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-MMMM Ji. ",0- "J1"111" %m I'sj < Com^n-cm We deem it right to stllte that we do notidenWy ourselves With our correspondents opinions, i The delay in filling up those valuable pieces of ecclesiastical preferment, the Bishopric of Exeter and the Deanery of Lincoln, has attracted much attention. 1 believe that the cause is simply this There are two strong ecclesiastical influences in the Cabinet —the Gladstone, or High Church influence and the Shaftes- bury, or Low Church influence. The Premier takes the advice of Lord Shaftesbury in these matters, and this advice is quite contrary to Mr. Gladstone's opinions. Q not homines, tot sententice, says the Roman poet; or, as we render it in English, "So many men, so many opinions." This is especially true of the Reform Bill. It is not therefore worth while giving my in- dividual opinion; but I may express my conviction as to the probability of its passing. For myself, I have no doubt of it. There will, however, be several altera- tions in committee. Thus, then, we stand a chance of having this long-vexed question for a time settled, leaving the House free for other matters. One effect of the passing of this bill (supposing it do pass) will be, that we shall have a general election. There can, I think, be no doubt of this. Ministers would doubtless recommend it, and the Queen would dissolve Parlia- ment accordingly. A general election certainly looms in the future. The mode in which a motion in favour of the ballot has been received by the House of Lords is certainly remarkable. Lord Teynham, one of the few men in the Upper House who may be called Radical, moved an abstract resolution like that of Mr. Berkeley's in the Lower House, that the votes of electors be taken by secret ballot. The House of Lords with regard to motions is differently situated to the House of Com- mons. A peer can move a resolution, which is at once discussed, whether it be seconded or not. A division can also be taken on a motion without its having been seconded. If Lord Teynham had required a seconder, it is somewhat doubtful whether he could have obtained one, for only four were found to vote for the motion, and perhaps not one of the three would have cared to second an abstract motion which there was not the slightest chance of passing. It is usual both in the Lords and Commons to con- sider the principle of a bill on the second reading. An exception t4 this rule has been made in reference to a measure for regulating the selling and hawking of goods on Sundays. The principle of this bill is to be con- sidered in committee, and meanwhile Lord Chelmsford is to take the opinion of the metropolitan magistrates and of Sir R. Mayne on the subject. The measure is only to apply to the metropolitan police district, "to the city of London and the liberties thereof." Now, all to these liberties of the metropolis, I can, as one "long in populous city pent," speak feelingly. Amongst the liberties which we Londoners have, there is cer- tainly no liberty to obtain Sunday quiet, so far as the suburbs are concerned. I am supposed to live in a quiet suburban street, but all the Sunday long the neighbourhood is disturbed at frequent intervals by noises horrible. We are awakened by the piercing and unearthly yells of the milkman, making morning hideous by hyena-like howlings; then come shrieks from the bloater man, the winkle man, and the women who sell warder-greezes." These are followed up by blatant costermongers, with their yah-per- ta ters," or their colly-jloiv-vers," &c. Then comes an irruption of boys and men, with startlingly clean shirt- sleeves, from the neighbouring public-houses, howling out, Beer-oh-por-ieg, Then, in the afternoon, we have fruit-men, fruit-women, fruit-boys, and fruit- girls, all crying out in agony against one another, in- termingled, perhaps, with the whining and nasal "singing" of a "family" in great distress, doing a peripatetic hymn, while a junior member of the family (borrowed from Kent-street or the Mint) condusts* the "offertory." "Ah, this must be in a low neighbour- hood," I think I hear one of my readers saying. No, gentle reader, it is not. It is a genteel neighbourhood," where the people are.excruciatingly proper—where the pianofortes and chairs are covered with crochet, because this is the correct thing with very nice people. Nor is the crying evil which Lord Chelmsford wishes to put down peculiar, to this or any other neighbour- hood. In the low districts all the Sunday morning marketing is carried on furiously; the shops are all opened, and there is not the most remote homage paid to the Sabbath. Lord Chelmsford will, of course, be taunted with interfering with the liberty of the sub- ject, religious conviction, the right of private judg- ment, and so on. I should like to know what liberty is now possessed by those who do not want this Sun- day trading, who are drawn into it for self-protection, because people in the same trade do it, and so on. Depend upon it that, as a sacred axiom puts it, "where a law is, there is liberty." Sunday trading, hawking, &c., has now become a tyrant power, from which those whom it grinds would only be too happy to es- cape, and the only means of escape lies in some legislative enactment. For one, I most heartily wish Lord Chelmsford's bill success. I see that a scheme is to be started in America which I was once tried here. A new journal, The Spirit of the American Press, tells us that its object is "to transfer from the editorial columns of the daily papers of New York" all that is valuable in them. This is cool, very A similar plan was projected here some time ago. A paper was started which came out unblush- ingly at mid-day with the leaders of the daily journals reprinted. Public opinion decided against this whole- sale appropriation, and the scheme collapsed for want of support. I remember, some time ago, paying what I thought was a tribute to the value of the Times' leaders. I proposed to reprint in book form selections from the chief leaders of the leading journal, with such a, running commentary on the events of the time as might be necessary, to be issued by a well-known publisher. It may be interesting to know that the scheme was abandoned, because the proprietors of the Times ex- pressed their unwillingness to assent to any such re- print. The matter is curious, as showing the value which the conductors of the Times set upon their old stores. I regret to say that a feverish anxiety continues to be manifested here with regard to the impending con- flict between Tom Sayers and the Benicia Boy. It is still the prevailing topic in most of the lower circles of Lonlon life; portraits of the men appear in the shops, and pamphlets purporting to recount their history sell by thousands. Where the fight is to come off I know not, nor does any one, as far I can hear; but it is said that a certain sporting nobleman has agreed to lend his park to facilitate these fellows smashing-in each others' faces. If so, it is to be hoped that the roughs who are allowed to enter it will damage his property for him. This may be a malicious wish, but it is punishment, and not malice, that suggests itself to my mind. For a nobleman to lend his park for such a brutal, soul-and-body-degrading pastime as prize-fight- ing is to my mind a fact which is a disgrace to the age. For the credit of the aristocracy, it is to be hoped that the rumour is untrue. It is also said, moreover, that the fight is to take place in Ireland, while some say at Boulogne. Would that Parliament would run a bill through the House to make prize-fighting illegal! Lovers of the turf are delighted at the prospect of telegraphic communication with Newmarket. Besides the starting and winning posts there are now to be telegraph posts in this head-quarters of the turfites. Whether this will be an incentive to betting I am not clever enough to say. If it foment the already wild spirit of speculation, the alteration will be deeply to be regretted.



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