The Aberystwith Observer

"4- \U./v J.¡Jr" Oar CotepW. [We deem it right to state that we do not identify ourselves with our correspondent's opinions.] There has been little talked of during the last few days but the budget, the treaty, ministerial prospects, and Conservative tactics. It has been a subject which hon. Members could not, if they would, rid themselves of. Hon. Members have constituents, and constituents have interests. Now, when pecuniary interests clash with political principles, there needs little sagacity to discover which must succumb. With regard to the budget, constituents have been bothering their mem- bers' lives out about taxes and duties, which Gladstone in his extensive budget has been interfering with. This, as a matter of course, has had an influence on the relations existing between the Ministry and its sup- porters. Several defections from the ministerial ranks have been talked of within the last few days, and the division list of Tuesday certainly presents some curious features, but its general result proves clearly that Ministers are strong, not only in their views of con- stitutional and international policy (whether they are right or wrong-this I do not presume to opine), but in their political position as a party. An important point of controversy of late has been an alleged breach 'of the royal prerogative. The im- portation of coal free of duty is said to be trenching upon the rights and privileges of the Crown but be- yond this, the Treaty itself, being of a commercial character, is regarded as an infringement on the special privileges of the House of Commons. Those who delight in long discussions on such (to most persons) intolerably dry subjects as .these, have had an ample feast provided for them within the last few days. I wish them joy of it! Ministerial and opposition tactics have been very com- plicated of late. Lord Derby a week or so ago had a large meeting of his supporters, but what transpired there did not transpire outside. I know there have, been several alleged and quasi reports of what took place, but none of them are at all reliable. One weekly paper here, with a feverish desire for notoriety, gave a column of what was supposed to have been said and done at the meeting; but how accurate was the report may be judged of from the fact that the meeting was stated to have taken place at a certain well-known aris- tocratic mansion, when it actually occurred in another! I do not profess to know anything that took place at this great gathering, but I know that there have been several minor meetings of the Conservatives, whereat, it may naturally be presumed, the tactics to be pursued have been the chief subject of debate. However dry the great constitutional discussion may be to read, it was an intellectual treat to hear it. It was a battle between two champions of debate. Mr. Disraeli, with his keen, restless eye; his pointed shaft- like sentences, well poised as they were sent hissing through the air, aimed directly at his antagonist's heart; his low melodramatic tones, as if the subject were of the last moment to thQ nation's existence-Disraeli was all that his party could have expected from him. But Gladstone's was, to my taste, a far better speech. His sonorous, musical voice, his clear, emphatic delivery- that appearance of frankness and candour which is so telling with an audience-these marked him as essenti- ally the orator of the evening. If the new regulations with regard to wine and beer licenses pass-and it is expected that they will-it will create a wonderful difference in the important subject of "refreshment" in London, as elsewhere. I dare say many of your readers have, on their visits to the great metropolis, found "where to dine" rather a puz- zling question; but still more puzzling is it where to lunch. For the men-folk there is little difficulty. They can go and stand at a bar-parlour, and get their knick-knacks, with their glass of Bass or their ditto of sherry (or what is supposed to be sherry); but where to take wife and daughter, that is the question. The ladies do not always like tea or coffee-which, in London, is usually intense rubbish; they cannot find at any pastrycook's anything worthy of being called lunch; and no lady likes to enter a public-house, for the company in nearly every case ought to disgust them, and the licensed victuallers" have nothing to eat. If Gladstone's proposition pass, we shall have an entirely new class of refreshment rooms, with the elegance of the Continent, and the convenience, com- fort, and sustantiality of the English hotel. Flaring gin palaces will "pale their ineffectual fires," and houses of respectable character, where one can lunch or dine, and take a due proportion of French wine or English beer, will start up, to the convenience of the public, and to the gradual annihilation of the brewers' tyranny, and the evils of the present licensing system. The Metropolitan Tabernacle, or whatever-else Mr. Spurgeon's monster tabernacle is to be called, is making some progress; but there is little probability of its completion for another year. The money, in fact, comes in very slowly. The rev. gentleman has more ad- mirers than supporters, it seems. Meanwhile the con- tinued successful career of this young preacher is marvellous. We talk of the fecundity of writers like Sir Walter Scott or Mr. G. P. R. James, why this is nothing to the prolific utterances of a man like Mr. Spurgeon. I should say he preaches an octavo volume a week-ten or a dozen sermons per week being about his average. It is true that these are not all fresh, some of them being duplicates of others, but he is too much followed about by zealous admirers to do this to any great extent. I think, by the way, that the asser- tion that the rev. gentleman does not study is set at rest by the fact of his preaching the same sermon more than once. Such a sermon must have beenopretty well decided on before preaching, to be repeated with- out we allow him to have the curious faculty of re- membering a whole sermon after having once heard the sound of his own voice. Either way, it is a matter of some interest. How long, it may well be asked, is he going on at this rate ? At present he must be one of the hardest worked men in England. There is a rumour among newspaper men that when the paper duty comes off the Times will be reduced to 2d. How true this may be I of course know not; but I should scarcely think it likely. The great suc- cess of the penny daily papers is undoubted in many cases their priority of intelligence over the leading journals is also undoubted; and the Times consequently finds itself with a diminished sale. Some steps there- fore must of course be taken' with the oracle of Printing-House-square but what these steps may be is idle to speculate. Some of the admirers of the Rev. David Thomas are trying to get up a testimonial to him for his efforts in promoting the establishment of the Dial. A thousand guineas is talked of, and no doubt many will be found who will be ready to subscribe their mite. If the shareholders like to testimonialise the rev. gentleman, I suppose they may do so without my august approval; but, for the life of me, I cannot see why it should be done while the Dial is such a failure"as it now is. Promises were grandiloquent indeed performances are comparatively pitiful. I thought the Rev. David Thomas had been paid handsomely for his services in establishing the paper. These, however, are the days of testimonials.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. In the House of Lords on Friday, Feb. 17, Lord Granville, in reply to Lord Normanby, said a communication had been received from the French Government to the effect that, if Sardinia should annex Central Italy, France would deem it necessary to annex at least some portion of Savoy. This step, however, would not be taken without consulting the other great Powers, and without the consent of the Savoyards. The Endowed Schools Bill, as amended, passed though Committee, and the House adjourned. In the House of Commons, among the answers given to questions, Mr. Laing stated that, the Act relating to time bargains being considered to be a dead letter, it was the intention of the Government that the penny stamp should apply to all transactions in the public funds. AMENDMENT ON THE BUDGET. Mr. Du Cane gave notice that on Monday next, on the motion that the Speaker leave the chair, in order to go into committee on the Customs Acts, he should move, by way of amendment: That this House, recognising the necessity of providing for the increased expenditure of the coming financial year, is of opinion that it is not expedient to add to the existing deficiency by diminishing the ordinary revenue, and is not prepared to disappoint the just expectations of the country by largely increasing the income tax." (Cheers.) On the motion that the House at its rising do adjourn until 'Monday, a long list of questions stood upon the paper. Mr. Bentinck inquired whether any understanding had been come to between the Governments of France and of this country in the event of the Commercial Treaty not being sanctioned by Parliament. Lord Palmerston replied that an article expressly provided that the Treaty should be subject to the approval of Parlia- ment; and, anticipating that its verdict would be in con- formity with their hope and expectation, the Government had not deemed it their duty to come to any understanding with that of France in case of a failure which they did not anticipate. A series of questions was put to the Secretary for War, and answered by him, on the subjects of the arming of volunteer artillery corps, the providing of grounds for the target practice of volunteer rifle corps, and the permitting of officers of the Indian army to send their sons to Woolwich and Sandhurst upon the same terms as in the case of officers of Her Majesty's other forces. In answer to Mr. Collier, the Attorney-General stated what were the intentions of the Government regarding the con- solidation of the statute law, and the measures in prepara- tion for that object. Answers and explanations were given in return to several other questions. Mr. Stirling raised a conversation on the point whether the ordinary legislation of France and England could not have sufficed for the commercial changes superseding a Treaty; and Mr. Disraeli pressed the more important ques- tion as to the way the Treaty would be submitted to the Commons. To this Mr. Bouverie and Lord Palmerston re- plied, that the House must accept the Treaty as a whole, and that the resolutions on Customs and Excise, to be moved by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, would give the House the opportunity of dealing with its details. After some further discussion, in which Mr. Horsman, Mr. Ayrton, Mr. Newdegate, Sir H. Wiiioughby, Lord H. Yane, Mr. Bouverie, Lord J. Russell, and Mr. Hardy took part, the motion for adjournment was agreed to. On the order for going into a Committee of Supply, Lord Palmerston, in reply to Mr. Disraeli, said no doubt it was es- sential that the opinion of Parliament should be taken upon the Treaty. The only question was as to the order of pro- ceeding. THE ARMY ESTIMATES. After some remarks by Mr. W. Williams upon the ex- travagance of the Estimates for the Army, the House went into a Committee of Supply, when Mr. S. Herbert, having re- plied to the questions put to him, proceeded to move the Army Estimates. He admitted that they were enormous, and, after comparing them with the Estimates of last year, he showed what were the causes ot the increase. He had, he said, to consider in what manner he could expend to the greatest advantage to the country the money Parliament would vote, and he had made a very large outlay upon the new rifled guns, which had proved so valuable in Italy, and which had been largely supplied to the Navy. The Government had thought it better to disem- body the Militia as soon as possible, and to add to the regular force, regarding it, as a general rule, inexpedient that the Militia should be embodied in time of peace. He then specified the different branches of the force which it was proposed to augment, the extent of the augmentation, and the reasons upon which it was founded, the apparent increase being 20,000 men beyond the number voted last year, though, in reality, owing to transfers from India and other causes, the increase was not so great. He denied that the military force of this country, amounting to 240,000 men, was too large, or disproportioned to the population, in comparison with other nations, and it must be recollected, he added, that our army was not the army of England only, but of our colonies and of India. Then it was said that our army was a dear one but he showed by reference to the cost of other armies, that this was an error. Having got the men, he pro- ceeded to consider how they commanded, how practised, how clothed, how armed, how fed, and what was the state of their health. Upon all these points he gave minute details. With reference to the health of the army, he stated that a great improvement had taken place. Taking the mortality in the force at home, the best criterion, he showed that its rate had diminished in all the different branches, and although this might be owing, he observed, to the army being a great deal younger than it was, in the Household Cavalry, which had never been in the Crimea or in India, the mortality had very considerably diminished. After making some passing remarks upon the Volunteer force, and suggestions as to their organisation, he discussed the other Esti- mates, — for the manufacturing establishments for war- like stores, — shot and shells and ordnance, — with the separate and comparative merits and properties of the Armstrong and Whitworth guns; for barracks, and other items which he thought required explanation. He repeated that the amount of these Estimates was enormous, but he hoped that the explanation he had given would convince the House and the country that the Government had done their utmost to relieve the public burden as far as possible con- sistent with the circ am stances of the time, which was a transition period in almost every maUriel of war. He con- cluded by moving a vote of 143,362 men, exclusive of 92,490 in India. The vote was agreed to, after a discussion in which Sir R. Peel, in a most amusing speech, delivered a vehement pro test against the magnitude of these Estimates in a year of peace, and against the Volunteer movement. Certain bills were read n. second time, and the House, after some further business, adjourned. In the House of Lords on Monday, Feb. 20, Lord Derby, on inquiring what steps Her Majesty's Government intended to take to carry into effect the 20th Article of the Treaty of Commerce with France, said he should not discuss whether this treaty was or was not in accordance with the principles of free trade it decidedly was at variance with the principles laid down by Her Majesty's Government some two or three months ago. He had no doubt the Government considered the treaty as one of reciprocity—an opinion from which he most strongly dissented. There was a feeling in the country that much mystery had been observed in negotiating this treaty. The correspondence which had been made public was very meagre and unsatisfactory, and Parliament was able to gain but little information from it. He proceeded to draw a parallel between the mode in which Mr. Pitt had introduced his commercial treaty with France in 1787, and the manner which the present Government had deemed it expedient to adopt-very much in favour of Mr. Pitt's method of pro- cedure—and concluded by moving that there be laid before the Houses copies of so much of the journal of the two Houses of Parliament in 1787 as related to the proceedings in Par- liament with regard to the treaty of commerce and naviga- tion with France. Lord Granville replied, justifying the course which the Government proposed to pursue. Lord Grey did not consider the present a fit occasion to discuss the merits of the treaty, but wished to point out one or two subjects of serious importance. Was it wise, he asked, that for the purposes of cheapening French manu- factures we should bind ourselves to supply France with coals for ten years, while France continued to prohibit or levy a high duty on the exportation of articles of raw pro- duce, such as rags and silk, equally essential to the manu- factures of this country ? The Duke of Argyll said if the treaty were to be tested by reciprocity some defects would doubtless be found in it, but the advantages conferred by the treaty ought to be con- sidered with its defects. He wished it to be understood that the continuance of the Income-tax was not due to the treaty, but to the increased naval and military expenditure, which has rendered the continuance of the tax necessary. After a few words from Lord Hardwicke, Lord Derby with- drew his motion, and their lordships adjourned. In the House of Commons, after the presentation of a host of petitions, chiefly relating to the Budget, and replies to various questions, on the order for going into Committee upon the Customs' Act, Mr. Du Cane and Mr. Lindsayhaving postponed amendments of which they had given notice, Mr. Disraeli moved the following resolution :—"That this House does not think fit to go into Committee'on the Customs' Acts, with a view to the reduction or repeal of the duties referred to in the treaty of commerce between her Majesty and the Emperor of the French, until it shall have considered and assented to the engagements in that treaty." He pre- mised that it was not his intention to give any opinion upon the policy or provisions of the treaty with France, or upon the recent financial statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Although he and his party regretted that, from the peculiar manner in which public business had been brought before the House by the Government, they were obliged to precipitate conclusions which ought to be post- poned until preliminary discussions had taken place which might modify their opinions, he had deemed it his duty to give notice of this resolution. He thought the House could not do better, in order to extri- cate itself from a difficult and humiliating position, than follow the precedent of the treaty with France of 1787. Mr. Pitt in the following year called the attention of the House of Commons to the French treaty, moving resolu- tions which embodied the gist of the treaty; those resolutions were passed and reported an address to the Crown was agreed to, which was sent up to the House of Lords, and it was not until both Houses had concurred in the address, and Parliament had had a constitutional opportunity of consider- ing the treaty, that Mr. Pitt introduced his Consolidation Act. He saw no reason why the present House of Commons should be treated differently from that of 1787, and he was at a loss to imagine why the Government should refuse to consent to his suggestion, and to pursue the same course as Mr. Pitt. In conclusion, Mr. Disraeli remarked upon the negotiator of the treaty and upon its form. He thought the appointment of Mr. Cobden aa, their secret agent was a most unwise act on the part of the Government, the treaty indica- ting the idiosyncrasy of the.. negotiator. As to the form of the treaty, it appeared to'hirtfio be an instrument devised to silence the voice of one Legislature let it not, he said, de- prive another Legislaturepf its privileges. The Chancellor of tlfeJEkVhequer said Mr. Disraeli, in call- ing the attention of tliWHSlise to a subject which was strictly a point of procedure, had introduced extraneous topics into his speech for the que\ £ jon was a narrow one, though of great importance. He contended that Mr. Disraeli was cor- rect neither in his fact&, nor his principles. He read from the journals of the HVii^> some of the resolutions moved by Mr. Pitt in 1787, asd some of the proceedings thereupon, and he denied that theNGrOySrnment had withdrawn the treaty Z, from the cognizanpeYf the House or abandoned the prece- dent of Mr. Pitt. 'iHe\cbuld not understand, he said, what were Mr Disraeli'4 n0^>n's of tlle resPective functions of the Crown and of ParKanlent in respect toUreaties. He insisted that the Govern meiiKhad followed substantially the precedent of Mr. Pitt, with due allowance for the change of circum- stances and of the law. Bnt whether the course they had taken was right or wrong, he wanted to know what it was the House could do on a message from the Crown which it could not do on papers presented to the House? The proposition was puerile. The Government had held it to be their first duty, without interposing difficulties, to bring under the cognisance of Parliament t.hn most vital and substantial parts of the treaty. If they had erred on any point, it was by too rigid an adherence to the precedent of Mr. Pitt. The real sin of the Government, as he understood, was that they had combined the treaty and the Budget; that is, that they ought to have reduced at once the duties upon French wines and spirits by resolution, which must have taken effect immediately. He concluded a most brilliant speech bv showing the consequences of this course, which would have bad the effect, he said, of reviving the system of differ- ential duties. Sir H. Cairns supported Mr. Disraeli's views, which elicited a reply from the Attorney-General, who contended that the alterations of the law proposed by the resolutions with reference to the treaty brought the propriety of the whole treaty at once into the field of discussion, the treaty being the ground of the alteration of the law. SirF. Kelly, Mr. Ayrton, Mr. Newdegate, and Mr. Malins having made some remarks, Mr. Bright said that after listening to the debate he really was quite at a loss to tell what was the question they were discussing. He could not find out, he said, from the resolu- tion or the speech of Mr. Disraeli what was the real object of the motion. If he sat on the other side of the House, instead of carping at the treaty and making it the stalking- horse of party, he would attackit in a manly way. A portion of the members opposite were very much annoyed at the treaty; then, why not bring forward a motion and say so? He was of opinion that the Government had taken the right course but say their policy was bad, the treaty bad, and the Budget bad let the course taken be a straightforward one let an explicit resolution be brought forward, and the question be discussed upon its merits. Mr. S. Fitzgerald recalled the House to the distinct point in question-namely, whether the course taken by the Government would give the House a fair opportunity of dis- cussing the treaty. Be contended that it did not. What he wanted was a Committee that could consider all the clauses of the treaty requiring the assent of Parliament. Lord J. Russell observed that he had found some difficulty in understanding the object of the resolution, but it now ap- peared that what was meant was evidently this, that, instead of the course hitherto taken, that those parts of the treaty which required legislative sanction should be submitted to the House of Commons, it was proposed that every clause of the treaty, including those depending upon the prerogative of the Crown, should be discussed in that House, which would be a total change in the constitution of the country. He agreed with Mr. Bright that the proposition involved in the treaty, which was a large one, ought to haye been met by a resolution putting its principle fairly in issue. To en- deavour to harass the House by questions as to the form of procedure was unworthy of a great party. Mr. Horsman said the House was called upon, by the course taken by Government, to pass financial votes every one of which involved political responsibilities and results, while the instrument (the treaty) was not submitted to them. He showed that this course was not opposed to that followed by Mr. Pitt in 1787. Passing to the financial scheme of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he observed that Mr. Gladstone professed to follow the example of Sir Robert Peel, but a fallacy, he thought, lurked under the profession. Sir R. Peel lowered duties to increase revenue but Mr. Gladstone, instead of reducing taxes, abolished them altogether. He imputed to the Government a double policy, a treaty of com- merce and a rivalry of armaments, leading to expenses of war, which was not satisfactory to the country, any more than reducing the duties on luxuries and taxing the neces- saries of the poor. Lord Palmerston insisted that the subjecting all the clauses of the treaty to the control of Parliament would be contrary to the fundamental principles of the British Constitution. The Government, he said, intended to give the House an opportunity to express its opinion upon the treaty in the same manner as Mr. Pitt had done in 1787. The real question before the House, said his lordship, as stated by the right hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, is not a question of finance or taxes, but simply a question as to the course and mode of proceeding. (Cheers.) The hon. mem- ber is as much out of order in his speech as in his inter- ruption. I do not intend to enter into the general subject of the Budget. My right hon. friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, is quite able to defend it himself. There is sub- stantially no difference between us, and I do hope that, whether we divide or not, we shall decide the question to- night. (Loud cheers.) A great crowd of members had gathered behind the chair, in readiness for a division, and immediately on Lord Pal- merston's resuming his seat there were loud cries of "Divide." Mr, Bowyer rose, and was understood to move the adjourn- ment of the debate; but the proposition was received with such overwhelming signs of disapprobation that he with- drew it. The question was then put. During the usual interval there were some cries of "Agreed;" but on the question being put a second time, a tremendous shout of No" answered the Ayes from the right. The house was cleared at twenty minutes past twelve and at twenty- five minutes to one the tellers emerged from the crowd that blocked up the doorway. The appearance of Mr. Brand, the Government teller, bearing the paper, was the signal for loud cheers from the Ministerial benches. The numbers were— Ayes (for the Motion) 293 Noes (for the Amendment) 230 Government majority 63 The Report of the Committee of Supply was brought up, and, after an explanation by Mr. S. Herbert in reply to Sir H. Willoughby, was agreed to. The other orders were disposed of, and, after some further business, the House ajdourned. In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Feb. 21, Lord Chelms- ford presented a petition against allowing Dissenters to be- come trustees of endowed schools, and also a petition against allowing marriage with a deceased wife's sister. Lord Aveland presented 16 petitions from different places in Lincolnshire, against the abolition of church rates. The Lord Chancellor laid on the table a bill to provide for the further fusion of law and equity, and enlarged upon the inconvenience of the existing arrangements, by which it was often necessary for suitors to incur great and needless expense in employing several sets of barristers. Lord Brougham expressed approval of the bill, and it was read a first time. Lord Brougham brought in a bill for the purpose of sub- stituting a new plea in criminal trials for that of "Not guilty," which, after a few words from the Lord Chancellor, wufj read a first time. Earl Granville stated that he had received a letter from Mr. Corbett, the Charge d'Affaires at Florence, saying that he never attended any official reception of Signor Buoncom- pagni, as had been alleged in a debate in that House. jjjThe Companies (1860) Bill was read a second time. The St. Mary on Rydal Marriages Validity Bill passed through committee. The Earl of Carnarvon presented petitions from certain citizens and electors of Hobart Town, in Tasmania, praying for the disallowance of the Act amending the legislative council in that colony. A conversation ensued, in which Lord Derby, the Duke of Newcastle, and Lord Grey took part. Lord Selkirk moved for copies or extracts of certain specified letters from Lord Elgin to Lord Malmesbury respecting affairs in China. Lord Elgin took advantage of the opportunity afforded by Lord Selkirk's moving for papers respecting recent proceed- ings in China to vindicate himself at some length from the charges of severity towards the Chinese which had been brought against him. He proceeded to mention the differ- ences which had taken place between himself and Sir Michael Seymour, and said it was true he had experienced much disappointment in not having been adequately supported in enforcing his policy under circumstances of peculiar diffi- culties, and perhaps his dispatches might have reflected that feeling. At the same time he acknowledged in the clearest and frankest manner the services which the navy had ren- dered him, and mentioned amoag others the exploration by Captain Sherard Osborn of a large internal Chinese stream, and the opening up of Japan to British trade. Their lordships then adjourned. In the House of Commons the petitions, which had chiefly reference to the budget, occupied nearly an hour in their presentation. Sir W. Miles gave notice that, on consideration of the 16th resolution (on the paper duty), he should move for its omis- sion and on the 17th resolution, to alter the amount of income tax from lOd. to 9d. Lord Palmerston stated that the Commercial Treaty was a complete compact between the two countries, but that it would be competent for either to propose a supplementary treaty which might be accepted or rejected, as was thought fit. Lord Palmerston having moved that the House, at its rising, do adjourn till to-morrow, at two, some discussion took place with regard to Mr. Du Cane's motion, which Sir ,T. Graham said was irregular, notice having been given that it would be moved in committee. Upon Lord Palmerston stating that the Government had no desire to go on till the committee of the House wished to hear the motion, the Speaker said that would be somewhat irregular, and could only be done with the general consent of the House. Mr. Du Cane then rose, amidst the cheers of the Conserva- tive party, to move the following resolution That while this commiitee is desirous to relieve the trade of the country from all duties of Customs which can safely be dispensed with, it does not think it expedient to add to the existing deficiency by diminishing the ordinary revenue, and is not prepared to disappoint the just expectations of the country by rend ering necessary a large increase of the income-tax." The hon. gentleman said that he did not come forward from party or factious motives, but simply to oppose a scheme of finance which he considered to be as unsound as it was unjust. He then went through the budget item by item, objecting to the reimposition of the income-tax, which he feared would become a permanent infliction. He doubted the policy of reducing the wine duties, and contended that if there 'was one tax more than another which the present Administration ought to have left untouched, it was on paper. He concluded by saying that the budget was based upon a one-sided and uncalled-for commercial treaty, which was, he contended, neither a free-trade nor a reciprocity treaty; which cut off arbitrarily various sources of indirect taxation, and fettered the whole system of our taxation for years to come. Mr. Gower, in replying to Mr. Du Cane, defended the treaty. Lord R. Montagu thought that politically the treaty could not be so well defended as commercially, but here there were inequalities and anomalies. He put it to the House whether it would accept such a treaty with an increased income-tax. Mr. Baxter considered the Budget as the very best that had been proposed since the days of Sir R. Peel. Mr. Liddell considered that the advantages offered by the treaty were not to be measured by the gain or loss of one side or the other. Politically and commercially, the treaty, he thought, was right. Mr. Dodson was inclined to think that the treaty was commercially wrong, but politically right. After some remarks by Mr. Dawson, Mr. Crossley, Mr. Henessy, Mr. Duff, and Sir 8. Northcote, Mr. Ayrton said he was of opinion that the general policy which had dictated the negotiation of the treaty was a wise and discreet policy, and that the object of the treaty was just and legitimate. The general scope of the Budget entitled it to the respect and admiration of the country, and no man could impugn it on behalf of the owners of property. He defended at much length the repeal of the paper duty, and advocated a permanent income-tax on a just foundation. On the motion of Mr. Hubbard, the debate was adjourned. The Valuation of Rateable Property (Ireland) Bill passed the Committee, after a short discussion. The remaining business having been disposed of, the House adjourned. The House of Commons met a little later than usual on Ash-Wednesday, Feb. 22, when a great number of peti- tions for and against the Budget were presented. Mr. Newdegate asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether it was understood by the Government that the proposed reduction and abolition of import duties take effect as regards the produce of other countries than France and her dependencies. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated, in reply, that the treaty with France had no reference to anything except French productions. On the order of the day being read for going into com- mittee on the Public Improvement Bill, Mr. Walter objected to the measure, as it provided for and gave power to a mi- nority to tax the majority. He moved that the House go into committee on the bill that day six months. After some remarks from Mr. Cave, Mr. Henley, Sir G. Grey, and Mr. Slaney, the amendment was withdrawn, and the order of the day for goinfc into committee postponed for a fortnight. Sir C. Burrell moved the second reading of the Window Cleaning Bill, the object of which was to prevent accidents happening to people while in the act of cleaning windows. A short discussion ensued, several members denouncing the bill as a frivolous one, and Sir G. Cornewall Lewis then moved as an amendment that the bill be read a second time that day six months. The amendment was agreed to without a division, and the bill lost. The House then went into committee on the Attorneys and Solicitors' Biil, the various clauses of which were agreed to with a few verbal amendments; and ultimately the Chair- man reported the Bill to the House resumed. On the order of the day being readjfor the second reading of the Election Petitions Act (1848) Amendment Bill, Mr. Edwin James, after condemning the present system adopted in res- pect of certain petitions, stated his intention of moving, should the bill be read a second time, that it be committed to the select committee on the Corrupt Practices Prevention Act (1854), &c. The question of referring the bill to a select committee was then discussed by Sir G. C. Lewis, Sir F. Kelly, Mr. Mellor, Sir G. Grey, Sir F. Goldsmid, Mr. Vansittart, Mr. Deedes, and Mr. Collier, when, after some farther conversa- tion, the general tenor of which was that the bill should be referred to a select committee especially appointed for the purpose of considering it, the bill was read a second time. Mr. Mellor then moved that the bill be referred to a select committee. Mr. Bouverie said that as so many various opinions had been expressed as to what committee the bill should be referred to, he would move the adjournment of the bill until next day in order to give members time to consider whether it should be referred to a new committee, or to the Select Committee on Corrupt Practices. The motion was agreed to, and the discussion adjourned. The Charitable Uses Bill passed through committee. The Dwellings for Labouring Classes (Ireland) Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. Mr. Dighby Seymour obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the jurisdiction of the High Court of Admiralty, which was read a first time. The Speaker announced that he had received an intimation that the petition complaining of an undue return for King's County (the case of Mr. Hennessy) would not be proceeded With. The House then adjourned.

MANCHESTER AND THE MONEY! We are growing plethorically rich upon our new Free Trade discovery, and swell with pride and glory that "we" are so rich; but we should be puzzled, if we had not the papers containing the national balance- sheet before us, to know where this swarm of golden sovereigns had hived, which, however, tell the tale. There are two classes of citizens in this country who have taken tremendous slices out of the great sum total from which the others have only drawn modest shares. The ironmasters have got no less than thirteen millions of this foreign trade, but the cotton-spinners have, after clothing all the many millions of these islands, succeeded in pocketing from the foreign trade all the profits upon no less a sum than 48,208,4442.! Here is a pleasant sum to revel and roll in and to take toll from I WHO GETS THB HONET ?—THE MANCHESTER MEN! We have found, then, the hive to which all those golden bees have flown. There, far away in the north, where the tall chimneys would dwarf the old sylvan giants, where the sound of the piston stroke never ceases, and where the frequent square factories gleam from their many windows all night long, and give appearances of a general illumination—there it is that all this gold has gone. It is gathered by an industrious race with sharp instincts for their special mission, which is to make calico and amass gold; frugal in their habits, and not too delicate in their tastes; capable of great efforts of ostentatious munificence, but well remembering that habitual thrift is the great secret of growing rich. Here is concentrated all this abounding wealth. Here men reckon each other by what they save, and not by what they spend; by what they have, and not by what they have given away. Here is a community powerful by their riches, and powerful by their intensity of purpose. Their interests are always propounded as the great interests of the nation, and well paid and well patronised apostles go forth from them fiercely compelling all men to cry with them, There is but one commercial faith, and Manchester is its prophet." ARB THE COMMUNITY TAXED FOR MANCHESTER ? We rejoice in the good fortune of the gold en- cumbered inhabitants of that wonderful city, and bow before their enormous wealth. We feel, in addressing them, that we are venturing to approach busy men, who are laying up the wealth wherewith to found great families; to the Rudolphs of succeeding generations, where heralds will be taught to admit'that the balls on the coronet of the Baron and the Earl are properly cotton-balls, and that the Ducal strawberry leaf is more truly a vegetation of the coal measures. We must not venture to ask for any quarter to other commercial interests. The silk people, who import their eight millions and a-half of raw material, and who do not export 40,000l. of manu- factured goods, must, of course, bear their fate; and for the wines of the South African colonist we possess no sympathy. We appear upon this occasion only for those hardly worked people who do not meddle or make in the great floods and ebbs of commer- cial success. Manchester is very great, but Man- chester is not quite all. If she were left alone to- morrow, even with John Bright for her King, there would be something wanting to make England what she now ii. Is there no means by which Manchester may be contented, and yet we non-commercial classes may escape sacrifice ?_ Manchester, and the class whereof Manchester is the metropolis, represents, perhaps, now one-sixth of the population, but still the rest of the nation form the other five-sixths. We must admit also that Manchester and the Manchester class have, very much to their honour, given to us Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Gladstone, who have been not unmindful of their origin. We cannot but also accord that unto those who have, much shall be given. But still we middle-class men, we professional men, we country squires, we brain-workers, we non-millionaires, would say to them; Are we not men and brothers ? Can- not Manchester thrive without our impoverishment, and is it absolutely necessary that we should all go up to be taxed lOd. in the pound, in order that every Manchester gentleman who only made 90,0001. last year, should make up his 100, 0001. next year ?-Times.

A VERY ROMANTIC STORY. A newspaper published at Coloma, Mexico, on the 24th of October, tells the following frightful [and we cannot help adding improbable] story, and calls upon the public to punish the criminals:- When General Pueblita entered the town of Ayo, in Sep- tember last, he exacted a forced loan from the people, and a share of it fell upon the curate of the place. The curate acted as though he would pay, but he did not make his ap- pearance at the point designated for payment, and General Pueblita ordered him to be arrested. A party of men went to his dwelling and knocked at the door. There was no answer, and they broke in. They found no one in the house, and were about to leave it when they heard a frightful voice proceeding from the ground, saying, I am hungry." The officer in command went back to General Pueblita, and told him about the voice. The General appointed a commission to examine the house. This commission went to the curate's dwelling, and after a careful exami- nation, they found a moveable stone in the floor, and under this was a stairway leading down to a vault, which was entirely dark, and had no connection with the air, save the staircase, and a small hole that served as a ventilator, In this vault they found some books, a few articles of furni- ture, and a woman who had been shut up there for eighteen years. She was taken to General Pueblita's quarters. When brought into the light, where she saw a number of persons, she fainted. After she had returned to her senses, a thou- sand questions were asked her, to which she replied only that she had been buried in the vault for eighteen years, without going out for a moment; that she had been married, and had children by her husband, but she knew nothing of their fate that while imprisoned in the vault, she had had children by the curate, but she knew nothing of what had become of these children, and after saying this much she became obstinately silent. While this was passing a sergeant of the Pueblita brigade then present discovered that this woman was his mother, and she recognised him as her son and embraced him. The son then ran for his father, who came and recognised his wife. The husband fifteen years ago was imprisoned three years on the charge of having murdered his wife, this woman.

THE ARMSTRONG GUN SURPASSED! During the past few days trial has been made on the sands at Southport, near Liverpool, of some new rifled breech-loading cannon, having the peculiar hexagonal bore and firing the long six-sided cone, which form the basis of Mr. Whitworth's principle of rifled ordnance. The results, which have been so king looked forward to with eagerness by Artillerymen and Engineers, sur- passed the most sanguine expectations. The success, in fact, was really astounding. The accuracy of fire and length of range obtained from trifling charges of powder were so totally beyond what has ever been attained, that it is evident we are upon the eve of another revolution in all relating to scientific gunnery, and that even the greatest results which have ever been obtained from the Armstrong gun are likely to be in turn surpassed by Mr. Whitworth's ordnance. DESCRIPTION OF THE NBW ORDNANCE. The pitch of rifling in the Whitworth large gun is one turn in 100 in.; the Armstrong (according to the accounts published) has a turn in 126 inches. Mr. Whitworth's experiments have led him to the conclusion (as indicated in his paper on rifled firearms) that the amount of turn should be as quick as practicable, since the true extent of steady flight, in the case of a long Erojectile, depends upon the rotation given to it. Per- aps the greatest visible difference is in the breech. It is the most important part of the gun, and the most difficult intelligibly to describe. There is no slot" to lift out at the top (as in the Armstrong), nor in fact anything wholly to detach; nor is the charge put in at the back through a hollow screw, although it is inserted at that part. The breech is a massive piece of metal, which works upon a powerful hinge, or swivel, pro- jecting two or three inches on the right side; and upon this hinge the breech, or at least the back extremity of it, opens out, similarly to a furnace door. You then see, in the thus exposed bore in the centre, a tin can- ister, which contained the last charge of powder. It has not burst, because the interior surface of the gun supported it; a little expansion, however, under the force of explosion, has made it fit rather tightly, and it requires a smart pull to draw it out. You can then look through the whole interior and see the beautiful and regular windings which give the rotary motion to the missile while on its way to the muzzle, and the retention of which is essential to its steady flight. HOW IT IS LOADED To show the process of loading will perhaps convey the best idea of the mechanical arrangement of the breech. The moveable back being opened, the longi- tudinal shot is pushed into the bore, and it, of course, slightly revolves as it disappears. A tin canister (which similarly fits the rifling) filled with powder, varying in length according to the weight of the charge, is pushed in behind the ball. At the end of it, next the missile, it is hermetically sealed with a wad, about half-an-inch thick, composed of wax and tallow. This, while it preserves the powder from damp, serves the important purpose of a lubricant. The powder canister is not (and cannot be) pushed wholly into the bore, but pro- jects from the smooth and massive end of the gun about I an inch, and in the centre of the moveable back there is an indentation to this extent, to receive the projecting part. One object of this projection of the canister is to fiirnish firm hold of it, after discharge, and thus facilitate its withdrawal. This is done by a light in- strument, which grasps it round, something like a pair of callipers, and is itself very ingenious. When the circles (or rather two half circles) are placed round the end of the canister, the handle points upwards, and by taking hold of it, so as to bring it into a 'hori- zontal position, a cam presses the two half circles together, and, at the same moment, two inclined planes act as levers against the end of the gun for extracting the empty cartridge. FIRING THE LONG RANGE." The charge being duly placed, the back or breech being pressed to, a handle in the centre of it is turned round rather under than over three times-the work of a second or two—and the breech and the barrel are one. The simple and efficient method by which this is accomplished is the wonder of every beholder. The massive back turns in an outer ring, and this ring it is to which the hinge is attached—it acts, in fact, as a sort of crane to the loose breech, guiding it to its place when the junction for firing is to be made. Round the thick end of the gun are half-a-dozen strong screw threads, each half-an-inch thick, and the moveable back having corresponding ones in its inner surface, the turning of the central handle brings the two into firm and close contact. Two small apertures are made for the escape of the air, which would otherwise be compressed in the screwing up, for Mi*. Whitworth's workmanship does not allow of the escape of even air, except by a special channel. The old plan of a touch-hole on the top is disused, and the friction fuse substituted. This is a little copper tube, about three inches long, and the eighth of an inch thick. It is inserted in an opening precisely in the centre of the back, and is ignited by the friction which results from detaching a portion of it, upon a string being pulled. It discharges its con- tents against a minute aperture opposite to it in the rear end of the tin cartridge, and thus fires the gun. HOW THE EXPERIMENTS WERE CONDUCTED. A short distance from the main shore, and upon the flat but not very dry beach, five cannons were ranged upon suitable carriages, with their muzzles pointed to the westward. A target was erected at 1,000 yards, and a direct line beyond it was marked out with posts and cordage, bounded by a flag, some eight or nine miles away, visible only through a telescope. One gun was an 80-pounder, and it certainly presented something like the substantial aspect which one naturally expects when we hear of "heavy" ordnance but the others- an 18-pounder, a 12-pounder and two 3-pounders- looked so thin and slender for their length, as at once to suggest to the mind either that powder must have grown weaker, or metal has grown stronger. A slight examination of the material soon furnished the ex- planation, and lead to the conclusion that if they do burst it can only be by a mighty amount of force. THE ASTOUNDING RESULTS ATTAINED. Firing was commenced with a 3-pounder charged with 8 oz. of powdery at an elevation of 35 degrees it obtained an extreme range of 9,688 yards, the de- flection of the missile being 38 yards to the right; at an elevation of 20 degrees, the range obtained was 7,076 yards, the deflection being only 4 yards to the right. When it is stated that this gun weighs only 2081bs., and that not only a range of 5J miles was attained—greater than has been recorded of any gun ever made—but that good practice was made at that distance, the epithet "astounding," as applied to the results, is fully justified. The 80-pounder at 5 degrees elevation, with 121b. of powder, threw a 901b. projectile a distance of 2,550 yards when it ricochetted at right angles and buried itself in the sea at an immense dis- tance. A second shot, with the same charge, first grazed the sand 2,620 yards distant from the gun, and only two to the right of the true line. From this point it glanced upwards, but continued a straight course onward, alighting in the sand at a distance of over 6,000 yards from the gun. Had this piece been mounted so as to permit of it being fired at a high degree of elevation, there is not the least doubt but that it would have thrown its ponderous shot a distance of 8,000 to 10,000 yards, a distance that has never yet been gained by any gun with a projectile of such weight.

BEGINNING AT THE RIGHT END! A public meeting, to inaugurate a principle calculated to make the Volunteer Rifle Corps movement a permanent in- stitution, by the establishment of preliminary drill in Public schools in connection therewith, has been held at the Thatched House Tavern, St. James's-street, London, under the presidency of Lord Elcho, M P., from whose speech on the occasion we make the following extracts:- It was felt, and he (the Chairman) most cordially concurred in the opinion that no movement could be more calculated to give permanence to the volunteer force than the establishment of elementary drill m all our public schools. (Hear, hear.) If they looked to the Continent they found that such a principle was adopted with the most complete success. In Switzerland there were from 15,000 to 20,000 boys, who were most efficiently drilled in the public schools, and he (Lord Elcho) thought that we could not in this country do better than follow such an example. There was another, and no less important view of this question. There might be people who would be adverse to the establishment of military drill in schools, with the idea that it would keep pupils from their books and other branches of useful edu- cation; but such was not intended. On the other hand, however, they could show-indeed it was admitted on all hands—there was nothing so conducive to good health, nothing of more advantage to the body as well as the mind, as a proper amount of exercise. They could show that there was nothing of more advantage to a man in after life than the having been taught in early life the elements of drill. They all knew that girls were taught drill in our schools, and what for ? (Hear, hear.) Why, for the purpose of securing a proper physical development. (Hear.) EVEN QUAKERS ADOPTING MILITARY DRILL Let that alone be an answer to those who objected to military drill as a part of the education of our boys, and it was sufficient. But what would those who were objectors say to the fact that there was a school belong- ing to Quakers down in Yorkshire where military drill was taught? (Hear.) It could not be said that Quakers adopted military drill for war purposes. (Hear.) It was ^U6' 1,1 relieved, that in this Quakers' military school they had changed every word of command except one, and that they could not get over; that was the word "halt." This was evidence that military drill was useful, if only as a means of physical development; but there were practical gentlemen who were present, such as Mr. Edwin Chadwick, Mr. Tufnell, and others connected with the Council of Education under the Duke of Newcastle, who would show that elementary military drill not only produced the physical develop- ment, but had a wonderful effect also upon the moral improvement of children while at school and in after m, -rT i y ?Lknew the value of gymnastic exercises. The Duke of Wellingfcon had said it was Eton that had won Waterloo, in allusion to the development of the physical powers of those who came from there, arising from the exercise of manly sports. A BATCH OF TESTIMONIALS. They were joined in this movement by some of the highest authorities in the country. He had received several communications, expressing the opinions of no- blemen and gentlemen unable to be present. Lord Palmerston said: "I think your plan of introducing elementary drill at public schools as an auxiliary to cricket, foot-ball, fencing, leaping poles, and other out- door amusements, would deserve adoption." (Hear, hear.) The Bishop of London observed-" I fear it may be impossible for me to attend the meeting, but I beg to assure you that I take great interest in the ob- ject you have in view-namely, the establishment of preliminary drill in public schools." Lord Brougham remarked-" In answer to your inquiry, whether or not I approve of the steps proposed for establishing elemen- tary drill in public schools, I can say that it is impos- sible to approve them more entirely than I do, and you have my hearty good wishes for your success. I take for granted that due precautions will be used to prevent the studies and discipline of the school from being inter- fered with." Lord Lyndhurst, in his letter, said-" I entirely agree with you in the proposed measure. I think the effect will be excellent both as to the present and the future. Every day convinces me more and more that we shall act most unwisely if we should abate our exertions."

FATAL ACCIDENT ON THE EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY. On Monday morning, as usual, a fast train left Cam bridge at 7 o'clock. It consisted, besides engine, ten- der, and break-van, of first and second carriages only, and owing to the number of millers and other persons who travel from the Eastern Counties to attend the metropolitan corn and cattle-markets on Monday, was well filled. Having called at the various intermediate stations between Cambridge and Ponder's-end, it arrived at the latter place as nearly as possible at its proper time, 9.10. Leaving this station the train went upon its way, and not having to stop again until it reached Stratford, was, on nearing the station, at about 10.20, proceeding at the rate of between 35 and 40 miles' an hour. At this period, the passengers affirm, the train began to oscillate in a peculiar manner; and almost immediately a loud crash was heard, followed by shrieks, and groans. The greatest consternation pre- vailed and as soon as the train had come to a standstilf the uninjured passengers rushed from their carriages. A shocking scene presented itself. Engine, tender, and some of the carriages were heaped upon each other; while the most piteous groans emanated from the almost indescribable mass of ruins, and the steam from the engine enveloped everything in a dense mist. Of course, as soon as possible, every assistance was rendered, and the dead and wounded were taken from the wreck. This occupied a long period; for the car- riages had to be bro ken into fragments before the de- sired object could be accomplished. Several of the injured were conveyed to the waiting-rooms at the station, while others were placed upon ladders, boards, &c., and carried to the neighbouring taverns. The engine-driver, a middle-aged man named Rowell, was dug from the ruins terribly scalded and otherwise in- jured, and placed in the waiting-room. He could not speak, and although he still breathed, no hi *>>■, was entertained of him, and he died the next nigfí. The fireman, a young man named Barber, was smashed to pieces, and upon being recovered his body was taken to a room at the back of the station to await the co- roner's inquest. All the passengers in the broken carriages were necessarily more or less seriously wounded. Mr. Stokes, said to be a miller from Saffron Walden, was taken from the fragments of a first-class carriage, and con- veyed to the White Hart Inn. He was in an insensi- ble state, dreadfully injured, and never rallied dying apparently without much agony. Mr. Satchell, 'hatter, of Fenchurch-street, London (who some time ago lost his wife and child by fire), was also conveyed to t he White Hart, where, from the dreadful nature of his injuries, he also expired, although every possible medical assistance was rendered. Besides the above fatal cases and that of the driver, there were others which occasioned much anxiety. Professor Ellicott, of King's College, Cambridge, sus- tained a severe fracture of the leg and other inj uries. Mr. Taylor, of Bishop's-Stortford, who had been very badly injured in the knee and other parts of the body, was also sent home, accompanied by a surgeon. Others were compelled to remain at Tottenham. Among them is Mr. Hotchin, solicitor, who has both legs broken. He had travelled from Audley-end. There is also Mr. Manston, a miller of Hoddesdon, who was dreadfully injured, and underwent amputation of a leg with unusual fortitude. Mr. Garrett, also a miller of Hoddesdon, had his thigh broken in two places, and sus- tained serious internal injuries. The other most serious case known up to the present time is that of Mr. Bean, of Parndon; but there were about five very bad cases besides those above enumerated, the injured persons having been removed shortly after the accident. As soon as the calamity occurred, information was forwarded by telegraph to Stratford and the Shore- ditch terminus, and officers of the eampany proceeded to the spot with medical assistance. Upon the officials arriving means were adopted to prevent further ac- cidents and to ascertain the nature of that which had occurred. The locomotive-one of the most powerful on the line-had completely turned over, the wheels being up in the air, and had blocked up the whole of the roadway, while fragments of the broken carriages were strewn about in all directions. As far as can be ascertained, the catastrophe appears to have arisen from pure accident, occasioned by the breaking of the tire of the leading-wheel of the engine. The station-master at Tottenham states that he was on the platform about 9.20, when he saw the train ap- proaching. When it was a short distance from the station his attention was attracted to some gravel which was being thrown into the air by the wheels. The engine then began to roll about, left the metals, and was beginning apparently to right itself, when it caught the edge of the brick platform, ran up, and then descended, and ultimately turned over with great violence. Fortunately, the shock broke the coupling- iron of the third vehicle, and left the remainder of the train behind. These carriages—about eight in number -never left the metals, or the loss of life must have been fearful. As it was, however, a second-class and a first-class carriage which were nearest the engine were thrown over, and, with the break-van, smashed in the way described. The tire or the wheel was found about 160 yards from the spot where the engine turned over, and the line clearly indicated that the locomotive never left the metals until arriving at that spot. As in other accidents of a similar character, there were some strange escapes. The guard was buried alive in the rums, but was rescued comparatively unhurt; while in two cases two brothers were travel- ling together, one being dangerously injured, and the other escaping.

PERSONAL CLEANLINESS.— Miss Nightingale, in her recently published work, entitled "Notes on Nursing," gives the following excellent practical advice upon cleanliness. Her hints are well worth attention :— Compare the dirtiness of the water in which you have washed when it is co]d without soap, cold with soap, hot with soap. You will find the first has hardly removed any dirt at all, the second a little more, and the third a great, deal more. But hold your hand over a cup of hot water f-or a minute or two, and then, by merely rubbing with the finger, you will bring off flakes of dirt or dirty skin. After a vapour bath you may peel y°F in th is way. What I mean is that by simply washing or sponging with water you do not'really d™ skin. Take a rough towel, dip one corner in very ^spirit be added to it it will be more entctual — and then rub as if you were rubbing the towel into your skin with your fingers. The black flakes which will come ort will convince you that you were not clean before, however much soap and water you have used. These flakes are what reqiui-e removing. And you can really keep yourself cleaner with a tumbler of hot water and a rough towel and rubbing, than with a whole apparatus of bath and soap and sponge without rubbing. It is quite nonsense to say that anybody need bs dirty. Patients have been kept as clean by these means on a loiig voyage, when a basinful of water could not be afforded, and when they could not be moved out of their berths, as if all the appurtenances of home had been at hand. Washing, however, with a large quantity of water has quite other effects than those of mere cleanliness. The skin absorbs the water, and becomes softer and more perspirable. To wash with soap and soft water is, therefore, desirable from other points of view than that of cleanliness.