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THE AMERICAN PRESS ON THE…

INDIAN INTELLIGENCE.

THE FAMINE IN PERSIA.

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THE COUNCIL OF MEDICAL EDUCATION.

THE BISHOP AND THE SCEPTIC.

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SPIRIT OF THE PBEHS. _

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AFFAIRS IN FRANCE.

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V AFFAIRS IN FRANCE. PAUIS. Monday. M. Tonyer-Quertior is «till the hero of the hour, and the excitement produced by hio extraordinary evidence at Rouen continues undiminished Rumours of all kinds are current as to the effect on the Ministry. Some say that the Garde cUs Sceaux tendered his resignation to M. Thiers, declaring that he could not sit in the same Cabinet as M. Pouyer Quortier. Others assert that the Finance Minister himself judged it advisable to resign; but M. Thiers would not accept his resignation. Other? again maintain that Thiers would not personally object to his withdrawal, but he knows such a course would be displeasing to Bismarck, with whom Pouyer- Quertior is in high favour. It may be remembered that when the French Finance Minister visited Germany in connection with the peace negotiations, he mado a favourable impression on the Germans, by his vigorous yhysiqve, dccidod manner, and general bonhovimie. Bis- marck may well be reluctant to lose sight of a Minister who has contrived, whatever his failings, to pay up the in- demnity instalments; but he would scarcely interfere in a purely internal matter. Thiers would like to keep his Cabinet together if he could until his financial arrange- ments with Prussia are more advanced. This morning everyone turned eagerly to the Journal Ojpael, fully expecting to And the authentic announce- ment of M. Pouycr-Quertier's resignation, but there was nothing of the kind, And a belief is gaining ground that tho affair will blow over, though it must in any case seriously damage the Ministry. The Temp* is very outspoken, and says plainly that how- ever regrettable a Ministerial crisis might be at the present time, it would be much more disastrous for the country for M. Pouyer Quertier to keep his portfolio, after his astonishing deposition. M. Ie President may/regret to part from a Minister, who has lent him useful* Resistance during painful negotiations, but the scandal occasioned by the Finance Minister should efface the memory of greater services. There is, in fact, a double IIcnndal-first from the doctrines professed by the: Finance Minister, and secondly from the contemptuous manner in which M. Pouyor- Quertier spoke of his colleagues past and present. Casimir Porier would' not believe that the words were accurately reported, and telegraphed to Rcfuen to ascertain. He might well be incredulous as to the declaration that the documents communicated to the public prosecutor by the Ministers of Justice and of tho Interior were illegal." The press are well nigh unanimous in denouncing the rash speaker. The Dcbats regrets that he was not called to order, and reminded that whatever his official position, in a court of justice he was nothing more than a simple citizen, bound to respect the law. L'Opinion Nationale says it is at least strange that the very man who ought to be ,the most strict in regard to public accounts should enunciate such dangerous theories. If they were generally adopted, French finances would soon become more embarrassed than those of Turkey. Every public receiver and civic authority might dip'his hands in the public treasury. The Minister of Finance at least could not censure them for so doing. The same journal very pertinently asks how M. Pouyor-Quertier, the great manu- facturer and merchant, as distinguished from M. Pouyer Quertior the Minister, would like to see his cashier adopt the samo system, and conceal his real items of expenditure by crritvres firtrres of any sort what- ever ? It is no secret that the Cabinet Council was a very stormy one, and words rose high among its members, M. Thiers did not spare the rash and headstrong colleague, whose ungoverned tongue has produced such an uunecessary turmoil; but M. Pouyor-Quertier, who always treats the President of the Republic with respect, preserved outward coolness. With the other members of the Cabinet, however, he was less reticent, and the war waxed hot, the malcontents feeling that they had the country to back them. One person has gained by the imbroglio, and that is M. Janvier de la Motte, the news of whose acquittal arrives this evening. M. Littre has written a letter to the Temps on Provisional Government. He says that in 1848 a Provisional Govern- ment was established, and on the 4th of September another of tho same kind was instituted. He asks if the present Government bears any resemblance to the fonner ones, and. answers in the negative. It emanates from the Assombly elected in 1871 and has full powers, with nothing provisional in its 'character. He cannot see what thero is in the present state of things to merit the name of Provisional. The Assembly has the right to decide the laws of the country. The Republic has existed in point of fact since the 4th of September, but in point of right since the month of February, 1871, when it was recognised by tthe National Assembly. Ac- cording to this arrangement, ).1. Thiers and his Ministers cannot and will not be regarded as depositories of a provi- sional regime. They are Pnesident and Ministers of a Republic which they desine to see honoured and beneficial. All they do is for the advantage of tho Republic. The Assembly may establish whenever it deems desirable to do so a Legitimate monarchy with the Count de Chambord, a parliamentary one with the Count de Paris, or a Cresarian one with Prince Louis Bounaparte. In the event of these occurrences taking place no one doubts that M. Thiers and his Ministers would at once resign their delegated power. M. Littr6 thinks that those who seek to establish a fifth Monarchy in France have a graat deal of faith, but their devotion is rather of a blind character. The four monar- chies of Napoleon the First, of the Bourbons, of Louis Philippc, and of Napoleon III) have all fallen one after the other. The middle class is more disturbed, more unstable, more stormy than it ever was under any one of these restorations, and yet they could venture on a fifth. Of those who would endeavour to accomplish the work, some believe in miracles, some in fictions, and others again in lucky hits and adventurous chances. The day when the Assembly proclaims one of these monarchies it will divide itself into two parts, as everyone knows. Should monarchy gain the day it will only be by a majority of from 20 to 30 votes. So feeble a victory will not do away with the ne- cessity for an appeal to the people. Who can foretell the result of an appeal to the people, or of a plebiscite. M. Littre declares in conclusion that he addresses himself to the Conservatives. He admits that it is difficult to establish the Republic, but points out that it would be still more arduous tore-establish the Monarchy. Before giving up the Republic let them realise the difficulties and dangers of a Monarchical restoration. Amid all his argu- ments he must not omit mention of the three milliards owing, the six departments occupied, and the Germans who are watching them. As for the Republicans it is their duty to redouble their firmness, their resolution, and their moderation. They are rendering important services to the future as much as to the present of France by preserving her from a fifth royal failure, and a fifth convulsion of which no one in the threatening state of European affairs can foresee the consequences.

DEATH OF THE EARL OF LONSDALE.

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