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THE REPRESENTATION OF THE PEM- BROKE AND HAVERFORDWEST BOR- OUGHS. Admiral Mayne, the Unionist Candidate for the representation of the Pembroke Boroughs, addressed a large meeting at the Masonic Hall on Friday evening. The chair was taken by Mr Alderman Jno. James, and on the platform were many of the leading residents of the town. The hall was densely crowded, and many persons were unable to obtain admission. The Chairman, in opening the proceedings, said thai the meeting had assembled not as Liberals or Conservatives, but rather as Union- ists, who were in favour of the maintenance of the Empire in its integrity. Since the last elec- tion, Mr Gladstone bad brought in a bill for the Government of Ireland, by which it was pro- posed to give Ireland a statutory parliament in- dependent of the Imperial Parliament. It was generally known that the:history of Ireland for hundreds of years had been nothing but crime and disorder. They had had a parliament be- fore, but were unable to control themselves by it, and if they had not gained wisdom and knowledge to enable them to do so, the same scenes would be again enacted if they had a statutory parliament granted to them. (Hear, hear.) In addition to the Government of Ire- land Bill, Mr Gladstone had proposed a Land Purchase Bill, under which the British Govern- ment was to expend more than fifty millions in buying land for the Irish people. The first sum named was 200 millions, but this bad been after- wards reduced to fifty millions. Ireland at the present moment contributed seven millions to the Imperial taxation of the Kingdom it was pro- posed that they should still contribute JE4,000000, which would only leave £3,000,000 for their ex- penses of government. If that was so, how were the Irish people to repay the interest and principal of the 50 millions, which were to be ad- vanced out ot the ratepayers pockets of this country. (Hear, hear.) Some of the members of Mr Gladstone's own cabinet felt so strong an opposition to his schemes, that they left him, preferring without hesitation the interests of their country to the profits and honor of office. The most eminent men of his supporters —the Marquis of Hartington, Sir Henry James, Mr Chamberlain and several other men of emi- nence, :were strongly opposed to Mr Gladstone's measures, which they believed were opposed to the true interests of the Kingdom. (Hear, hear.) They knew their member (Mr Allen) had voted in favour of the maintenance of the Union, (loud applause), and if he had offered himself for reelection he would have met with no opposition from the Conservatives-of the Boroughs. (Hear, hear.) The Radical portion thought they had the control of the Liberal party in their own hands, and urged Mr Allen to adopt a course, which he plainly said he could not follow. Rather than do so, Mr Allen had retired from the representation, and therefore the field was open again for their friend Admiral Mayne. (Applause.) Admiral Mayne would address them and lay before them his views on the im- portant questions now before the electors, and he (the Chairman) believed that they would be in accord with the majority of the electors of the boroughs. (Applause.) Admiral Mayne, on rising to address the meet- ing, was received with hearty cheering. He said that the Chairman had rightly mentioned two points with which he should like to com- mence his observations that evening the first was that although he was a Conservative and quite prepared when the day came to come down to the boroughs again and fight the Conserva- tive battle, yet at that election he had come be- fore them as a Unionist (loud applause), hoping and believing that he should obtain from all true Englishmen—from all who preferred their country to party, their support, although many of them would under ordinary eircumstancea have given their vote to a Liberal member. (Hear, hear.) He should like to make a remark or two on that part of the subject, because of questions which had been asked him a few days ago. He had been asked whether if a man! voted for him at this election, he would be re- garded as a pledged man who was expected to vote for him in any contest. His answer was certainly not. When they came back to the old lines, the voter should vote as his conscience dictated. On this occasion it was Union against Disunion. The flag that they fought under in this contest was the Union Jack of Old Eng- ( land. (Loud applause.) The other point to which he would refer was Mr Allen's retirement. He could assure them-politics apart-that no one was more sorry than he was for the way in which Mr Allen had been treated. He saw Mr Allen in London before he came down imme- diately after the vote had been taken. Of course he could not say at once to him without consult- ing those who had supported him in the boroughs exactly what course would be taken by the Con- servative party, but he believed he gave him to understand what would be, in all probability, the line of action. (Hear, hear.) At any rate before he left his home to come down to the boroughs he had in accordance with the promise Mr Allen gave him, a iiote telling him that he (Mr Allen) had resigned. Although he could not say to Mr Allen, until he had consulted his supporters, that he would actually vote for him, his supporters knew that the Conservative party would not contest the boroughs against a Unionist candidate. (Applause.) He wished to be per- fectly clearon that point, because he had no doubt that many persons would try to make some capital out of Mr Allen's resignation. Therefore he wished them to understand that Mr Allen had written to him that he had resigned, and he had tha letter in his pocket before he left London to come down to the boroughs. (Applause.) He was, therefore, before them as a Unionist can- didate, and he need hardly say that every can- didate for pailiRment this time confined himself entirely to tlie one question which was before the electors-Mr Gladstone's Home Rule and Land Purchase Bill. He would endeavour to show them that the bills were inseparable, and the question before the country was really-for or against the two bills. He should like them to bear in mind that as Englishmen they had some important points to consider in connection with the measures. He observed that Mr Glad- stone and his followers were trying to make out that the bill need not necessarily lead to separ- ation, but many eminent statesmen held a differ- ent opinion. It was not a question with them whether it might or might not lead to it, but whether as Englishmen. they were prepared to vote for any measure by which they would run the slightest chance of imperilling the Union. It was not enough to be told that a man might jump off London Bridge without breakingliis neck, but one did not attempt it because it was believed there was considerable risk in doing so. Although somebody might tell them that an ex- pert might possibly do it, yet they said—' No thank you I would rather not run the risk." (Laughter.) That was the position they were placed in at that moment: they said they de- clined to argue whether it was possible or not that bills might result in disunion, they said they would run no possible chanqg of disunion. (Ap- plause.) He should like to point out that this was an entirely new departure for Mr Gladstone whatever he might say to the contrary. At the last election which took place only seven months ago, in all the addresses made to the electors, not & word was said about auy such proposition. The Prime Minister had lately tried to rake up a few instances of something be said which might have led somebody to think that he had it in his mind the possibility or even the probability of doing something which he did not mention. (Laughter.) He was perfectly aware that was a perfectly clear statement for a Gladstonian ono—(loud laughter)—but it did not commend itself "with any great distinction to the minds of ordinary people. (Laughter.) One of the few men who had adhered to the Prime Minister on this question was Lord Granville, and he had endeavoured in a speech at Manchester with considerable trouble to make out that the idea was not a new one. But while Lord Granville made that statement at Manchester, Mr Trevel- yan an ex-Cabinet minister, was speaking at Galashiels, and he distinctly stated that there was no foreshadowing of such a measure in the cabinet. (Hear, hear.) He wished to point out to them that those who voted against the bills must not be classed as enemies to Ireland. He had told them when he was before them last November that he and his family were Irish, and no one would if it was in his power do more for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He was strongly in favour of the fullest justice to Ireland his objection to the bills was the objection en- tertamed by far more eminent people—that such a bill would be most injurious to Ireland. (Ap- j plause.) They ha-i a number ot speeches de- livered, but no one 1 ;d put the objection to the measure more strwo^Iy than Mr Bright. He dared say that many of them bad read the ad- diess of Mr Bright in which he said that his very love for Ireland, North and South, pre- vented him voting for Mr Gladstone's bill. Men like the Duke of Argyll, and the Duke of West- minster had opposed the policy of Mr Gladstone, and surely if men of that class had left their party with which they had been so long con- nectc-d, there must have been overwhelming reasons to induce them to do so. He had quoted Mr Bright who had been extremely explicit in the statement of his views, and there were other quotations he might make from the declarations of English statesmen. He bad referred to them because it showad what their views were, and that the Unionists are not open to the accusa- j tion of unfairness which had been made in the | past and no doubt would be again made by the Radicals when they had found a candidate. (Laughter.) He heard they were with great vigour sweeping all England to get a suitable candidate. (Renewed laughter.) They had got to Cornwall, and were he believed at the North of England yesterday. (Laughter.) No doubt when they got their candidate the statements that had been made by the Unionists would be described as Conserva- tive stories. (Laughter.) The references he had made were to statements of Liberal members. Mr Bright said—' My sympathy with Ireland North and South, compels me to condemn the proposed legislation. I believe the United Par- liament can be and will be more just to all classes in Ireland than any Parliament that can meet in Dublin under the provisions of Mr Glad- stone's Bill.' (Applause.) Then Mr Bright went on to say words which he (Admiral Mayne) believed to be literally true. Mr Bright said— If Mr Gladstone's great authority were with- drawn from those bills I doubt if twenty mem- bers outside the Irish party in the House of Commons would support them. (Applause.) The more I consider them the more I lament that they have been offered to the Parliament of the country.' (Applause.) That was what was said by Mr Bright—one of those men who are, not peers nor of great family, and one who had done more good in his life time for the working classes of England than any member of parlia- ment alive that day. (Hear, hear.) He should like to quote from Mr Bright's address a state- ment which was of great importance. Mr Bright said :—' To have two legislative assemblies in the United Kingdom would in my opinion be an intolerable mischief, and I think no reasonable man can wish for two within the limits of the present United Kingdom who does not wish the United Kingdon to become two or more sections entirely separate from each other.' (Hear, hear.) Those were very strong expres- sions and they were uttered by an eminent Liberal who had long served his country. There were other statesmen who had made statements equally strong, in fact they were so numerous that it was difficult to know which to read. Mr Trevelyan had condemned the bills. He sup- posed even the Radicals would not call him any- thing but a Radical: he knew that Mr Trevel- yan's name was cheered heartily enough by a certain section of the electors when it was men- tioned at the last election. Mr Trevelyan dis- approved of the proposed Irish legislation be- cause he believed the existence of a separate parliament at Dublin would be dangerous to the safety of the United Kingdom. Mr George Trevelyan who was Secretary for Ireland, and consequently knew the country well, said that as far as law, order, and peace of the country was concerned there was no half way between entire separation and imperial control. They were asked to sacrifice all their friends and well' wishers, and then after years ot misrule and anarchy with a clear conscience raise an army to recon- quer tha Country. The suggestion that the country should be reconquered, as had been made in one of the Gladstonian manifestoes, was not one which any statesman ought to make. It showed that there was no real confidence on the part of Mr Gladstone in the efficacy of his proposals his measures were so hedged round with precautions of every kind that would be utterly unnecessary if he had any real confi- dence in the people. The real fact was that it was not the people of Ireland that applied for any such legislation. The people of Ireland If let alone would not apply for Home Rule at all. They knew at any rate that one-fourth of the people were most strenuously opposed to any- thing of the kind. The persons into whose hands it was proposed this power should be given were people who had not only been abused by Mr Gladstone, but had, he was bound to say, re- turned the abuse with interest. (Laughter). He could show them that not only did they abuse Mr Gladstone in past times, but had continued to do so. Mr Gladstone's proposals would hand over the government of Ireland to Mr Parnell, whom they had known as the head and front of the National League-to those people who had done untold misliief in Ireland for so many years. Even supposing Mr Parnell to be willing to carry out any agreement he made with Mr Gladstone, did they suppose that Mr Parnell would be permitted to remain the leader of the party who had put him in power ? (Hear, bear.) Mr Parnell was a paid patriot, and as he had said before in another place, he should be very happy to be a patriot at half the price. (Laugh- ter.) It had been often said but never contra- dicted that Mr Parnell had received a sum of £30,000 as a i eward for his patriotism. (Laugh- ter.) They did not suppose that men like that wanted peace in Ireland if they did, they would shut up their own business. (Laughter and hear, hear.) The moment peace and quietness obtained in Ireland, their occupation would be gone, and the funds which were beinf subscribed in America and elsewhere would drop instantly. (Laughter.) In the campaign of last year Mr Gladstone expressed himself in this fashion with regard to those worthy people to whom Ireland was to be handed over body and soul. In his first Midlothian speech Mr Glad- stone said—' Now, gentlemen, I tell you! seriously and solemnly, that though I believe the Liberal party to be honourable, patriotic, and trustworthy, in such a position as that it would not be safe for it to enter in the consider- ation of a measure in respect to which at the first step of its progress, it would be in the z, power of a party coming from Ireland to say, Unless you do this or unless you do that, we will turn you out to-morrow.' (Laughter.) That was the argument he used to get himself returned by an enormous majority, while at the same time those who went with him were tryino- to persuade the electors that if the Conserva- tives came into power Parnell would be Prime Minister of England. (Laughter.) Mr William Davies in one of his first speeches told the elec- tors that if they put the Conservatives into power, it would make Mr Parnell Prime Minis- ter. (Laughter.) Who was Prime Minister now ? It was not only Mr Gladstone, but Sir William Harcourt and other leading Liberals said the same thing. They all then abused as much as possible Mr Parnell and his party, and the language used was of the strongest possible character. Mr Gladstone had said that for nearly the first time in Christendom a small body of men had arisen who were not ashamed to preach the doctrine of public plunder. Mr Gladstone went on to say that—' Rapine is the first object, but rapine is not the only. object.' When he read that sentence, in order to be cer- tain of what was meant by it. he took the trouble to look into the dictionary for the definition of the word rapine,' and he found that rapine was the act of plundering by violence. Those gentlemen whom Mr Gladstone accused of plundering by violence were now to be the Ministers of Ireland. (Laughter.) But Mr Gladstone also said :—' It is perfectly true that these gentlemen wish to march through rapine to disintegration and diso-emberment of the Empire, and I am sorry to say even to the plac- ing of different parts of the Empire in direct hostility one with the other. That is the cause in which we are engaged. Our opponents are not the people of Ireland. We are endeavour- ing to relieve the people of Ireland from the weight of a tyrannical yoke.' Mr Gladstone did not now propose to free the people from the tyrannical yoke it was at the mercy of the National League and the Fenian League that it was now proposed to place Irelard. (Hear hear.) It was monstrous that a man having uttered the words he had quoted, should turn round and try to make the country believe that those men whom he so strongly denounced would become the quietest and lamb-like ruleis, and would be attached more closely to this country with the help of a parliament existing upon nothing a year paid quarterly. (Loud laughter and applause.) That was what it really came to. That was the position Ireland would be in after the ratepayers of this country had found the 60 millions, 100 millions, or 150 millions to which the Chairman had re- ferred. (Hear, hear.) There was another Minister, very mur.:h in size if not in ability, who followed Mr Gladstone on this occasion he referred to Sir William Harcourt, who had become pretty well-known in the House as one of the most blustering of its members. Sir William charged the Tories with an intimate alliance with men who openly avowed their object was the dismemberment of the Empire, and he asked whether it was possible the country was going to tolerate such a transac- tion. Sir William said that the Liberals must not be ill a hurry to turn out the Tories, but he (the Admiral) thought they were as soon as they got the chance. (Laughter.) Sir William said he would let them stow in the Parnellite juice. (Laughter.) "Stew in Parnellite juice" was not an elegant expression, but still it was possible. (Laughter.) Sir William said they were to do this, and the Tories would stink in the nostrils .of the country. (Laughter.) It struck him (the Admiral) that the bad odour now eu.rr.9 from another quarter. (Loud laughter.) Sir William said that they would be sent dis- credited and disgraced to the constituencies, and the nation would pronounce their pnal judgmeut: upon them. The men whom Sir William so freely denounced were the very men to whom he proposed to hand over the Government of Ireland. Mr Parnell was quite another man now, and Sir William Harcourt himself tried to prove that he had always believed something of the sort. It might be permitted to place alongside the opinion of Sir William Harcourt that of Mr Jesse Collings, who said that the Gladstone schemes must lead to separation, and there could be no question about it. Mr Collings went with all his might against the bill, which he declared clearly involved the separation aud .independence of Ireland. He might say in pass- ing that he considered Mr Collings a most ill- used man. The Government got into power through his aid but Mr Collings lost his seat in Parliament, and Mr Collings's bill and every one of the good things that were promised in the time of the last election were dropped alto- gether. (Laughter.) Instead of carrying out the promises of the election, a new mine was sprung, and all legislation for the benefit of the country was dropped. Where were the cows now ? (Laughter.) He had thought several times that if the country rejected Mr Gladstone and his government, the proper music to be played on the occasion would be the tune that the "old cow died of." (Laughter.) He might make a number of quotations, but the same vein ran through them all. Mr Gladstone told them that no amount of vituperation and abuse would lead him and the Liberals to join Mr Parnell, and that Mr Parnell might order every Irishmen to vote against Liberal candidates, but his action would have no effect upon the .policy of the Liberal party. That was the language used by Mr Gladsto le at the last election, and only the other day he saw it noticed that in the London (tistrict there still remained a placard with the words — "Be patriots vote for the Liberal candidates." (Laughter.) The same tune was played all through, and he asked them as sensible men whether Mr Gladstone and his followers had not utterly changed their policy ? They were the seceders from the Liberal policy, and not Lord Hartington, Mr Bright, Mr Jesse Collings, Mr Trevelyan and many other eminent Liberals, who were perfectly right in opposing his Irish bills. It was Mr Gladstone and the few second- rate men whom he had been able to form into a Cabinet, were the seceders, and not the trusted and well-tried servants of the.country who had refused to do his bidding. (Hear, hear.) He had said just now that so far as they were at present advised the bills were insepa- rable Mr Gladstone had lately tried to make out that one might be reconsidered, and the other might be dropped. In the House of Com- mons he said that he would not remodel the bill -that he might remodel one clause but never the whole bill. He certainly excused himself by saying the statement was made in the heat of debate,.bnt he still believed that the bills were inseparable. Now, what did it come to? Let them suppose that Mr Parnell wanted to carry out his promise which would be necessary to Eng- land, and to have found himself in a minority. He maintained—and he thought very few would dispute it—that if he attempted such a thing he would be very soon out of power. [A Voice No.] Perhaps the gentleman who said "no" would show him how it would be. In his opinion if Mr Parnell attempted to carry out the obligation; he would be put in a minority in the Irish house. Then Mr Parnell might say "I most solemnly made the promise, but I am in a minority." If he did not do that, he was not the able man he took him to be. Mr Parnell was an able man, and if he could get the bills, would take care that he was in a minority (Laughter). The idea was that 150 millions were to be paid to buy out the land- lords. The effect of that would be that the landlords would pocket the money, and go and live elsewhere. Certainly the effect would be to deprive Ireland of those who could and would spend money. Carriages, horses, packs of hounds, and those kind of establishments would disappear. He need not tell them that these things caused the circulation of a large amount of money. He saw a statement the other day that hounds had decreased within the last 10 years in Ireland, while in England, Scotland and Wales they bad increased very much. In addition to those drawbacks, there were some more important still: there would be a loss of crdit, upon which every financial trans- action must be based (Hear, hear). Perhaps the greatest boon conferred by the union on Ireland was the financial position which it gave her that position was shown by the fact that at that moment there was something like 400 millions of private capital in Ireland, and half of that on land and houses. Much of that capital had been lent by English Insurance Offices, and if Ireland had not England at her back, a great deal of that money would be withdrawn. The fact of the question having been raised had been hurtful to Irish trade, and many stocks had gone down considerably. People would Hot put money into Irish industries until they knew what form of Government was going to be set up. (Hear, hear). Nearly all the trade of Ireland now passed through England. The amount of porter, whisky, and linen actually shipped from Ireland to foreign parts was ex- tremely small, because, as many of them knew, the shipping trade of Ireland was small. The great bulk passed through England, and was carried all over the world by the shipping of this country. Certainly anything which made any difference in the connection between the two countries would be most disastrous to the trade of Ireland (Hear, hear). Any person who had gone over Ireland must be aware that a great quantity of the land was very poor, and would not keep a cat much less a iman, and what was the use of giving the people lar.d of that descrip- tion ? Their position would not be a cheerful one with Ja debt and interest to pay out of it. The Chairman had remarked that some three millions would be left to the Irish parliament to conduct the affairs of the country. With capital and industry withdrawn, with the impediments- they could not say to what extent-put on their foreign trade, Ireland would be expected to pay her tribute to this country. The result would be that dissatisfaction would be greater than it had ever been for centuries, and the change would probably have an ill effect upon the prospects of the working classes of this country. The diminished employment of labour in Ireland would bring hundreds of men over to this country to compete with the working classes for the comparatively small amount of employment which now uniortunately existed (Hear, hear.) He thought he had made it clear to them that the change would deprive Ireland of the only people who could employ labour and spend money, which was one of the worst re- sults that could come to pass (Hear, hear). He did not wish to go so far as some people had and say that Irishmen were hostile to this country. They must not forget that they had one-and-a-half millions of people who were begging and praying them not to drive them away (Loud applause). If they forced Ulster into a connection she did not want-and he con- fessed he had great doubt of their ever forcing her into it—(applause)—a civil war with all its horrors would occur before that tookplace-if they forced Ulster into such a connection, she would be the first to reject and repudiate the payment to England. He spoke as an Ulster man, and when he spoke just now about the Parnell Gov- ernment of Ireland as not being desirable, a voice said "No." He would tell them that it was mainly to Ulster they would have to look for payment of the money (Loud applause). It was only from Ulster that they would be able to get the bulk of the revenue to pay the interest on the loan. He would ask them, apart from the fact that Ulster would be greatly embar- rassed because of the money she would be re- quired to pay—apart irom the fact that she said England would not listen to her prayer and that her only crime was that she was 1mT'" 1 .mrl law-abiding in every respect,—would she not say she had been forced into a connection which she detested, and object to pay the penalty of being forced into it ? Would not Ulster say— No, thank you we never wanted to go into a separate Ireland we have been driven into a union we have no symyathy with, and object to pay for it." (Applause). If Mr Parnell got his Parliament in Dublin, the members would not be all on one side; they would be divided as they were in this country, and Ulster men would, if they wished to repudiate the payment of tribute, find a strong support at their backs (Applause.) The gallant Admiral pro- ceeded to refer to Grattan's parliament, and the statements made in reference to the conversa- tion between Mr Painell and Lord Carnarvon, and concluded by appealing to the electors to maintain the connection between Great Britain and Ireland, and urging them to so use their vote aud influence as would leave the United Kingdom to their children as it had been handed down to them by their forefathers—united still and to be united until the end of time (Loud ap- plause). Mr Rule Owen, in an able address, moved that "this meeting strongly protests against Mr Gladstone's bill for the government of Ireland, believing that it will lead to the disruption and dismemberment of the Empire, and pledges iuelf to support Admiral Mayne in the present contest." Mr W. S. de Winton, a Liberal Unionist, seconded the motion in a spirited address. The Chairman called upon Col. Esmonde