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NAPOLEON III. ON ENGLAND. A very interesting volume has just been published, being selections from the writings of Louis Napoleon. Nothing could be more opportune than the appearance of such a work at the present political juncture, when the designs of the Emperor and his policy are the leading topics of con- versation in many circles. The selections embodied in the volume derive an especial value from the fact that they are all taken from the compositions of the author while he was in exile, and may therefore, perhaps, be received with greater confidence as the expression of his real sentiments. We give a few extracts from the work. For example, in the essay, Des Idees Hapoleoniennes," in 1839, he affirms that for the wars that raged between England and France in the days of Napoleon 1., our own Government was to blame :— All our wars have come to us from England. Never has she been willing to entertain any proposition of peace. Did she then believe that the Emperor wished for her destruction? He never had such an idea. It was only a question of reprisals. The Emperor esteemed the English people, and he would have made every sacrifice to obtain peace-every, except such as would compromise his honour. In 1800, the First Consul wrote to the King of England, Must the war, which for eight years has devastated the four quarters of the world, be eternal? Are there no means by which we may come to an understanding? How is it that the two most enlightened nations of Europe, powerful and strong, even more than is enough to secure their safety and independence, can sacrifice to ideas of empty grandeur the well-being of commerce, internal prosperity, the happiness of their families? How is it that they do not perceive that peace is the first thing needful, as it is the first of things glorious ? Ifi 1805, the Emperor addresses the following words to the same sovereign: "The world is large enough to permit our two nations to dwell therein, and reason has sufficient power to let us find means to make all peaceable, if on both sides there is the desire to do so. Peace is the wish of my heart, but war has never been the reverse of glorious to me. I conjure your Majesty not to deny yourself the pleasure of being the first to bring about peace." In 1808, at Erfurth, Napoleon unites with Alexander to lead the British Cabinet to ideas of conciliation. Lastly, in 1812, when the Emperor was at the apogee of his power, he once more made the same proposals to England, Always after a victory he asked for peace. Never has he consented to it after a defeat. IMITATION OF ENGLISH INSTITUTIONS UNADVISABLE, Since 1815, we have been condemned to copy in every way our neighbour on the other side of the Channel. If imitation always secured resemblance, our advice would be to persist in this imitation with perseverance, for in England there are beautiful and grand institu- tions. But, unfortunately, servile copies never have any other than a pernicious result. Let us take our neighbour's coat if you absolutely insist upon it, but at any rate let us cut it so as to suit our own figure. Let us make use of the experience of the English to trans- '.>. plant into our own land analogous laws; but let us not t adopt their Parliamentary language, nor their party denominations, for we should no longer be able'to un- derstand one another. We have neither the same character, nor the same manners, nor the same nature; the same words would represent two things totally op- posed to each other. A TRIBUTElTO OUR NATIONAL LIBERTY. In general, it is correct to say to say there is more freedom in England and greater equality in France. This results from the different organisations of the two societies. In those countries where there exists a power- ful aristocracy, the great families were always zealous defenders of freedom, because they needed it for them- selves, as a guarantee against the power of the monarch, whilst they always arrayed themselves against any ap- proach to equality, because it attacks their own privi- leges. There is no public accuser in England; for the Attorney General interferes only in extraordinary cases. There is no doubt that many guilty persons escape justice through the want of such a functionary but, again, personal liberty runs less chance of' being violated. But it is not the laws alone that protect the citizens, it is also the manner in which they are executed; it is the way in which the Government exercises its power. In England, authority never is executed in a passionate spirit; its proceedings are moderate, and always in accordance with law there- fore, such a thing is never heard of as a violation of a citizen's house, a proceeding rather common in France, under the name of domiciliary visits; family secrets are respected, because correspondence is never subjected to inspection; no restraint is laid upon that first of all liberties, the right to go wherever you like, for no one is required to have a passport, an invention injurious to the well-being of the public, for it is an incumbrance and an obstacle to a peaceful citizen, without checking, in any way whatever, those who wish to avoid the vigilance of the authorities. Another guarantee of liberty is the organisation of the police, for, instead of provoking in order to punish, this body prevents the commission of crime, and thus diminishes the number of punishments. The accused can appeal to a power which has never failed in England when it has been invoked for the protection of liberty; that power is public opinion. A LESSON WORTH PONDERING. The most remarkable and attractive feature of the volume is the series of chapters entitled "Historical Fragments, 1688 and 1630," reviewing the rule of the Stuarts, and the revolution which placed William III. upon the throne. The comments of the Emperor upon the important period of our history, written while he was a prisoner at Ham, in 1841, will be read with the deepest interest by all those who are not already familiar with them, and no one can avoid being struck with the evidently hearty sympathy with those who were fighting the battle of constitutional rights which pervades them, and at last culminates in these striking observations, the wisdom of which few will be disposed to deny:- Let us say, in conclusion, that from a study of these periods, which we have recalled, we derive principles precise, clear, and applicable to all countries. The example of the Stuarts proves that foreign aid is always incompetent to those governments which the nation will not adopt. And the History of England speaks loudly to kings: Walk at the head of the ideas of your age, those ideas will follow and will sustain you. Walk behind them, they will drag you along. Walk in opposition to them, they will overthrow you. Many persons may legitimately regret that Napoleon III. should have hitherto seen fit to give so exceedingly limited a practical application to these sound principles of policy in domestic administration; but this is, after all, a matter which lies between himself and his subjects, and in which we have no right to interfere further than by the expression of an opinion.