The Aberystwith Observer

1jr JaUDon CorrEspcmurnl. [We deem it right to s tate that we do not identify ourselves with oar correspondent's opinions.] It would, perhaps, be too much to say that this session appears destined to be devoted to three things -the Budget, the Treaty, and the Reform Bill; but really these three great questions appear likely almost wholly to monopolise the time of the House for a long period. The Budget and the Treaty, I should say, will occupy the attention of the House for the next three weeks. An attempt on the part of the Government to push forward the discussion has been frustrated. Last Monday the House of Commons was to have entered on the discussion of the Treaty. There was to be an address to the Crown; but somehow or other the Anglo-French Treaty hasgofcjmxed up with the-queation of Savoy, and the discussion therefore was postponed. Then the treaty itself will be attacked and defended on principle and in detail; then we shall have a terrible battle on the income-tax clauses; all of which will put off the Reform Bill, I should say, till the other side of Easter. The occasion when Lord John introduced his Reform Bill was one of especial interest with the public, nor was there any evidence of want of interest on the part of the House. Lord Derby was an occupant of one of the gallery seats, and eyed Lord John with eager curiosity, for the provisions of the measure had been kept so secret, that as the Foreign Secretary unrolled his stock of wares, they were at once caught up and examined one by one, to see what they were worth. Another person who watched the noble lord with eager curiosity was the hon. member for Birmingham. Lord Derby, Lord John pro- gressed, seemed to be disappointed—you could see it clearly written on his countenance and Mr. Bright, too, evidently felt, some surprise. We can well under- stand that it was from very different causes that these two chiefs of parties" felt any surprise or disappoint- ment. With Lord Derby it was, perhaps, disappoint- ment that the bill did not go far enough to oppose; with Mr. Bright it was disappointment that the measure did not go far enough to accept. But it must not, therefore, be understood that the Conservatives have made up their minds to use all their exertions to oust thebill. It is not of a character which they can consistently oppose. I believe their course will be to render it somewhat more Conservative (perhaps by raising the rental franchise of boroughs to a rating franchise); but not to reject it altogether, "lest a worse evil befall them." Of this, however, we. shall, perhaps, be in a better position to judge-when the Conservative party have had a meeting, which, it is rumoured they shortly intend. I think it more probable that opposition is to be dreaded from the Manchester school, because the bill does not go far enough, than from the Conservatives. Already there is a rumbling from several Reform Unions, and so on, predicting a coming storm. The discussions in Parliament, judging from the numbers present, have great interest just now for the public. Nearly every night the Strangers' Gallery is pretty full, and frequently the orders issued are too numerous for the accommodation which the gallery affords. The attendance in the gallery is certainly greater than it used to be in former years. The public evidently take more interest now than they used to do in the debates. I attribute this to the Cheap Press. People now read Parliamentary news who formerly could not see it without great difficulty. Reading the debates, one pictures this and that speaker, and would like to see him; so one obtains an order from one's member, and goes accordingly, when one either gets shut out because there is not room for one, or one hears those very nobodies speaking whom one does not care to hear. There ought to be less difficulty in hearing the debates. Why not enlarge the gallery, and let any decently dressed person of the masculine gender above 18 enter? Those awful janitors inside might still be kept intact. It is painful to read that that inimitable chef d' orchestre, M. Jullien, has made an attempt on his own life; but with those who for years have known him it does not come by surprise. I remember hearing some years ago that while here in London his conduct was so strange and extraordinary that his friends felt it necessary that he should be watched-I do not like to use a harsher word. Dr. Watts somewhere says- Strange that a harp of thousand strings Should keep in tune so long." Jullien is a man of finely-strung nerves, intensely musical, and like most very musical people, extremely sensitive. A discord or false time is torture to him. He seems to feel what Pope called aromatic pain." But besides this he has suffered mercilessly, not only from creditors and duns, but from harpies who have trespassed on his good nature and his kindly careless- ness in money matters. Poor Jullien! R. 1. P. (requiescat in pace) in a different sense to what the initials are usually employed; and may rest restore him to himself! Pity that a man who, next to John Hullah, has done more to popularise good music and give the public cheap musical entertainments, than any man living, should thus have his own mind unstrung As an anecdote of a somewhat kindred character, let me mention a fact, for which I will vouch from per- sonal knowledge—though, from respect to the family, I do not choose to mention names. Everybody knows that Broadwood's, Collard's, and such houses, lend pianofortes, and that a large proportion of their profits is thus derived. I have just heard of a case which I should suppose is without parallel. At the death of a. —— of the Church, it transpired that no less a sum than 251. per year had been paid for no fewer than fifty years for the use of a pianoforte-of course, not the same during the whole time. 1,250l. for the loan of an instrument! This is better than selling them. Conning over the fertile columns of the Timed ad- vertisement pages, I could not but think how especially one class of advertisers are sought to be made the dupes of schemers. I allude to advertisers for the position of governess. I suppose it is because they are regarded as necessarily well-educated and unmarried that they are sought after by one class of schemers- men about town, men who are ready for a marriage, if thereby they can obtain a wife too good for them, and a fortune consisting of the few years' savings of an honest girl; or who are equally ready for a more dis- honourable alliance if they can entangle their fair 1 correspondents within their meshes. There is another class of persons who answer the advertise- ments of governesses for a very different purpose. There are several orders in the Church of England as well as the Church of Rome—orders, or guilds, or societies, or whatever else is the right name—in which the services of young ladies are required in visiting the sick, for the purpose, it is to be feared, of proselytising towards the Church of Rome. Young ladies adver- tising as governesses are not unfrequently, I am in- formed, answered by the "Lady Superior," or organising secretary" of these orders; and in this way converts are made to the Ultra-Tractarian system of proselytism. There is still a feverish and, in my opinion, a Piti- ful anxiety manifested about this so-called international prize-fight. An influential portion of the press, as well as the low sporting prints, tend to keep this up. The Field, which some time ago made a great virtue that it gave "no reports of prize-fights," now has ar- ticles in defence of this brutalising and degrading pursuit. Portraits of Tom Sayers and the Benicia Boy are to be seen in shop windows and photographic saloons, and you may overhear Jack Nokes or Tom Styles bragging that he knows some one who saw some one who saw either the English or the American cham- pion. I suppose the fight is coming off somewhere and somewhen but it is a thousand pities that the Home Office does not at once put a stop to it. They can run Conspiracy Bills through the House rapidly enough. Why not introduce a Bill making some stringent pro- visions for preventing the unholy gathering of prize- fighters and blackguards of all sorts ?

LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REFORM BILL-—Several correspondents have called our attention to the position of compound householders under the new bill, and some misapprehension appears to exist on the subject. Lord John Russell has stated that he- does not propose any alteration in the present system so that tenants whose landlords pay the rates will be entitled to have their names placed on the register. I

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. In tha. House of Lords on Thursday, March 1, on the order of the day for reading the Attorneys and Solicitors (No. 21*Bill, the Lord Chancellor presented a petition from the Metropolitan Law Association against the Solicitors' bill, Lord Chelmsford did not know who was entrusted with the care of this Bill, which was just sent up from the Lower House, but he would himself propose to introduce the bill of last session, not thinking the bill alluded to calculated to effect the desired object. He moved the first reading of this Bill. Aftera few words from the Lord Chancellor the Bill was read a first time. The Probate and Administration (India) Bill passed through committee. Some returns were ordered relative to accidents from furious driving, on the motion of the Marquis of Westmeath, alter a few observations from the Lord Chancellor. The House then adjourned. In the House of Commons, after some preliminary remarks in answer to a question from Mr. Stewart, relative to the alleged Austrian and Russian Treaty, Lord J. Russell said the Government had been informed by the Ministers abroad that there was no such treaty. THE REFORM BILL. Lord John Russell rose at five minutes to five for the purpose of asking leave to bring in a bill further to amend the law relating to the representation of the people m Parliament. After some preliminary observations, his lordship said what he now proposed to do, was to supply some omissions in the late Reform Act, which were of considerable importance. There was one point upon which the opinion of the country had been expressed, which was the mode of voting in counties. He proposed to add to the counties an occupation franchise of 101. a year, and means would be taken to secure that it should be a bona fide occupation, and that there should be a building of not less than 5?., except in case of dwelling-houses. He now came to the lowering of the borough franchise. The Act of 1832 was framed not to exclude the working classes, but to open the franchise "wider to the middle classes; but it would be a great evil to continue much longer the practical exclu- sion of a great number of the working classes, who, by their and character, were competent to exercise the franchise freely and independently, and, in his opinion, it would add strength to the constitution if a certain number of those classes. qualified for it should be admitted to the franchise. He thought that the Legislature ought not to wait for an agitation that would force demands upon Parliament that if the desire for the franchise by these classes was founded upon a fair appreciation of their own qualities, and it could be conceded "with safety to the constitution, concession should not be delayed be- cause there had not been any agitation. In another respect the Government had thought it' on the whole better to make the measure as simple as possible they had not introduced franchises not known to the constitution, or what had been termed "fancy franchises." What they pro- posed was to extend the borough franchise now enjoyed. One question had been frequently discussed with reference to that franchise. He stated reasons why the Government had thought it would not be advisable, but, on the contrary, prac- tically inconvenient, to have a rated franchise. The next ques- tion was, what should be the gross annual rental, and Lord John, taking the number of electors for cities and boroughs now on the register at 440,000, showed the number that would be added if the occupation franchise was reduced to Pl,, St., 71., and 61. the 'latter sum would give an aggregate number of electors in the cities and boroughs In England and Wales of 634,000, which he thought not an extravagant or exorbitant addition. With regard to the character of the persons who would be admitted, the accounts from the different cities and boroughs varied extremely in some rents were low, in others high but he believed that a 6I. franchise would include a great number of the working classes; that the number would not be extravagant, and that their admission would be a great benefit to the consti- tution. He now came to another question, totally different. He believed it was quite necessary that, besides great coun- ties and large cities and manufacturing towns, smaller places should return members to Parliament, and that if the Govern- ment was to be carried on in that House, it was desirable to have more than two classes of representatives for counties and for great cities, and no plan of reform had proceeded upon a different principle. Having laid down this general rule, and treating the subject practically, there was a question which concerned the present state of the House. When the Re- form Bill of 1831 was introduced there was no difficulty in abolishing the title to return members enjoyed by certain boroughs with few or no electors. Without going now into the question as to how many small boroughs there ought to be, the Government proposed to go only a certain length beyond the Bill of last year,, which took away one member from 15 places returning two members. The principle of total disfranchisement was one of very great importance, and ought not to be adopted without some great and palpa- ble public benefit. The Government proposed a much milder course — that the following boroughs should return one member instead of two, as at present:— Hsniton, Thetford, Totnes, Harwich, Evesham, Wells, Richmond, Marlborongh, Leominster, Lymington, Ludlow, Andover, Knaresborough-, Tewkesbury, Maldon, Bipon, Cirencester, Huntingdon, Chippenham, Bodmin, Dorchester, Marlow, Devizes, Hertford, and Guildford. There would, therefore, be 25 seats to be disposed of, and it was proposed that the following counties should return additional mem- bers, viz.:—The West Riding of Yorkshire, two and one to each of the followingThe southern division of Lancashire, the northern division of Lancashire, the county of Middlesex, the western division of Kent, the southern division of Devon- shire, the southern division of Staffordshire, the North Riding of Yorkshire, the parts of Lindsey, (Lincolnshire), the south- ern division of Essex, the eastern division of Somerset, the western division of Norfolk, the western division of Cornwall, and the northern division of Essex. Thus, 15 additional members would be given to the counties, and, with regard to boroughs, it was proposed that Kensington and Chelsea (as one borough) should return two members that Birkenhead, Staleybridge, and Burnley should return one member each, and Manchester, Liverpool, Birming- ham, and Leeds, three members each, instead of two and the London University one member. This, he repeated, was a simple plan, containing as little novelty as possible. In conclusion, he remarked that, although he had not been successful in the two measures he had proposed upon this subject, he was not discouraged, and felt sure that the measure he now offered to the House would strengthen the foundations of the constitution. Various explanations were asked and given, and some strictures were bestowed upon the plan, Mr. T. Buncombe ex. pressing great disappointment, especially because it did not include the lodger franchise. Leave was then given to introduce the bill. Mr. Cardwell then moved to bring in a similar Bill for Ire- land, briefly explaining its leading features. It reduced, he said, the qualification for voting for counties from 12I. (re- quired by the Act of 1850) to 10Z., and substituted a borough franchise of (U. for 81., and it proposed to give to the county of Cork and the city of Dublin three members each, instead of two, supplying the additional members from the four seats in En- gland suspended and unappropriated. He hoped, he observed, that a day might come when Parliament would think it right to give a member to the Queen's University but, looking at the circumstances of the University, he did not think. it right to make such a proposal yet. The bill proposed likewise to remove the disqualification of Peers of Ireland to represent Irish constituencies. After some discussion, leave was given to introduce this Bill. The Lord Advocate asked leave to introduce a similar measure for Scotland, which appropriated two of the four suspended seats in England to the Scotch Universities, and provided a lOl. occupation-franchise for counties, and a borough franchise of 61., the basis of the franchise to be the valuation roils. It proposed to reduce the property qualifi- cation for counties from 10I. to hi., enforcing residence unless the property is of the former amount. Much desultory .discussion followed, and in the end leave was given. The three Bills were subsequently brought in. On the motion of Mr. Mackinnon, a Committee was ap- pointed to consider the subject of disputes between masteva and workmen. The House then went into committee upon the Customs' Acts, which raised fresh discussion upon the whole policy of the treaty. After an attempt to adjourn the debate the Committee divided upon an amendment, relating to silk fabrics, moved by Sir J. Paxton, which was negatived. The resolution was then agreed to, and the House, after some further business, adjourned. In the House of Lords on Friday, March 2, Lord de Grey and Ripon, in reply to Lord Powis, said it was not the inten- tion of Her Majesty's Government to assemble the yeomanry either for permanent duty or for training and exercise during the present year. He did not apprehend that the efficiency of the yeomanry would suffer thereby. After a few remarks from Lords Malmesbury, Darnley, Warwick, and Dungannon, Lord Ellenborough expressed his surprise at the determination of the Government on this subject, and strongly deprecated thia repudiation of the services of the Yeomanry on the ground of expense. The Duke of Newcastle defended the Government against the attacks of Lords Malmesbury and Ellenborough, and said there was no disposition on the part of the Govern- ment to make light of the services of the Yeomanry. In reply to Lord Derby, he said that he had no doubt that if application were made to the Treasury by the War Depart- ment the same exemption would be allowed to the Yeomanry in regard to horse duty as before. Their Lordships then adjourned. In the House of Commons, after the transaction of some private business of no public importance, Lord John Russell's appearance at the bar, with the papers relating to the designs of France upon Savoy, gave rise to a long and in- teresting, though intermittent discussion. In answer to various questions, Lord John repeated his former statement as to what had passed between the two Governments on this subject, and read from a newspaper telegraphic report of the Emperor's speech the passage relating to Sardinia and Savoy. He understood the Emperor to mean that if the Great Powers disapproved of the annexation it would not take place. His lordship declined the unusual course of fixing a day for the discussion of the correspondence but intimated that he was quite ready to facilitate such a discussion. A question by the O'Donoghue as to the receipt of an Irish Catholic memorial gave occasion to Lord Palmerston- to re- peat that the policy of her Majesty's Government is that of the strictest non-interference between the Italian Princes and their subjects. Sir R. Peel called the attention of Government to a varia- tion in the original text of the Emperor's speech, as pub- lished in the papers, and, after a strong denunciation of the project, asked for more explicit information upon the sub- ject of the annexation. Mr Bright wanted to know what Sir Robert himself would advise ? We could only prevent the annexation by war and he did not believe we were called upon to spend a shilling, or shed a drop of blood, in such a cause. He was informed that all classes in Savoy desired the annexation—the land- holders because it would increase the value of their land, and the labourers because it would increase the value of their labour. Lord John Manners denounced this language as un-English. Mr. M. Milnes took a medium view of the question, and Sir Robert Peel rose again to disclaim any desire to break with France. Lord John Russell advised a supervision of judgment, as to the words in dispute, until the authorised version of the Imperial speech should have been received; and confirmed his representations of the Emperor's meaning by the assur- ances of the French Ambassador. Sir F. Baring asked the intentions of Government with re- spect to any reward to Captain M'Clintock and the crew of the discovery-ship Fox. This led to some eloquent eulogiums on both sides of the House. Lord Palmerston in reply intimated an intention to ask the House for a grant of money to give effect to the general wish. He also concurred in the suggestion that there should be some monument to commemorate the services of Sir J. Franklin. The Premier's reply was received with great satisfaction. The House then went into Committee upon the Customs j Acts, and proceeded with the remaining resolutions. Mr. T. Duncombe moved that the duty on foreign spirits be 9s. instead of 8s. 64, the gallon. This amendment was resisted by the Chancellor of the Ex- quer, and; after a long discussion, it was negatived upon a division by 191 to 48. The resolutions were then ordered;io be reported. Certain Bills were thenjorwarded a stage, and the House adjourned. In the House of Lords on Monday, March 5, the Duke of Newcastle stated the course Her Majesty's Government in- tended to pursue with respect to a vote of the House in reference to the treaty of commerce with France. He said that if the address should be brought up on Tuesday from the Commons the Government proposed to discuss it in their Lordships' House on Friday, but if it were brought up on Thursday, to postpone the discussion to Monday. p Lord Shaftesbury presented a petition from 10,000 persons in Nottingham and its neighbourhood, praying that the lace trade should be brought under the operation of the Factory Act. He pointed out the lamentable consequences which late hours and want of parental control at night had upon the morals of the children, as well as on their physical con- dition, and concluded by expressing his intention to bring in a Bill to extend the Factory Act to the lace trade. The Duke of Newcastle believed there would be no opposition to the proposed Bill ifthesmallermanufacturers were dealt with carefully, and if the new system were introduced gradually. The Companies' (I860) Bill was read a third time, and the Administration of Poison Bill a second time after which their Lordships adjourned. In the House of Commons, the Report on the Customs Acts was brought up and agreed to, with a few amendments. On proceeding to the other orders of the day. Lord Palmerston moved that they be postponed until after the notice of motion given by Mr. Byng for an address to Her Majesty on the subject of the Commercial Treaty with France. Mr. Lindsay observed that the terms of that motion were not before the House; and Mr. Kinglake opposed the motion of Lord Palmerston. The House, he remarked, ought not to go further until It had fuller information as to the real state of our relations with France, and an opportunity of consider- ing the papers recently laid upon the table relating to Savoy. He called upon the' House not to depart from the ordinary mode of proceeding. Mr. Byng said, if it was the opinion of the House that the exact terms of his motion should be previously before it, he would postpone the motion until Thursday. Lord Palmerston thereupon offered to withdraw his motion. Objections were raised to the proposed day, and the discussion of this question gradually drew into its area topics of much larger dimensions, the most prominent being the annexation of SaVoy to France. Mr. S. Fitzgerald urged this subject with great earnestness upon the House, and expressed his hope that Parliament would make a solemn protest against that act. Mr. Bright condemned the terms employed by Mr. Fitz- gerald, which, he thought, amounted to -a sort of menace, and implored the House not to show the country that they preferred party embarrassments and perhaps party victories to the acceptance of a great treaty, and that they desired to break off friendly relations with France for party objects, of which a great party ought to be ashamed. After some remarks from Mr. Whiteside and Mr. Fitz- gerald, Mr. Roebuck inveighed against the Emperor of the French, whom he accused of breach of treaties. He feared, he said, lest England should be thought to truckle to him. There was something in the grave, solemn declaration of a nation like England. With the treaty of commerce he should be anxious to close, if he could but the considera- tion of that question ought to be deferred until the, House had an opportunity Of "declaring it's opinion on the annexa- tion of Savoy. Mr. Coningham protested against such language as Mr. Roebuck had applied to the ruler of France, than which nothing, he said, could be more Injurious to the interests of England, of civilisation, and of liberty. Lord J. Russell said, if it was thought necessary to take the whole question of Savoy out of the hands of Her Majesty's Government, that might be a useful course; but there was one course which was consistent neither with constitutional proceedings in that House nor with the confidence usually placed in the Government, and, above all, not consistent with amicable feelings between this country and France and that was renewing, day after day, irritating discussions upon this subject, asking for no decisive vote, proposing no definite result, but sowing suspicion and distrust, calculated to bring about a total rupture with a neighbouring friendly country. After recapitulating the course which the question had taken, and the position in which it now stood, he asked whether the present was the moment for raising this dis- cussion. His persuasion was, he said, that if the language of disapprobation was heard from all the great Powers, the project of annexation would not be persevered in. The Go- vernment of Sardinia, the Power most interested in the question, had not spoken upon the subject. His opinion was, that the Treaty of Commerce with France was destined, if approved by Parliament, to draw closer the ties of friendship between the two nations, by giving both an interest in the blessings of peace, which would tend to prevent the great calamity of war. After some further discussion, the motion was withdrawn. The House then went into Committee upon the Customs Acts, when certain resolutions were agreed to, repealing and reducing duties on a great variety of articles not under treaty. In a Committee of Ways and Means, a resolution was agreed to, granting drawbacks and allowances upon spirits. On the order for the second reading of the Savings Banks and Friendly Societies Investments Bill, the Chancellor of the Exchequer expl ained its general nature. The govern- ment and management of Savings Banks, and the security which depositors ought to enjoy or do enjoy as respected the liabilities towards them, this Bill, he said, had nothing to do with. Its main object was to provide for a real and bona fide statement of this portion of the National Debt; it likewise imposed certain limitations upon the powers of the Executive Government over the monies of Savings Banks and Friendly Societies, and it provided a larger liberty of investment for those funds than heretofore, under certain restrictions, and a power of varying securities. The effect of the proposed arrangements would be a permanent saving to the country in two or three years of not less than effect of the proposed arrangements would be a permanent saving to the country in two or three years of not less than 40,0001. or 50,0001. a-year. After some observations from Mr. Henley, Mr. Ayrton, and Mr. Hankey, the bill was read a second time. The Packet Service (Transfer of Contracts) Bill and the Medical Acts Amendment Bill passed through Committee. On the order for the second reading of the Settled Estates Act (1856) Amendment Bill, a short discussion ensued, which ended in a division, by which the bill Was lost. The remaining business was then disposed of, and the House adjourned. In the House of Lords on Tuesday, March 6th, the Earl of Ellenborough asked the Government how it was that, in the correspondence respecting the proposed annexation of Savoy recently laid on the table, no mention was made of any negociations between this country and Prussia and Austria. He wished to know whether, and at that time, the views of her Majesty's Government were expressed to Russia, Prussia, and Austria, respecting the annexation. The Duke of Newcastle said that the views of the Govern- ment had been communicated to the three Powers named. The same dispatches were sent to Lord Cowley, and which had been laid before their lordships, were sent to them during the month of February. The Earl of Derby asked if a "dispatch alluded to by Lord Cowley in one written by him on the 25th, could be given to the House. It was not included in the correspondence. The Duke of Newcastle said the dispatch was not of importance, but there was no sort of objection to its presentation to the House. Lord Wodehouse laid the dispatch in question on the table. The motion for an address respecting the Commercial Treaty was postponed till the Thursday of next week. In the House of Commons Mr. Kinglake gave notice of a humble address to her Majesty respecting the Savoy and Nice correspondence, and expressing the deep concern of the House as to the projected annexation of those provinces to France. This led to some questions from other members, to which Lord 1. Russell promised replies at another time. Mr. H. Berkeley gave notice that on the 22nd instant he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to enable electors to vote by ballot. Mr. Stirling asked the Secretary of StateWor the Home Department whether it was the intention of her Majesty's. Government to introduce into Parliament, in the present session, any Bill to amend the Lunacy (Scotland) Act. Sir G. Lewis said that such a measure was under consideration of the Lord Advocate. Sir De Lacy Evans moved that an humble address be pre- sented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to order the gradual abolition, as soon as practicable, of the sale and purchase of commission in the army (having due regard in doing so to exist- ing rights), with the view of substituing for the purchase system, promotion partly by selection, partly seniority, grounded on war services of merit, length of colonial and home services, and attested professional fitness-under such regulations as Her Majesty shall be pleased to direct. The gallant gentleman, who was very indistinctly heard, was understood to recommend that as a first step the Government should abolish purchase in the case of majors and lieutenant- colonels, the cost of which to the conntry would be 61,000l. for the first year, after which the sum would gradually diminish year by year, till it was totally extinguished.

THE NEW REFORM BILL. A Bill further to amend, the Laws relating to the Represen- tation of the People in England and Wales. Whereas it is expedient to make further provision for the due representation of the people in Parliament; be it enacted by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, by and with the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows [The following are the clauses. We give the text when explanation is necessary:—] 1. Right of voting in counties to be enjoyed by occupiers of houses, &c., of the yearly value of "10. Residence re- quired. II. Provisions concerning occupation franchise in beroughs extended to occupation franchise in counties. III. The yearly value required tp give a right of voting in boroughs to be Ol. instead of 10Z. IV. Occupation of building (other than dwelling-house) jointly with land, sot to confer a right of voting unless building be of 51. yearly value in counties and 3Z. in boroughs. V. 2 and 3 W. 4, c. 45, as. 24 and 25, not to apply, where the right to vote in a borough is taken away by the previous section. VI. Enactments requiring payment of assessed taxes by occupiers previous to registration repealed. [Here follows an enumeration of the new constituencies, which will be found in our Parliamentary report.] XIV. Every person not subject to any legal incapacity, on whom the degree of Master of Arts, Bachelor of Laws, Doc- tor of Laws, Bachelor of Medicine, or Doctor of Medicine shall have been conferred by the University of London, or who shall be a Bachelor of Arts in such University of not less than three years' standing, shall be entitled to vote in the election of any member, to serve in Parliament for the said University. XV. Provision for appointment of returning-officers for new boroughs. XVI. Vice-Chancellor of the University of London to be the returning-officer. XVII. Elections for University of London to be within six days after receipt of writ. XVIII. Polling at, the University of London may continue three days. XIX. Pro-Vice-Chancellors and poll-clerks for the Uni- versity of London. XX. New rights of voting and variation of rights of voting to take effect in and from the registration of 1860. XXI. Registers of voters to be formed in 1860, for new boroughs. XXII. No person shall be registered in the respective registers of voters to be formed during this present Parlia- ment for the counties and divisions of counties in which the boroughs constituted by this act may be respectively situate, who would not be entitled to be so registered in case the same were now boroughs returning members to serve in Parliament. Parliament. XXIII. Nothing in this Act to affect any registsr of voters now in force XXIV. In case a dissolution of this present Parliamen t fake ace before the day at and from Which the registers of voters to be first made for the boroughs constituted by this Act begin to be in fuVce, the writs Tor the ,-leclf.m of members to serve in Parliament for such respective boroughs shall not be issued until such registers begin to be in force. XXV. Provisions of 2 W. 4, cap. 45, to lite applicable to this Act, XXVI. In the precept of the town-clerk and notice by the overseers, of which forms (numbered 1 and 2) are given in Schedule (B) to the Act of the session holden in the sixth and seventh years of her Majesty, chapter 18, "the clear yearly value of six pounds" shall be substituted for the clear yearly value of ten pounds," and in the said notice the words and assessed taxes" shall be omitted and at the end of the headings of the list numbered 3 and 4 in the same Schedule add and of an Act passed in the twenty-third year of her Majesty intituled [insert the title of this Act.]" XXVII. The provisions of 6 Vict., c. 18, to be applicable for the purposes of this Act. -I XXVIII. All election laww in force, except where superseded by this Act. XXIX. Writs, &c., to be made confermable to this Act. XXX. Member holding office at time of election not to vacate seat by mere change of office. 6 Ann, o. 7, s. 26.

ASSASSINATION AT CONSTANTINOPLE. A letter from Constantinople in the Augsbourg Oazette contains the following # I informed you some time ago that among other victims of the unsafety of our streets, at night, .a. func- tionary of the English Embassy, named Spiro, em- ployed in the Chancellor's office, was found murdered late one evening. When he was found he was still alive, and declared that he knew the- assassins well, but refused to name them. He took his secret into the grave, but the murderers are now discovered. On New Year's Eve some individuals had managed to enter the office, and were just engaged in/breaking open the strong box of the office, which contained, besides other valuables and important documents, a sum in cash of 6,000?., when the watchman- gave 'the' alarm by firing a pistol, whereupon: the thieves de-. camped. The noiseless way in which the., thieves, had known how to open the office-door, as well as the strong box, raiaegat once the suspicion that a secret under- standing with one of the functionaries, employed in the office must have taken place; but the most careful research, conducted with great cleverness, circumspec- tion, and secresy, never led to a result; nor could any trace of the thieves be discovered by the Turkish police, and the hunt had to be given up. Last week, however, while three Ionians were sitting in the Bird coffee-house, in Galata—so called because the proprietor takes a pleasure in keeping a great num- ber of outlandish birds in his garden—in fivelyi con- versation, conducted in a low voice, two other ionians entered, took seats near them, and were watching the motley life of which this coffee-house usually is the theatre. They soon had gathered from the conver- sation of the three first ones that they were reproaching each other for having been frightened by a blind shot, and having thus lost the chance of getting at a large amount of property. The two listeners soon under- stood that the talk referred to the burglary at the British Embassy. In the mean time, the three burglars had become aware that the two new comers understood their conversation and, to protect them- selves against denunciation, they stepped up to them for the purpose of threatening them. One of the two listeners, however, reassured them bo far, that he proved to them he was a- colleague pf theirsbut the other could show no similar passport, and consequently, was threatened with death should he betray them. The other man went the next day to the British Embassy, claiming protection, and denounced all he had heard. On his evidence the individuals in question were arrested at once, and while under examination they made the following confession. Spiro, they said, had been in conspiracy with them, and had given them the information of the valuable deposit, and had promised to furnish them with skeleton keys. Spiro had kept his promise, but as they had been afraid-that he might betray them they had assassinated him be- fore the burglary was attempted. Of course, the greater probability is, that they-murdered him to get his share, too, and Spiro's silence is thus explained.

THE FRENCH "EMERALD POISON," ABSINTHE. In consequence of the death of Grassot, the comic actor, from the effects of absinthe, coming soon on that of Alfred de Musset from abuse of the same in- sidious beverage, the Committee of the Academie de Medicine, Paris, has just ordered researches to be made upon the various results of absinthe-drinking, which has of late years assumed an importance un- equalled by the gin-drinking of England or the fechnaps of Holland. The consequences of this habit are proved upon examination to have become fearful all over France and Algeria. The most remarkable of these, and one which may be considered unique, is the fre- quency of hallucination, generally of the most horrible kind, fancied guilt of murder and crime of every kind, which renders the poor victim liable to suicide, even when in apparent possession of every security and blessing. The catalogue of ills brought on by absinthe is painful in the extreme, when associated in one's mind with the memory of the joyous, mirth-moving Grassot, or the sensitive Musset. The seventeen symptoms mentioned in the report of Dr. Legrand de Saulle, each one more horrible and hideous than the other, as following sure as the death which comes after all, to be characteristic of the indulgence in absinthe, should be sufficient to deter the young be- ginner from placing the emerald poison," as poor Musset has poetically called it, to his lips, for any one of them seems to erase at once the poor patient from all the pleasures and enjoyments of the world, and even to deprive him of his .place amongst his fellow- beings.

A FEARFUL SHIPWRECK. The following are some details of the wreck of the steamer Louise, at Bastia, by which, out of 84 persons, passengers and crew, as many as 58 perished within sight of their destination At half an hour after midnight on the 22nd ult., the steamer Louise arrived at the entrance of the port of Bastia and as the sea was very rough, the captain, fearing to be driven too close to the new pier, thought advisable to turn aside to enter by the pass at the west, but by the violence of the sea the vessel was driven on the blocks of stone forming the foundation of the old pier. The bottom was forced in, and water entered in large quantities. The passengers were cast into con- fusion, and raised cries of terror. Unfortunately, too, the captain lost his wits, and threatened to blow out his brains. A number of people threw themselves into the water, and several of them were rescued. An alarm having been given, fires were made on the pier to give light, and some ropes were thrown out to the people struggling in the water. The scene was a frightful one at every moment people were seen to sink in the waves, and one of the boats of the vessel which had put off full of passengers was swamped-all of the latter being drowned except two who clung to the boat. Meantime the vessel was knocked about by the fury of the waves, and at last went down; a few seconds after, five per- sons were seen clinging to the masts, and they raised piercing cries. For some little time, however, no one ventured to put off in a boat to rescue these five but at last three sailors did so, and saved them. At about three o'clock no living person was seen near the wreck and on counting the sailors and passengers who had got ashore it was found that twenty-six only of the whole eighty-four had escaped. In a few minutes twelve dead bodies were washed on land; one was that of the captain, two of officers, two of priests, four of women, and five of children. It is said that some of the victims were a company of Italian actors going to Bastia to give performances.

THE EMPEROR'S ADDRESS TO THE FRENCH CHAMBERS. The opening of the French Chambers took place last week, when the Emperor made his usual speech. It had been eagerly looked for, and we therefore give the following ab- stract of its contents In the first instance the ruler of the French comes out as a genuine Free-trader, even more so than the Treaty just concluded shows him to be. That Treaty is in his eyes, but a. vigorous step to the removal of those impediments to international trade which this country and France labour under. Next the Emperor refers to army reduction, the natural concomitant of free trade. That reduction, says the Emperor, would have been greater had it not been for the necessity of keeping the French soldiers in Rome and Lombardy, and of sending out an expedition to China. As the speech at the same time proposes a settlement of the affairs of Italy, with which the French Government professes itself to be content should it be adopted, we suppose that an additional reduction is to take place. France really ceases to offer an obstacle to the annexation of Parma and Modena to Sardinia, but insists, on the other hand, that at all events the autonomy of Tuscany must be preserved. The speech does not say in what way the question of the Government of Tuscany is finally to be settled As to the fate of the Romagna, the speech informs us that the French Government has counselled that of Sardinia to respect the right of the Pope in principle -an evident confirmation of the previous reports, that the proposition consists on this point in the establish- ment of a Sardinian Vice-Regency with preservation of the Pope's suzerainty, to which an annual tribute is to be united. The excitement which the question of the patrimony of St. Peter has caused all over Europe and in France itself is slightly touched upon, but the con- fident expectation is added, that the compromise now proposed will make it cease. We now come to that point which has given rise to greater anxiety-the annexation of parts of Savoy and of the province of Nice. The Emperor openly confesses to such a design. His statement is very distinct. France claims only those tracts of land which are situated on her own side of the Alps. In the case of Savoy, it will be observed, this includes these very districts for which Switzerland derives the power of occupation in certain emergencies from the Vienna treaties, and which a sp.ecial treaty with Piedmont secures to her, in case Piedmont should ever part with Savoy. The Emperor justifies the claim of France by an increase of the military power of Sardinia, which cannot any longer permit France to look with indifference on her being in possession of the most important passes of the Alps leading from Italy into France. France will, however, not take possession of what she claims by employing force, nor by underhand machinations. Nor does she make her demand upon Sardinia alone, but upon the whole of Europe which may either mean the five Great Powers or the States which signed the Vienna treaties-probably the former. This, at all events, removes the danger of a quarrel springing from this affair for some time to

THE PRESS AND THE NEW REFORM BILL. As might be- expected, opinions differ greatly on the merits of the Reform Bill introduced by Lord John Russell, and we therefore give the criticisms of some of our contemporaries on the scheme A MILK-AND-WATBR MEA8URB. We cannot say that the Reform Bill of the Government has affected us either with satisfaction or disappointment. It is what we all expected; its defect is that it makes a concession to false principle its merit, that in degree that concession is not-very great.- -There is no political measure we have ever advocated more strenuously and sincerely than the admission of the working classes to, a fair representation. So far as that is effected by .the Government measure we rejoice but our satisfaction ? completely damped by the entire absence of any vestige of principle for regulating the admission of that numerous, class which constitute the great majority of the-English nation. The real problem to be solved has scarcely beenrecognised as yet in Parliament at all. Only a few thinking, men, like Mr. John Stuart Mill, Mr. Hare, and others, have attempted a solution. But not the less is it melancholy to see statesmen of all parties abdicating their prerogative to guide and lead the public mind, and in- fluenced only in their'choice of measures tby the considera- tion of what will most easily." pass." We should on many accounts be sorry to see the present Government defeated at the present crisis, and even as regards the Reform Bill we should find no advantage-probably considerable disadvan- tage—in|Such an event.-Economist. A FALLACIOUS STANDARD FOR EXTENSION OF THH FRANCHISE. The noble lord relies upon the answers obtained by the late Mr. Joseph Fletcher to inquiries directed to be made bylfun some years ago in the manufacturing districts as to the usual rent paid by skilled artisans, for the assumption that his al. proposal will include a considerable proportion of that de- serving and intelligent class. A better man than Mr. Fletcher never lived, nor one on whose statistical accuracy we should be more disposed to place reliance. We must, nevertheless, express our doubts as to whether the result of his investigations can be fairly taken as conclusive regarding Inv the working classes in other parts of the kingdom. We know that in the metropolis, for example, six or seven pound houses are comparatively unknown. Itrwas this conviction, doubtless, that led Mr. Disraeli and his colleagues to suggest the propriety of having, a, lodger franchise. In this respect we think they were in the right; and we should not be sorry to see that part of their proposal revived and engrafted on that which is now before ns.— £ «aSer. TO EXPECT LITTLE IS NO SBCUBITT AGAINST DISAPPOINTMENT. The Reform Bill is weak, passing weak, or weak enough to pass. We have no doubt it is as much as its authors thought practicable in present circumstances, but that is not spying much. It is not, however, like Mr. Disraeli's mea- sure of last year. There is nothing retrogressive in it; on the contrary, it makes some advance in the extension of the franchise and the enlargement of the constituency. The great defect is the retention of the small boroughs, between 60 and 60 of which have less than 600 electors, and 11 less than 300.-Examiner. REFORM CRUMBS FROM THE PALMERSTON TABLB. Either the country desires Parliamentary Reform, or it does not. If there is really no feeling about the matter Lord John Russell's bill may easily satisfy it; but if the people are in earnest, we can hardly imagine a more unsatisfactory pro- posal than that made by the Foreign Secretary on Thursday last.. He protested against any intention to alter the ancient and glorious constitution of England "-a disclaimer just as reasonable under the circumstances as that he was not about to set the Thames on fire. The power of the landed interest will be increased by the additional members given to the counties. There is no lodger franchise—no plan by which the numerous classes who fill our shops, counting-houses', and offices, are to be represented. Nor will the intelligent workmen be one jot nearer the franchise, unless, which is rarely the case, they occupy houses. It often happens that a house is let off in Boors but none of the occupants will have a vote. We hope that Lord John does not consider his new bill "final;" indeed, we might almost fancy that he was purposely costive in his proposals, that the Reform question might be kept alive as a good weapon against the Tories. The bill, we doubt not, will be accepted as an instalment, for even the Opposition will aid in carrying it; but, poor as it is, we ought, perhaps, to be thankful for any Retorm crumbs from the Palmerstonian table.-A tlas.

LITTLE "PINK," A STORY OF SLAVERY. The following touching beautiful incident we have com- piled from a private letter (says the Manchester Examiner), written by a gentleman who was an eye-witness of the scene described :— A few weeks ago, after the conclusion of the Sab- bath morning sermon, a most interesting scene was witnessed in the church of the Rev. H. Ward Beecher, Brooklyn, New York. At a given signal, a little slave girl, about nine years old, was led on to the platform, and after shaking her affectionately by the hand, Mr. Beecher took of the little creature's cloak, at the same time saying, "I wish I could throw off the whole garb of slavery." He then related the child's history. Her pet name was "Pink," and she. whs one of a family of six children. Her father had been a cele- brated physician of Port Tobacco; her mother was the daughter of a white man. According to the American method of calculation, there was thus one- sixteenth negro blood in her veins. Pink's grand- mother had managed to purchase her own freedom before the day arrived when Pink's mother and five brothers and sisters were sold as slaves, owing to the death of the physician. The slave dealers, touched by the grandmother's sorrow, promised she should have Pink, and from early childhood she lived with her grandmother in Washington. In happy ignorance of the sad fate which awaited her, time sped by, and Pink became nine years of age. During the time that had elapsed since she had been parted from her mother it may be readily surmised she had been taught what a dreadful thing it was to be a slave, and at the same time she was led to believe that she was free. One day, however, two officers and a dealer in slaves entered the house and demanded the child. Alarmed, little Pink ran into the garret and attempted to barricade the door on the inside with old furniture and trunks. The men followed her, and commanded her to come out. Her reply was, "No; I'll die before you shall have me for a slave." The men threatened to break open the door, and then, at her grandmother's entreaty, Pink came out, was carried off, and sold for 900 dols. (180Z.) The poor old grandmother had managed to save some 200 dols., and this she offered towards the purchase of the child, if the remaining 700 dollars could be raised. Four gentlemen had ob- tained the child under a bond to deliver her up again at the end of the 14 days, if they failed to give the money. During the recital of her story, poor little Pink, with childish simplicity, gazed alternately at the noble preacher and his audience, many of whom were in tears. In concluding his address, the c'ollecting-plates were sent round, and on being handed back again to Mr. Beecher, it was found that there were 1,000 dols. on them. Poor little Pink was free again Never," said Mr. Beecher, "were plates spread with better food —the food of liberty for the poor hungry soul." On one of the plates was an opal ring supposed to be_ the gift of some lady. Mr. Beecher placed it on the child's finger, telling her she was to wear it as her freedom ring." The following hymn was then given out: Rise, great Redeemer, from Thy seat, To judgu and serve the poor; Let nations tremble at Thy feet, And man prevail no more. After reading the hymn over, Mr. Beecher held the book to the child, so that she might look on with him. Little Pink was a very beautiful girl, and at the age of 12 or 13 would have realised 3,000 to 4,000 dols.; but this could not have been for the amount of work she might do. The poor old grandmother's store, which she had saved with much labour, was thus saved to her, and little Pink was made a New-year's gift to freedom.

CHURCH RATE REFORM. The select committee of the House of Lords, appointed to inquire into the present operation of the law and practice respecting the assessment and levying of Church-rates, report as follows That the entire abolition of the Church-rate is op- posed to the general feeling of members of the Church, is not universally called for by dissenters of various de- nominations, and especially not by that large and influ- ential body the Wesleyan Methodists, and would, in the case of a great number of parishes, be attended with serious and prejudicial consequences, by restrict- ing the existing means for the repair and maintenance of the parish church, by greatly increasing the labour and responsibility of the clergyman, and otherwise materially impeding the ministrations of the Church in those parishes. That, viewing the grounds of objection to the pay- ment of church-rates as well as the impediments which exist to their collection, it is expedient to alter the law m the following respects :—1. That for the future, per- sons desirous of being exempted from contributing to the church-rate, in any parish, may give yearly notice to that effect to the churchwardens prior to the meet- ing of any vestry for the purpose of making a church- rate and that such persons shall not be entitled to attend any such vestry, or to vote upon the making or application of such rate, or to act as churchwardens in any matter relating to the church, or to retain any,seat appropriated to them in the church during the term of such exemption. That the rate, when voted by the vestry, shall be levied upon all persons liable to it who have not given such notice. That the items for which a rate may be made shall be definitively declared by law. That the ratepayers in any new parish or district Slhall he rateable'for the purposes of their own church and for no otkir. That there shall be the same powers for the recovery of such church rates as exists for the recovery of poor rates, and in case of objection to the validity of the rate, an appeal shall lie to the general quarter sessions, and that the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts in such matters shall cease. That the principle of assessing the owner instead of the occupier to the church-rate is well deserving the serious consideration of Parliament in any future legis- lation on this subject.

A CONTENTED COMPANY!—The "Lancaster Guardian" says:— At the half-yearly meeting of the Lancaster Steam Navi- gation Company, on the 13th inst., a more cheerful feeling prevailed, although there was no prospect of any dividend.