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A CARMARTHENSHIRE GENTLE VIAN CONFINED IN A MADHOUSE. A case of disputed lunacy was heard on Saturday at the Brentford Petty Sessions. John Henry Jenkins, a gentle- manly-looking man, of about 45 years of age, wa3 brought up on remand, charged with being found sleeping in an un- finished house in Cambridge-park, Twickenham, on Sunday, the 1st of May also with being a wandering lunatic. At the last hearing of the charge prisoner stated that he was educated at Jesus College, Cambridge that his mother was a widow, who possessed an income of £600 a year. and his father was for over twenty-four years chairman of a bench of magistrates at Whitehaven. Stephen Bentlifl said I am an attenoant of a private lunatic asylum kept by Dr Lowry. at West Mailing. I know the prisoner he hiis been under my especial charge as a patimt in the establishment. He escaped from the asyluja on Friday morning, April 29. The Chairman (to the prisoner): You bearwbat the witness states have you any objection to go back quietly with him ? Prisoner: I'll go back quietly, your worship; .but 1 am not a lunatic, and have been iliegally detained at this asy- lum these three years. I have been at the asylum nearly seven years, but ought to have been discharged fully three years ago. I was first detained on religious grounds. I took a tirst-class certificate at Jesus College, Cambridge, and 1 believe i am capable of discharging some of the various duties connected with the Church. I was under a delusion some years aa;o, and fancied myself to be Elias or John the Baptist sent in the latter days. This was some years ago, but the Cotnmis ioners of Lunacy told tne three years ago that I ought to be discharged, and finding they would not discharge me I got over the walls on Friday week, and made my escape, and when 1 was apprehended I was on the read to my friends in Wales. I am a son of the late Rev George Jenkins, who was chairman of a bench of magistrates in Cumberlaud for nearly twenty- five years. The first witness was now re-called, and, in reply to the Bench, stated that the commissioners saw the prisoner about four months ago. Witness further stated that the magis- trates of the county visited the asylum every three months, and sometimes six times during the year. Mr Thomas Arthur Lowry, M.D., said: I am the prin- cipal of the private lunatic asylum at West Mailing. The defendant is a patient who escaped on Friday week, at about half-past seven in the morning. He has been over six years in the establishment. [Witness here produced the authority under which he held him, which was signed by his mother, "a lady living in Carmarthen.) The de- fendant has not been discharged, nor has he been in a fit state to be. Prisoner Was I not in a fit state three years ago ? Wit- ness That was decided ty the commissioners at the time. Prisoner now repeated the question, and witness replied— I cannot say that you were. I do not think you are at the present time. A magistrate We have not observed anything indicative of insanity in his replies.—Witness No, but sometimes he is more rational thin at others, It is quite true that the county magistrates visit our establishment six times a year. The commissioners will shortly make another inspection. The chairman now told the prisoner that, Dr. Lowry having produced the authority for detaining him, the Bench were bound to give him up but they hoped at no distant date to learn that he was discharged, and said he would have the opportunity of communicating with the Lunacy Com- mission and his friends. Prisoner thanked the Bench, and left in charge of the doctor and his attendant. 11 O j EIOUSE OF COMMONS.—MoxDAT, May 7. THE BALLOT AND THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS BILL. Colonel Knox called the attention of the First Lord of she Treasury to the notice given by the Marquis of Har- rington to introduce a Bill to amend the law relating to the procedure at Parliamentary elections, which, be said, seemed to he a Ballot Bill in disguise, and asked when it was to be brought on. Mr Gladstone said that it was certainly a Ballot Bill. but not in disguise It dealt with several other matters, which would be stated by the Marquis of Hartington. The Marquis of Hartington then in asking for leave to introduce the Parliamentary Elections Bill said that it was founded mainly but not entirely on the recommenda- tions of the Select Committee which had sat during the present session and over which he had himself presided. In one particular the Bill was directly opposed to the recom- niendation of the Committee, but he believed that the House had never considered itself bound to follow implicitly the suggestions of its Committees, and besides this par- ticular Committee had been appointed f(ir the purpose rather of collecting infonnation and of hearing opinions than of coming itself to any definite conclusion. He therefore felt no hesitation in proposing a measure which was opposed to the recommendation of the Committee. The point upon which the Bill differed from the recommenda- tion was that of public nomination, and he would proceed at once to explain what was the recommendation and what would be the proposal of the Government. The Committee stated in its report that at some places of election the addres- ses of candidates were rendered inaudible by r.oise and tumult, and serious disturbances were often continued throughout the day In his (Lord Hartington's) opinion that was not a too highly coloured description, for in his opinion public nominations were too often nothing but a mischievous and useless farce, tending to bring our con- stitution and our representative institutions into contempt, and disgust intelligent people with everything connected with an election. (Hear, hear.) Notwithstanding this, how- ever, the Committee gave reasons for continuing th-i prac- tice, but Government differed with them, and proposed another plan which he should proceed to explain. They proposed that the returning officer should announce that on a certain specified day he should at a specified place proceed with the nomination. He would announce that within two hours on that day he would receive the nomina- nation of candidates, such nomination to be effected by personal delivery, and not by sending in the nomination paper. The nomination would be signed by the proposer and seconder, and by eight other electors of the county or borough. The House would by and bye see the object of requiring that the nomination paper should have the signa- tures of not less than ten electors. The delivery of the papers would be made either by the candidate or by his proposer or seconder, and the candidate by his proposer or seconder would be permitted to withdraw those papers within the two hours specified. If at the end of that time no more candidates appeared, the returning officer would announce the result, and advertise it in the manner de- scribed in the Bill. These proceedings would take place comparatively in private the only persons present being the candidate, acccompanied by one friend, besides his pro- poser and seconder. No other porson would have a right to be present, except by special permission of the returning officer. The result of this plan would be that the candi- dates and their friends would meet face to face they would know before the expiration of the specified time who were their opponents, and they would have the opportunity of deciding there and then whether they would go to the poll, or withdraw from the contest. The objections which the Committee stated to doing away with public nomina- tion were five. The first, that it would tend to fetter the free choice cf the electors appeared to be entirely opposed to one of the subsequent objections, which was that it would be extremely difficult to prevent the putting forward of candi- dates fcr the mere purpose of annoyance. He could not see how the free choice of a constituency would be fettered if ample opportunity were given to any ten electors to bring forward the candidate of their choice, and ample opportunity was afforded to demand a poll on behalf of that. candidate. That it would deprive a candidate of the opportunity of setting himself right with the constituency in the event of mis-statement he must admit, but that was the one solitary objection which he knew of to the abolition of public nominations. He believed there was some ad- vantage in certain cases in that public nomination which enabled the candidate to meet his opponents face to face before the whole constituency-(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition)—and to challenge them in public in case mis- statements had been made, but honourable gentlemen must be aware that in the great majority of cases in which pub- lic explanation was necssary or desirable the opportunity for it did not practically exist. (Hear.) Where reckless and unfounded assertions had been bandied. about, and a state of great excitement prevailed, the candidate might just as well talk to the wind as endeavour to set himself right at a public nomination. (Hear, bear.) As to the ob- jection that it would be difficult to prevent the putting for- ward of persons for the mere purpose of annoyance, that might be so if the system proposed was the mere sending out of nomination of papers without the personal attendance of the voter, and if the poll followed as a matter of course upon the sending in of the nomination papers but when the candidates and their supporters were brought face to face, and had the opportunity of seeing whom they were sjoing to meet, and of considering how hopeless would be the contest in which they were about to embark, it would very much tend to check the practice of noinina- nations for the mere purpose of annoyance. The Govern- ment did not intend to propose to make any alteration in the existing law as to the incidence of the necessary ex- penses of elections. (Hear, hear.} The candidate or his proposers and nominators would be still liable for the expenses, and that also would act as a considerable check upon putting forward candidates for the mere purpose of annoyance. (Hear, hear.) Another objection was that it would tend to the fraudulent withdrawal of the candidates who were unfavourable to the electors, but that he was unable to see. Of course corrupt compromises might be made between the various candidates in future, as now, but such compromises were not made upon the I hustings, but always behind the scenes, and he did not see £ jiOTv they were to be prevented. The laet objection was that in the majority of cases the nomination was orderly, and the return was made on the day of nomination. If he had made clear the proposal of the Government, it would be found that the same advantages would attend their system, and if there were not more candidates than' vacancies, the return would be made complete on the day of nomination. If there were more candidates than vacancies of course it would be the duty of the returning officer to announce that a poll would be taken, to name the day of the poll, and to make the necessary preparations. He had alluded to the eviis which did continually attend the pub- lie nomination of candidates, but those evils were compara- tively small as compared with those which were reserved for the polling day. On the nomination day there was riot and disturbance, but it was generally mere senseless, purposeless, and objectless riot, and for the polling day was reserved violence with an object and intention. It was for the polling day. and the day immediately preceding, that was reserved the arts of the briber and moral intimi- dation, or intimidation by an armed and violent body. (Hear, hear.) These facts were so patent that it was hardly necessary to accumulate proof. Although the Committee were considerably divided on certain points of their report, and certain of their recommendations were only made by a bare majority, they were tolerably agreed as to the facts and although the draft report was considerably altered, the report as it stood was agreed to without any great difference I of opinion. The committee stated that at the last election corrupt practices prevailed in many elections to such an extent as to invalidate the election. The noble marquis then quoted the report of the Committee as to the pxtent of intimidation at county elections in England, and as to undue influence exercised in Ireland, and the conclusions to which they had arrived, that according to the present system of conducting elections, there was in many boroughs and counties no real freedom of election. Those statements I of the Committee gave sufficient proof that there were evils in the present mode of conducting elections which I imperatively demand a remedy. For those evils there had I only been three remedies proposed — the use of voting papers, the increase of polling places, and vote hv ballot. 'u" Now as to the use of voting papers, he thought he might dismiss that remedy as shortly as tbe Committee dismissed it in jtheir report. They said that in their opinion it would tend to aggravate some of the evils of the present system, by the increase of bribery and certain forms of intimidation. In that opinion of the Committee he entirely agreed. The multiplication of polling places might be a desirable thing, but he did not think any voter would imagine for a moment that it would be anything like an adequate remedy for the evils which exist; and besides, there were ample powers in the hands of the magistrates for the increase of polling places if they thought that necessary. The third remedy was that the votes should be taken by wTay of ballot. This was not the time nor the occasion for him to consider the abstract argument for or against secret voting. The Com- mittee said the principal objections that had been advanced against the ballot were that the act of voting was a public duty which should involve a public responsibility, that it would lead to hypocrisy and deception, that it would do little to restrain the practice of treating, tb-;t it would in- crease bribery by making it more difficult to detect it, and that it would increase intimidation such as that alleged to exist in Ireland. Well, the first objection, that the act of voting was a public duty, was, he thought, the great and main objection to the ballot. It was one which he was willing to admit he had always felt, and which had hitherto induced him to vote against the ballot. He was willing to admit that there could be no more worthy spectacle to a free and constitutional country than the spectacle of a constituency electing its members of Parliament in an open, and tranquil, and free manner. But freedom of election be conceived to be the essential characteristic of an election That was not mere matter of opinion, but he believed the common law of the country laid it down. Baron Martin, in giving judg- ment in the case of Beverley, said if it were proved that the votes were given under undue influence, that at common law would be sufficient without any particular statute to void the election. It was incumbent on those who opposed secret voting to prove that elections could be made more tranquil and free without it. In some of the colonies where it had bei-n secret for some years the necessity for secrecy no longer existed, and it disappeared because no one was found disposed to take advantage of the knowledge of how a man voted, and he was not without hopes that the same result would in course of time ensue in this country. It was said that hypocrisy and deceit would be encouraged by the bal- lot. He confessed himself unable to decide the nice moral I point involved in the argument whether it was more wrong to act a lie than to speak one; but if they assumed the ballot would encourage hypocrisy and deceit, they would assume that the voter had some object in telling those who asked him that he should vote one way and then voting another but the same system might be pursued under open voting, and persons who were once deceived would be chary of asking again, t dear, hear ) It had been alleged also that the ballot would not do away with treating, but it would, at least, discourage it. Then it was said that it would increase bribery, and afford facilities for personation, but he did not see how it would do so He quite admitted that, under a system of absolutely secret voting, where it was impossible for a court of justice to ascertain how a man voted, there might be some additional inducement to bribery and per- sonation, and the great objection remained that they would not be able to strike the fraudulent vote off, because they would not know for whom it was given but the hon. mem- ber for Huddersfield had shown there were some systems of secret voting in which bribery and personation were quite as easy to detect as under any open system. Of course it would be said that what a court could discover would be as easily discovered by others most interested, but the perfec- tion of secret voting was to invent such a system as that the vote should be discoverable before a court of justice, and yet that there should be a difficulty, amounting to impossibility, of detection by other persons. The plan of the Government was this. The returning officer, on the demand for a poll, would provide a sufficient number of polling stations, whether in one or separate buildings, each booth being a station. At each of those stations he would have to appoint a deputy returning officer to preside over it. He would also have to provide a sufficient number of polling papers for each presiding officer at the station. He would not pre- side over any of the polling stations, which would be pre- sided over by his deputy, and agents who would be appointed by each candidate The polling papers would somewhat resemble a cheque in a banker's cheque book. They would have a counterfoil, and on the face of the counterfoil they would be numbered either consecutively or in different series, and the counterfoil would bear on its face the same number as the paper would bear on its back. The presiding ofticer would give to each voter, on establishing his claim t.) vote, a polling-paper, entering at the same time the number of the voter on the register upon the counterfoil. The voter would retire into a private compartment for the purpose of marking the polling paper, after which he would fold it up in such a way that the names of the candidates on its face would not be visible, though the number on the back would, and would then place it in the presence of the returning officer in the ballot box. At the elose of the poll the pre- siding officer, always in the presence of the agents of the candidates, would open the ballot box, and taking out the ballot papers unfold t Vie to and place them on their faces in such a way that neither he nor those assisting him would see anything except the numbers on the back He would then make them up in packets, affix his seal to them, and the agents having done the same thing, he would transmit them to the returning officer. When the latter had received all the packets and voting papers from the different voting places, he would, also in the presence of the agents of the candidates, proceed to open them, placing them in the re- verse way to that in which they were arranged by the pre- siding officer, with their faces upwards, so that the names of the candidates should be visible, while the numbers on the back would not be. He would then count the votes for each candidate, and would then, as now. announce the re- sult of the poll, and publicly advertise it in the manner pro- vided for in the Bill. In the case of voters who were blind or could not read, the voting papers would be marked for them by the returning officer. He should have stated that at the close of the poll the presiding officer would at once seal up and send to the Clerk of the Crown the counterfoil papers which bad been used, and it would be the duty of the returning officer, having counted up the votes for each candidate, to re-seal the packets. and send them also to be preserved by the Clerk of the Crowu. The advantage of this system would be that everything would be done in the presence of the f.gents of the candidates, so that any attempt on the part of the returning officer to defeat the object of the Act in any way would be immediately detected. They proposed to insert in the Bill a provision that no vote should be identified unless it had been proved before a com- petent court to be a bad one, and it would then be simply on comparison of the counterfoils containing the number of the voter on the register with the voting paper containing the same number. When the Bill was seen it would, he thought, be admitted that the plan proposed was not only simple but easily understood. There would be a clause in the Bill to provide that no room should be hired in any pub- lic house -(cheers) -as a committee-room. Public houses would not be permitted to be used except for public meet- ings at which the candidate attended, and this reservation was made because in many places the public house was the only place suited for a meeting. The Committee had found that the provision already made for ascertaining the whole expenses of an election was not sufficient, and therefore it was now proposed that any payment which was omitted from the account should be declared to be a corrupt practice, and should invalidate the election. The clause founded on this recommendation would, he admitted, be a most stringent one, but he hoped it would not only purify elec- tions but would relieve candidates from-many dangers caused by the action of injudicious friends. With respect to the expenses of the returning, officer, he had found it to be a most difficult question, and although he did not des- pair of ultimately arranging it he must for the present post- pone its consideration. Muuicipal elections were, he believed, as much in need of reform as those for members of Parliament, but he found that they would require a special Act for themselves. He must therefore postpone this part of the question for another year. He had now explained what the Bill did and what it did not, and hoped that with the assistance of the house it would become an efficient and practical measure. He knew that no act they could pass would be of any use unless supported by the public opinion of the country, but from what he had heard and seen during the sittings of the Committee be believed that there existed amongst intelligent electors a sincere and earnest desire to put down the monstrous evils that now prevailed. He be- lieved that this Bill would stimulate su6h electors to acts of resistance of coirupt practices, and would enable them to do -what he believed they evidently desired, namely to secure the regularity, tranquility, and purity of Parliamentary elections. (Cheera) Mr Leatham rejoiced that the ballot had become a Cabi- net question, but regretted that the Government had thought it necessary to complicate it with other matters of an irrelevant character. Nor was the ballot proposed by the noble lord in accordance with the recommen- dation of the Committee, whose opinion was that the votes should be absolutely inviolable. What this Bill proposed was in fact the Victorian ballot. He was dis- appointed also that the Government had not endea- voured this session to deal with the question of muncipal elections. Mr Fawcett said many members would be surprised and disappointed at the noble lord's speech. After what took place in the House three or four years ago, and after what took place in the Committee, it was to have been expected that the necessary expenses incurred at elections should no longer be paid by the candidates, but should be paid by the constituencies. That proposal was originally supported by the Prime Minister, and he gave it the majority. He believed there would be great disappointment oil this subject. All the other proposals, be thought, were m the right direction. Mr Gladstone returned his thanks to the Committee and his hon. colleagues for bestowing so much labour on this subject, and for the great advance they had made in the solution of the question of public secret votmg; and, secondly, for the valuable suggestions they had made. With respect to the absence of any provision for relieving the candidate from the expenses of an election, and placing them on the shoulders of the constituency, on whom they ought more naturally to fall, he might state that the rea- sons that had governed the Cabinet as a whole in refraining character. The fact was. that there were several difficulties in the way of giving effect to so equitable a principle, and the real consideration of the Government which guided them in abstaining from introducing a principle so theoreti- cally perfect and practically advantageous was, that it would have greatly diminished the chance of carrving the measure this session. His hon. friend in his sanguine view of the subject ought not to forget that the proposal he submitted last year did not survive a second reading, but was rejected at that early stage, though he admitted only by a small majority. There was therefore in the House an expressed opinion of the great difficulty which would be experienced in carrying that proposal. He would leave it to the House to say whether, as practical men, the Government did not arrive at a wise conclcsion when they determined to abate their measure, and postpone at all events the consideration of a subject such as that, in order to obtain the best chauce they could secure for carrying linto effect the important purposes contemplated by the Bill. (Hear, hear.) Mr James regretted that the Bill of the Government wa* to be deficient in what must be regarded as the chief virtue of the ballot, namely, perfect and inviolable secresy (Hear, hear.) The secresy was made to depend on the side upon which a paper was placed. (Hear, hear ) Leave was given, and the second reading was fixed for Monday, 22nd May. THE CONDITION OF THE INDUSTRIAL CLASSES AT HOME AND ABROAD. A series of documents have recently been laid before Par- liament in the shape of Reports from her Majesty's Diplo- matic and Consular agents abroad, respecting the condition of the industrial classes in foreign countries, the whole of which are contained in an interesting Blue Book of 600 pages. The value of this book at this moment is that it brings out into great clearness the peculiar position of the United Kingdom in the great world of industry with res- pect to wages, this is analogous to our geographical posi- tion We stand between the Old World and the New in hoth cases. Our artisans can earn on an average from 25 to 40 per cent. more than those of the Continent, though it may be doubted whether the difference is practically so great as it seems at first sight, having regard to the com- parative cost of all the necessaries of life. On the other hand, in the United States, Mr Ford's tables show us that the wages range from 24 to upwards of 90 per cent, higher than in England- One instance will suffice to show why German workmen are leaving their Fatherland by thou- sands for the land of promise in the West. In Prussia a first-class puddler is only earning £4;) a year, while in the States he gets El, 6,. Id. a week. In England the rates of puddlers vary considerably, but even in the Welsh iron- tield, where wages are lowest, a puddler can earn his clear thirty shillings a week, while in the English and Scotch iron districts he may average two pounds. We have heard a great deal of late of the decay of British industrial pros- perity, in consequence of the disputes between employers and their workpeople, and the extravagant rates to which wages have risen in our staple manufactures. In the teeth of the Board of Trade Returns, we have been assured that Prussia and Belgium, and France, are taking more and more of our trade every-year. We are not, however, going to question altogether the truth of these statements. There is no smoke without fire, and undoubtedly some contracts have been taken from our manufacturers in fair and open competition by their Continental rivals. Nor do we care to deny that this been owing in some cases to the struggle between labour and capital, which has ranged with such virulence amongst us for the last eighteen years. But if any of our gr^at ironmasters, or coal owners, or manu- facturers, are still desponding, and require encou- ragement as to our prospects in the immediate future, we would strongly recommend them to consult this Blue-book. There they will find that, from one end of Europe to the other, there is a movement on the part of the workpeople for an increase of wages, which is threatening to disorganize industry far more seriously than anything we have ever had to face at home. The Socialist party are organizing strikes everywhere which are daily increasing in frequency and seriousness," so writes the Secretary of Legation at Berlin. The picture which MrMalet draws of the implacable feel- ling of the French ouvrier towards the whole class of em- ployers. and of the rapid strides which trade organizations are making in the Empire, is even more ominous while in Belgium we know that. twice at least in the last three years, the military have been called to suppress strikes. In a fortnight from this time the Central Committee of the League of Peace and Liberty meet to arrange for their fourth yearly Congress at Geneva, and, laugh or sneer as we may at their proceedings, no one who knows anything of the matter can deny that they have begun to exercise very considerable influence on the working classes in Germany, France, and Italy. The Congress will have before it the last proposal of the French Socialists, for a universal strike. We doubt whether even M. Jules Barni and his friends will undertake to father this precious scheme, but the dis- cussion of it at Geneva by the delegates will not improve the prospects of the labour question on the Continent. At home, on the other hand, our prospects are improving, so far as regards the wages question. We are a generation at least before all other manufacturing nations. We have nearly fought through the battle upon which they are just entering. Our trades are nearly all organized. Employers' Associations and Trades' Unions have tried their strength over and over again against each other. Both sides are sick of strikes, and are ready to accept any reasonable compro- mise, as the happy termination in the disputes in the iron trade of the Cleveland district and in the cotton trade at Bolton within the last three months show very clearly, We have only to bring public opinion to bear steadily upon both sides, to insist on the establishment of Boards of Arbitration, and on the reference of disputed questions to them, and to encourage the system of industrial partner- ship in our staple industries, and there can be, little fear that we shall not only ride safely enough through the industrial storm which is evidently gathering over Europe, but have an excellent chance in the course of the next few years of more than recovering our old manufacturing supre- macy. THE CONVICT ROUPELL.—In giving a description of con- vict life at Portland, to which prison the Prince of Wales paid a visit on Tuesday week, the Sherbournt Journal al- ludes to the life of the convict Roupell, formetly M.P. fjr Lambeth, who has been at Portland during the last six years. Our contemporary says: "Roupell seemed to have looked skywards whenever he had the chance. and proved himself so different to the majority of the prisoners that be was entrusted with the position of hospital nurse. Here he was very attentive to the poor wretches who came in. One young convict was very ill and there was every likelihood of his dying. the doctors having very little hope. To this young fellow Roupell, as he did to others, gave every instruction, and directed him how to prepare for the great change. But the ex-M. P. was practical in matters of this life, and sat up with him night after night, bestow- ing such attention upon his fellow-prisoner that eventually the latter recovered. On the Eth instant an inquest was held at the prison on a convict who had died of cancer of the lung, and Roupell was called in to give evidence, which he did in such a decorous and intelligent manner as quite won the cornpassion of the coroner, and the jury. After the witness-s had retired, and the verdict had been returned, a long conversation took place between the governor, the coroner, and the jury. Mr Clifton said that Roupell was worth a thousand of the others in his position aa nurse. The governor also went on to tell of the attention bestowed by him on the sick con- victs, of his efforts for their temporal and spiritual wel- fare, and said that his letters to his friends were so full of true religious fueling that they were well worthy of being published. The governor said that if ever a criminal had reformed, it was Roupell; but unless a special reprieve were granted he could not be liberated until he had served twenty-one years at least. The jury also compassionated Roupeil. In the opinion of the coroner it would be a credit to any government to bs merciful in this case, and allow Koupell to go free for the convict was really peni- tent, and had shown himself anxious to do all the good he could, and that not only during his hours of duty, bat night after night, as well as d*y, doing all that one man could do for another. The governor and officers, while agreeing that Roupell was a most useful person in tbe prison, said that he was in delicate health, and this strongly increased the wishes for his release." ALARMING EPIDEMICS IN MONMOUTHSHIRE.—The state of some parts of Monmouthshire, as regards sanitary ar- rangements, is at the present time most disgraceful, and has led to alarming mortality in several districts, and de- mands most serious attention. The want of privy accommo- dation (this prevails to an extent that will scarcely be credited), the defective drainage, the proximity of pigsties to dwelling-houses, &c., have done, and are doing, just what might be expected. Pontne wnyndd and Cwmbran, vil- lages between Newport and Pontypool, have suffered fright- fully from typhoid fever, and the efforts of one gentleman, Mr G. W. Williams, to stamp cut the causes of the pest and arrest the march of death, has actually been rewarded by-opposition to his re-election as guardian for the parish of Llanvrechfa Upper! Blaenavou, a town numbering some 8,000 inhabitants, is in a deplorable state; and measles are carrying away the chilren at the rate of six or seven a day Such was the number of deaths there last week, that it is computed that the death-rate had risen to the frightful figure of 163 per 1,000 instead of the usual proportion of about 22 per 1.000. To cope with this awful visitatiou, this awful mortality, there are but three medioal men, namely, Dr. Steel and his two assistants. Dr Steel has forced the matter on the attention of the Local Board and that body has at last held an extraordinary meeting, and a committee has beeu appointed to go round with the inspector of nuisances, "to inspect the existing nuisances, and to take, such steps as they really deem neces- sary for the removal of the same at once." It is to be hoped that they wili do their duty, for this slaughter of the in. nocents must not be permitted to arc on. At Abersychan, however, Dr. Davies has repeatedly raised the warning voice to the Local Board on the same subject, and has not succeeded in eradicating the abomination, which threaten the place with the usual consequences. At the last meet- ing he again appealed solemnly to the Board to go round with him and see for tbetiasaves and the result was that thepsurveyor was ordered to call on all owners of property to rovide proper, privy accommodation at once. The chair- man, Mi C. J. Parkes, J.P., is a man of business habits, and expressed himself as devoid of sympathy for and anxious to proceed against the owners of property who neglected those matters which were necessary for common decency and for health It will be well to inquire whether any members of the Board itself have houses in which these disgusting conditions exist. In some parts of the town of Pontypool, as in Gibson's laae for instance, there are the same objectionable features and St. Giles's in its worst days would have had hard work to compete for filth and un- healthiness wi h the hy-olaces of these distant Monmouth. shire towns and villages. DUNVILLE & Co., Belfast, are the largest holders of whisky in the world. Their Old Irish Whisky is recom- mended by the medical profession in preference to French brandy. Supplied in casks and cases for home use or ex. portatmn. Quotations on application to MESSRS. DUN- v ILLL & Co., ROYAL IRISH DISTILLERIES, BELFAST. 3065