bell, Mr. Vinon, Mr. Henry Dulasse, and many others whom I do not now remember, but who have been true and faithful to me. As the General has come I must close. Remember me to Aunt Eliza in England, and tell her not to be ashamed of my death. Now. my dearest one, the most beloved and faithful, the LoI,rd bless, help, preserve, and keep you. A kiss for daa.r mamma, who will be kind to you and Janet. Kiss also Annie and Jane.f Say good-bye to dear Mr. Davison and all others. I have only been allowed one hour. I wish more time had been allowed. Farewell also to Mr. Espeut, who sent up my private letter to him. And now, may the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with us all. Your truly devoted and now nearly dying husband, G. W. GORDON. I asked leave to see Mr. Panther,J but the General said I could not. I wish him farewell in Christ. Re- member me to auntie and father. Mr. Bamsey has for the last two days been kind to me. I thank him. The same who obtained the warrant against Dick for trespass. t These three are his sisters. t The minister who officiated at Mr. Gordon's Taber- nacle.
FENIANISM.
FENIANISM. Verdict and Sentence on Luby. On Friday Mr. Justice Keogh charged the jury in Luby's case in a very mild and temperate manner, oalling upon them to give the prisoner the full benefit of any doubt they may have on their minds, and if there was not the fullest proof on any count in the separate indictments, they would record the prisoner "not guilty" upon this or that charge; on the other hand, if they were convinced of the prisoner's guilt, they would not shrink from their duty, but honestly and conscientiously record a verdict of guilty. The jury then retired to their room, where they re- mained in deliberation for over two hours. In the interval another jury was called, and John O'Leary was about being arraigned, when the jury returned to their box, and handed in a verdict of guilty on all the counts. The prisoner (Luby), who stood at the bar, received the announcement without manifesting any emotion. The prisoner being asked by the Clerk of the Court if he had anything to say why judgment should not be passed upon him, he entered into a very rambling ac- count of the proceedings of himself and the brother- hood, admitting that he could anticipate no other verdict than that recorded against him; at the same time he pointed to himself as a martyr for the inde- pendence of Ireland, and that he was ready to brave captivity for the cause he had supported. In passing sentence Mr. Justice Keogh remarked upon the utter absurdity of men in Luby's position supposing for a moment that their efforts to revolu- tionise the country could be successful. Nevertheless, he (the prisoner) and others had done all in their power to inflame the minds of the people to revolt, suggesting the assistance of foreign arms and murder as one of the necessary aids to success. The learned judge con- cluded the sentence in these words:—I cannot permit myself to imagine for a moment a successful revolution in this country; but first suppose that, for a single day, there was a lodgment of a foreign army in the country—I care not whether from France or America -or an army composed of insurgent bands of undis- ciplined peasants. I will not talk of the rich com- mercial classes or the great landed proprietors, but of the humble farmer, the small shopkeeper, or the industrious artisan; there is not a man having any little means gathered, as the result of industry, that would not have it swept away-the cattle driven to feed the insurgents, houses pulled down to supply firing, the lives of the owners, their wives and ohildren, all left at the dis- posal of an infuriated soldiery, or, still worse, an infuriated peasantry. All these were consequences likely to follow from the transactions in which you were engaged. But how mad, how perfectly mad, was it for you to suppose for a moment that the great power of the British empire, with all the citadels of its strength lying within five short hours' sail of this city—that this great power, which was able to extend its mighty strength thousands of thousands of miles away, which was able to penetrate into the heart of Asia and India, and put down the revolt of thousands of armed raen-th-st this great empire, with its fortifi- cations and its legions of trained and skilled soldiers, and able at a moment's notice to call forth thousands upon thousands to aid her-would allow any re- volutionary movement to make progress. I do not want to aggravate the dreadful anguish which you must feel in your present position, and which must be in itself punishment for you to-day. Every one who might have seen you must deeply regret, as I do, the position in which you are placed, wretched and self- produced as the position is. I feel for you. Some may view it as a weakness on my part-perhaps it is -and I deeply regret that you have placed yourself there-but while I have that feeling of regret for you, I confess I have also a strong feeling for the safety and security of the people of this country—not for the higher classes, for they are able to protect and defend themselves, but for the humbler classes, who would be the first to suffer by so insane a movement. But this is not all. Property is depreciated in value — employment is prevented-an increase in the wealth and pros- perity of the country cannot be expected to go on. The complaint is, that men are not employed-that manufactures do not rise up-that manufactories are not established-that ships are not built-that the enterprise or industry of the country is not employed. But why are they not employed ? How can manufac- tures and industry flourish—how can ships be built- or how can men of wealth and prosperity be ex- pected to invest their money in the country if they are to be disturbed by the perpetual recurrence of these insurrectionary movements? Therefore, it is utterly impossible to avoid pass- ing on you a most severe sentence. If you were indicted for high treason—and there is no one fact given in evidence that would not equally ap- ply under an indictment for high treason—is there a doubt that you would have been found guilty P and had you been, there wpuld be no discretion left to us, but to pass on you the sentence of death. You are not so in- dicted you are prosecuted under a more lenient indict ment, and, therefore, your punishment is mitigated from that of death to transportation. My learned brother and I have considered with the greatest care your case. We li have endeavoured as well as we could to find: out in it some mitigating ciroumatanoes that could possibly lessen the extent of your punishment, but we failed to find out any such circum- stance, and we cannot avoid coming to the conclusion that, through the entire of these transactions, with one exception, you were the most criminal and guilty. I say with one exception. The sentence of the Court therefore is-I will not prolong your anguish by any further observations—that you be kept in penal servi- tude for twenty years. Remove the prisoner. Immediately after sentence was passed the prisoner was removed to the inner doek, while the van was being prepared to oonvey him to the Convict Dep6t. When all was in readiness he was taxen to the van, which was driven at a rapid pace to the North Circular- road, guarded by a detachment of cavalry, and within a half-hour from the time he received the sentence he was stripped of his dothes, attired in the prison dress, and placed in the cell selected for him. Daniel Byrne, the night watchman, has been com- mitted for trial on a charge of complicity with the Fenian conspiracy in having aided the escape of Stephens. Extracts from a blue-book on Irish prisons have been published showing that the unfitness of Byrne was as far back as June, 1861, declared by the governor of the gaol, and admitted by the inspector- general of prisons but the board of superintendence persisted, against the remonstrances of both, in keeping him, merely changing his situation from that of a warder to a watchman. Dur. ing the examination before the magistrate, on Saturday, of the case against Byrne, a man named M'Leod (the prisoner placed in the cell between those which Stephens and Kick- ham were confined) deposed that he had heard a person at Stephens's cell; there was conversation in a very low tone; that was at four o'clock in the even- ing. About one o'clock the next morning one person came to Stephens's cell, pulled the door open, and then two persons went along the corridor and down the stairs. He also saw the reflection of the light. Nothing more was elicited. At eleven o'cleck on Saturday night, O'Callaghan, Archdeaoon, Soally, Mulcahy, Fogarty, O'Boyle, Cleary, Carey, Roantree, O'Mahony, Kane, Haltigan, O'Clo- hissy, Sweeny, Duffy, O'Brennan, Byrne, Fottrell, Kenny, Donovan, Gillis, O'Neill, Heyburn, and Quig- ley, who had been confined in Richmond Bridewell, were removed in vans to Kilmainham Gaol, under an escort of the 5th Dragoon Guards, the 11th Hussars, and a number of the mounted police. They arrived at Kil- mainham Prison at half-past eleven o'clock, and were at once given in charge to Mr. Price, the governor, who had them at once looked up in separate cells for the night. There are fifty men belonging to the 8th regiment, under the command of a captain and two subalterns, and a body of the metropolitan police, on duty at the prison. Thd troops are under arms day and night. This order was carried out in pursuance of a warrant signed by the Lord-Lieutenant, in conse- quence, it is alleged, of a feeling of disaffection existing amongst some of the warders of the prison.
JIR. BRIGHT AT BLACKBJJRN.
JIR. BRIGHT AT BLACKBJJRN. A public banquet was given at Blackburn on the 30th ult., at which time a testimonial to Mr. James Pilkington, late M.P. for that borough, was presented. There was a large gathering of the most influential members of the extreme Liberal party connected with this portion of the manufacturing districts of Lancashire, including Mr. Bright, M.P., Mr. T. B. Potter, M.P., Mr. J. Ciaeetham, M.P., Mr. Barnes, M.P., Mr. Fenwick, M.P., Mr. Pender, M.P., Sir John Bowring, &o. Mr. Pilkington, however, was unfortu- nately unable to attend, in consequence of the serious illness of Mrs. Pilkington. Mr. Dugdale presided. After the usual loyal and constitutional toasts, which were most enthusiastically responded to, the chairman presented the testimonial, which was re- ceived and acknowledged on behalf of Mr. Pilkington by his brother-in-law, Mr. John Eecles. The testi- monial consisted of a large handsome silver epergne. Sir John Bowring then proposed the toast of "The Commons' House of Parliament." He paid a warm eulogium to the memory of the late Mr. Cobden, and expressed an earnest hope that the good ship Reform, which was believed to be waterlogged by the cargo which the Conservatives, assisted by some timid friends of the Liberal party, had put on board, would now be relieved .of the encumbrance, and proceed with good speed on her destined voyage. It was, however, for the people of England to give the impulse and to trim the sails, for there were many who talked aboat pru- dence, and others who found nothing more comfort- able than rest; but rest and prudence had never yet won a great victory. Mr. Bright, on rising to respond, was greeted with immense cheers, and after taking a lengthened retro- spective view of politics and politicians during the past forty years, and turning to the prospective, he [ said:— One of the objects of this meeting, I take it, is notably this, that, whereas we admit that the House of Commons is the great security this country has amongst all its institutions for its freedom, it is still its bounden duty to make that freedom more extensive, and if possibla to lay down foritmoreenduringfounda- tions. Out of about six millions of men in this country —I believe there are really seven millions of grown-up men-only one million three hundred thousand have their names on the registers of counties and boroughs; of these three hundred thousand are down twice; and probably, even with the greatest expenditure, it would not be possible to bring to the poll more than one million voters. Then would there be much harm in permitting another half million, or even a million, to exercise that privilege? There would still be five millions left out—I hope they are not worthy of that depreciation and bad language which we sometimes hear applied to the unfranchised- but there would be still four or five millions left out. The Government scheme of 1860 proposed to bring down the franchise from .£50 in counties to .£10, and from X10 in boroughs to .£6. I have heard a good many members of the Radical party object to that bill as being very small and unimportant, and as not being worth fighting for. Now, I entirely differ from such an opinion. We must bear in mind that in this country we can only go on in the manner the general opinion of the public is prepared to sanction; and, as I regard the Reform Bill of 1832 as a measure of pro digious value, so I regarded that of 1860 and I would regard now that proposition, if it were enacted by Parliament, as a measure of very great importance and very large purport indeed to the object we have in view, namely, the fair and honest representation of the people in Parliament (cheers). The Tory party oppose it, and their pretence is, that they fear very much from the ignorance of the warking man. You must bear in mind, however, that they always point to that most unfavourable specimen of the working man who does not save any money, and who never works on a Monday (laughter). If this aill had passed, and a portion of the working men had been let in, some of them might not vote very wisely; nay, even a percentage might vote for a Tory candidate. But if I were told, and if it could be demonstrated beyond all dispute, that the class which we propose to admit would as systematically vote wrong as the Tory party have done for the last forty years, my anxiety to see them admitted would be much diminished. For forty years the Tory party have been always wrong. The State ohariot, laden with good and evil, has been by them impeded at every step and at every revolution of its wheels. Their deeds are so patent to all their countrymen and to the whole world, that they never can be un- written, and by Englishmen should never be forgotten (cheers). This same party, who are deemed by every writer of ordinary intelligence to have been wrong n all these questions, are now coming forward with measureless effrontery, and asking us to refuse to admit the working man, who has never even had the chance of doing wrong, for fear, if admitted, he should not always support measures which are for the true interest of the country. Take Lord Derby himself for an example. He is the eminent leader of this most obtuse, incorrigible party, and for the last thirty years his opinions, his speeches, and his votes have, in the main, been directed against all that policy which the vast majority are thoroughly convinced has been for the true interest of the country. There is a great Italian writer -Machiavelli-who has expressed an opinion which, I think, applies very well to this particular case. He « is, as you are aware, a very illustrious writer, but he is often very much abused, as all men are, I suppose, if they say something that is not pleasant. He says in the capacities of mankind there are three degrees. One man understands things by means of his own natural endowments, another understands things when they are explained to him, and a third can neither under- stand them of himself nor when they are explained by others (loud laughter)-and he says further that the first class are. sare and excellent, the second have their merit, but the last are worthless (great laughter). 0 <? ^ke to ask you, looking back at the annals of the Tory party for the last forty years, what is the worth of the poli- tical capacity and the political career of that party to the country in which they live ? Happily for us, this Tory party is now a decaying faction. It may seem an odd thing to say in a town like BlackbtPn, in vvvch the Tory party are for the moment triumphant; bat I nevertheless repeat it, that in this country the Tory party is but a decaying faction, and the Liberal party, composed of the most intelligent and just of the aristo- cracy, with the great majority of the middle classes, andlltihe most instructed and advanced of the working men, is rapidly becoming—and, indeed, has now be- come -the governing power in the nation (oheers). At this moment, perhaps, more than ever this is apparent. We have just had an election, and there is a large majority pledged to Liberal prin- ciples. The Tory party will muster less in Par- liament than they have mustered for many years past; and I believe it only requires that we should have a really honest and Liberal administration to enable a Liberal Parliament to do Liberal things (cheers). Speaking of the Administration, which somebody has said is very much the same as it was I venture to say that it is very different. I think that I know almost every member of the Administration, and many of them with that kind of intimacy which comes from long attendance in the House of Commons, and I should say that it is composed of men more entitled to confidence probably than any other Ad- ministration of our time (cheers). It is pledged to introduce a measure of Parliamentary reform and of extended suffrage for the people, and I believe it will redeem that pledge. I believe further that it will not introduce a measure of less dimensions or of less value-I speak now only of the Buffra-e- than the bill which was introduced and withdrawn in the year 1860 (cheers). I could easily suggest improve- ments in that bill, but I think that I should have a right to say that, if their measure is as comprehensive as that, they will have fulfilled their pledge and have done that which was of service to the cause which in office they new chiefly represent. I believe it will be a bill free from all tricks—(cheers)—from all childish propositions for representing minorities, from all those sins which some have cleverly devised of giving some- thing with one hand and taking it back with the other My own opinion is—and I will not give up that hope and opinion until I see myself disappointed—that the authors of the bill do not believe in the dangers which are ascribed to popular representation, but are willing to accept the power and authority which such a re- presentation gives to the Administration which it sus- tains. Now I will say that I believe there has been a real change in the Government, and in my opinion this change is a very auspicious event for the people of England. But E.¡.rl Russell does not come into office without finding himself immediately in face of diffi- culties of no common order. It is rare that a Minister immediately on stepping into office, finds himself con- fronted with events such as those which have recently occurred in Jamaica. I dare not trust myself to speak what I feel on this subject. I fear that tke fame of England has never received a deeper wound or a darker stain than it has from the recent transactions in that island. I judge only from the statements made by those who are living, and who are most concerned. The dead can confess nothing of their offences, and they can make no complaints of the wrongs which they have endured. I take my opinion only from documents fur- nished here by those whose interest it is to put a most favourable interpretation on their conduct; and I say that if murder, if foul murder-and there is no murder more foal than that which is done by men in authority under pretence of law-I say, if murder has not changed its name, and be yet a crime visited with punishment in this country, then I hope that the Go- vernor of Jamaica and his accomplices will have to stand at the bar of justice for the murder of Mr. Gordon. No words of appeal or remonstrance from Mr. Cardwell, Secretary for the Colonies, under whose departments these matters more particularly come, will be sufficient. It is not a question for a Secretary of State or for a depart- ment — it is a question for the Crown (cheers) — it is a question for the Prime Minister — for the whole Cabinet-for Parliament, when it shall meet-and for the whole nation, whose character for jusfcioe and for mercy is at stake (great cheering). I will not believe that Lord Russell in this matter, any more than in the matter of reform, will disappoint the jast expectations of the people. I believe he will honestly and thoroughly inquire into the matter; and until I see otherwise I believe he will say, Let justioe be done;" and uniting, as I believe, with the bulk of the people of this oountry, may I not say that we are disposed to give a large measure of con- fidence to the new Minister (loud cheers)? I hope it may be justified by the courageous and honourable course of aotion which he will pur- sue on that lofty eminence to which he has been called by the favour of the Queen, and I think I may say no less by the general suffrage of the nation; and I trust that the last years of his life may be sweetened by the thought that God has twice enabled him to render signal service in the glorious work of building upon broader and more lasting foundations the ancient liberties of his country. Mr. Bright resumed his seat amid loud and general cheering, having spoken for a little more than an hour Several other toasts were given, and the proceedings were not brought to a close until a late hour.
A FEMALE SOLDIER.
A FEMALE SOLDIER. A lady, whose name has not been stated, and who is the wife of a gentleman residing in the Upper Provinces, some short time back applied to the commanding officer of the Royal Artillery, stationed at Barraokpore, for permission to enlist. She had disguised herself, was dressed like a gentleman, wore a gold watch and chain, and passed a few days with the men of the regiment, till a reply from head-quarters was received to a request which had been made for permission to admit her. An unfavourable reply having been re- ceived, the commanding officer, to whom the applica- tion was made, interested himself on her behalf, spoke to some official or other to try and do something far her. This request was complied with, but not long after that the would-be soldier fell seriously ill, and as the medical gentleman who was called in to attend on her found it necessary to examine her chest, the examination was proceeded with, and it was then for the first time discovered that the applicant was a female. The secret being out, the lady, it is said, made a fall confession of the following facts:—That she had a quarrel with her husband, and left the house and the country where she resided on horseback; that her horse dying on the way, she purchased another with some money which she had; that she travelled on till she came to a railway terminus; that she took the 'train and eame to Calcutta; that all her money had been spent on the journey, and that she was left destitute.
REWARDS TO FINDERS OF VALUABLE…
REWARDS TO FINDERS OF VALUABLE PROPERTY. The Paris journals relate two instances of property being found and returned, but with very different results to the finders. At Louvain (Belgium) a few evenings since, a cab-driver found in his carriage a pocket-book oontaining bank-notes to the amount of 9,000fr., after taking:a stranger to the railway station. Thinking that the person would soon dis- cover the loss, and come back and look for the pocket- book, he went to the station and waited there two hours, till he saw his passenger alight from a train ap- parently in great distress. The honest coachman at once relieved the man's anxiety by restoring the property. The owner was profuse in his professions of grati- tude, and as a reward for the man's honesty, gave him a glass of beer, and promised never to use any other cab but his when he came to Louvain! The other case is narrated by the Moniteur de I'Algerie, which states that a Jew, who left Algiers some days back for Medeah, discovered on his arrival at the latter place that he had lost by the way a travelling-bag, containing bank-notes to the amount of 95,000fr. He immediately gave notice of his loss at the Arab bureau, and dispatches were sent off in all directions; the re- sult was that the bag with its contents was soon afterwards brought in by an Arab, who had found it. The Jew at once; recompensed the man's honesty by giving him 6,000fr., and at the same time left 10,000fr. to be distributed among the Door. -♦
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The renowned "Herring Collection," consisting of some of the finest paintings of horses ever exhibited, was brought to the hammer last week by Christie and Manson, and the whole lot was purchased by J. M. Marsden, Esq., fer £ 2,760.