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L MISCELLANEOUS.

^B^ITGBANTNLLE'S "MESSAGE…

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^B^ITGBANTNLLE'S "MESSAGE TO AMERICA. (Hie American papers of tho 7th continue the discussion of the Alabama question, The Washington correspondent of the JVcM* York Times, writing on the 6th, refers M- follows to .Lord Granville's communication :—" The friendly com- munication to the Government of the United States, regarding the interpretation of the Treaty of Washington, alluded to in the Quoon's Speech, consists, so far as this government is yet advisfcd, of a note from Earl Granville to en. Schenck, the substance of which the latter communicates by telegraph. This note ill not in the nature of a demand, por eyen a request that there shall be any withdrawal tf .the clalmS for indirect damages. It alludes totheex- cjitemeat in the public mind and in the Press on the sub- je?V and. juscribes it to the different interpretation put upbii the Treaty by the United .States from "that ^hich'lt receivecr at the hands of the English Govern- ment. This simply gives this Government an opportunity, if it desireS, of making an explanation, or even of with- drawing that part of the case which is the subject of mis- .interyretation; but thfire is no demand on the part of the English Government that such action should be taken. No reply has yet been made. The subject was informally talked over in the Cabinet meeting to-day, and the expres- sion of the members of the Cabinet was quite unanimous that the reference of all claims and questions to the Geneva Tribunal was absolute, and that to that body must be left the question of rejecting or allowing the claims known as indirect losses.' When a reply is made this will be the posi- tion taken. The President is very firm on this point, andheis unanimously supported by his Cabinet, and by all the Re- publican strength in Congress, including Mr. Sumner and General Banks. Tlie opinion is nowhere entertained here that the British Government will insist upon such a thing as a withdrawal of this part of the case of the United States. The feeling is quiet and firm, and there is pro- bably less excitement here over the situation than anywhere else. Mr. Edmunds to-day offered in the Senate a resolution calling on the President to communicate any information not incompatible with the public interests, which he might have relative to the intention of Great Britain to revoke the Treaty of Washington. The introduction of this resolution gave Mr. Edmunds an opportunity to make a brief speech relative to the rumours of the action of the British Government, in which the text of the Treaty, the protocols of the Joint Commission, a speech of Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Beamis' book were quoted from to shew that we had a right to make the claim for consequential damages about which England is so sen- sitive, and that it was well understood that we had that idght. He expressed the belief that no such demand as the reports represent had been made, and said in case it bad, the responsibility for the consequences must rest upon Great Britain. Mr. Trumbull took exceptions to the word- ing of & part of the resolution a8 assuming too much, and they we're stricken off. In a leader of the samepll.per it is argued that the whole matter should be left to arbitration. If the claims on either side are 'preposterous'—to use Mr. Gladstone's phrase—the arbitrators will so decide, and both parties will be bound to submit to the decision. It is useless to refer the case to arbitration unless we consent to refer the whole case-ancrhaving so consented, it seems a foolish cottrse to withdraw from it. General Grant has resolved to make no modification in our case as it was originally presented, and in doing so he will be supported by the country. As for talk of war, it is too absurd for serious discussion. The people of England do not want td go to war with this country—this country does not want to go to war with them. Probably such an issue has never been seriously discussed, even in the most intemperate of the English journals—the cable messages are very apt to misrepresent and exaggerate comments on such subjects, It suits some hair-brained writers to get up a war cry, but the bulk of the- people in the United States and England know that war between two such nations would be a disgrace to civilization, and they are not likely to be hounded into it by passionate journal- ists. If the Geneva Conference should fail, we shall only be where we were before—but the position of England will be worse than it was before, and it is to be hoped that Mr. Gladstone and his Government will perceive this, if his advisers in the Press do not."

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