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GENERAL ELECTION IN GLAIOMAtfSHIRE.

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GENERAL ELECTION IN GLAIOMAtfSHIRE. __n — MR. A. J. WILLIAMS, M.P., AT BARRY. DR. DAYIES ON THE TITHE QUESTION. SERIOUS ALLEGATIONS AGAINST BARRY OFFICIALS. ENTHUSIASTIC PROCEEDINGS. A largely attended meeting was held in the Barry Public-hall on Friday evening in support of the Liberal member for the Southern Division of Glamorgan (Mr. Arthur J. Williams). Mr. Alderman J. C. Meggitt occupied the chair, and amongst others present (in addition to Mr. A. J. Williams, M.P.) w-re Dr. Enoch Davies, secretary of the Anti-Tithe Movement, Llandysul Dr. Kelly, Barry Mr. W. Williams. Captain Jones Rev. L. Williams, Rev. W. Tibbot. and Messrs. W. LI. Williams, B.A., Rev. Llechid. Williams, Sidney Davies, Dr. Powell. F. W. Taylor (Local Agent of the Liberal Association). M. G. McGregor, E. J. Thomas (solicitor). David Morgan, Henry Davies, John Thomas. W. Crisp. J. Davies. W. J. Flowers, S. Griffiths. Found. J. Jones, J. G. Rees, J. Rees, W. R. Hopkins, and D. Hamer. The Chairman said he would not make a speech as they had a somewhat long programme, and several gentlemen would speak as representing the district. In addition to their member, Mr. Arthur J. Williams—(cheers)—a gentlemen of whom they had read a great deal in connection with the Anti- Tithe movement in Wales would also address them. Dr. Davies was there, and was prepared to give them a rousing speech on that subject, and he (the chairman would be very sorry to interpose between the speakers and the meeting. He believed that their present representative in Parliament would continue to represent them after the election. (Hear, hear.) He was sorry Mr. Morgan Evans, chairman of the Cardigan- shire County Council, could not be present, as he was detained at home in connection with a School Board election. The country would be called upon to say who must govern in the future. Would they be content with the Government which had been representing, or rather misrepresenting —(hear, hear)—the country for the last six years, or would they seek to return a Government pledged to progress and reform. (Applause.) Mr. Arthur J. Williams, M.P., who was enthu- siastically received, said that the country would, within a fortnight, be called upon to express a judgment of the most momentous importance. The country would have to decide who would govern during the next few years. They should have to decide whether they would, or would not, send the present Government about its business. (A voice We will.") The Radical section of the Liberal party was growing year by year in •strength, not only in the country, but in the House of Commons. He believed that the Radicals would have a very much larger share in the shaping of the future of the Liberal party than it had had. (Applause.) The Dissentient Liberals had pledged themselves, as well as the Tories, that they would try a new way, and that coercion was no longer a possible means of governing Ireland. But they broke their pledges almost immediately after they were returned to power. ("' Shame.") For three years the Liberals, in spite of nightly protests, were obliged to submit to the passing of a Coercion Act, which was a standing infamy to the English Par- liament that passed it. and from the disgrace for which only they who had their solemn protests against it, were absolved. The Tory party thought the people had short memories, but they were not likely to forget those earlier years of the present Government. It was not the Crimes' Act which tranquilised Ireland, but the feel- ing which he found upon his visit to Ireland the people had, that the Liberals of England would see justice done to the Irish people. (Applause). It was being stated by the Tories that if the Welsh Nonconformists voted for Gladstonians they would by so doing be voting for the indefinite postponement of the question of Welsh Disestablishment and Disendowment. and secondly for the creation of a Roman Catholic domination in Ireland. The demand that the Church of England in Wales be put upon an equality with the chapels of the people, was a just one. (Applause). And it was desirable in order that the second item on the Newcastle Programme might be speedily realised that as soon as possible after the election a thoroughly responsible committee of thoroughly competent Welshmen should be appointed to consider and draw up a scheme for the appropriation of the tithes and other income which ought to be utilised for the common good. (Applause.) The sooner that was done the better. (Hear. hear.) He mentioned as the result of the efforts of the Welsh members the granting of an Intermediate Education Act for Wales. (Applause.) He certainlv thought that the control of the Liquor Traffic should be vested in the people. (Applause.) Mr. Williams referred to the imper- fections in the Local Government Bill, and com- mented upon the existence even yet of toll bars on the roads in that district. He was instrumental along with other Welsh members in obtaining a grant for Glamorganshire amounting to £3,000 per annum, with a view of getting turnpikes abolished, and yet, to his surprise, in driving to that meeting he came across several turnpikes. ("' Shame.") Referring to the threatened opposition of the House of Lords to the Home Rule Bill, Mr. Williams expressed his con- viction that it was quite time that that House was reformed or done away with, and said for his own part he had long ceased to see the value of a second chamber. (Cheers.) He did not believe in an hereditary legislature. (Hear, hear.) As an instance of how little humour there was in the English character, and how dangerous it was to try a little joke or chaff, because the English took everything seriously, Mr Williams narrated how one evening he was saying that he hoped his sons would stick to the principles which he and his forefathers had held for generations. That was serious, but then in joke he said that perhaps they even would be chosen to be Welsh members like himself-(heai-, kear) and now he was told that he was in favour of hereditary legislation. If they could get here- ditary legislators of the same principles as those he would be perfectly willing—if they were chosen by the people. (Applause.) If his son got into Parliament in 15 years, he expected he would have to be an even more advanced Radical than he (Mr. Williams) was. He would be chosen by the people, not nominated by a crowned head- (loud cheers)-not made a peer because he had killed so many men, not made a lord because he had been a too auccesaful lawyer, not made a peer because he had intrigued in politics, and not made a nobleman because he had deluged the country with beer. (Loud laughter and applause.) No, when his son came to be an hereditary legislator I he would have to appeal to a much larger suffrage than even that to which they were going to elect him by an overwhelming majority. (Loud cheers.) than even that tn which they were going to elect him by an overwhelming majority. (Loud cheers.) If they wanted the p .rty of progress to rule the country i i future if they wanted payment of members and real Local Government they should on the polling day take care to record their votes in such a manner a majority which would emphasise the Radicalism which was te be the governing force of the future. (Loud applause). Dr. Enoch Davies said he was there to tell them a little of the history of what is known as the "Anti-Tithe Movement in Wales." They were fighting a political battle in Cardiganshire and his sympathy was strongly in favour of the Radicals. He hoped they in South Glamorgan would again return Mr. Arthur Williams as their member. (Cheers). As Mr. Williams had said the second clause on the Liberal programme was the Disestab- lishment and Disendowment of the Church in Wales. They, the Welsh people, had spoken loudly and strongly on the question. Since the election of 1868 they had watched and waited patiently. The large majority of the members returned for Wales since that date were in favour of Disestablishment and Disendowment. but they had never been listened to. Their cries had never awakened the least attention from the English Government, and it was the feeling of despair thus caused which, he ventured to say, was the prime mover of the anti-tithe movement in Wales. If they could not obtain their rights by the ballot- boxes. what were they to do to resist the great injustice of collecting tithes (which were National property) towards a small, narrow, and bigoted sect.' The Welsh farmers in the West considered that it was inconsistent for them, as Noncon- formists, to pay tithes voluntarily towards the support of an Established Church. He main- tained—and he had great authority at his back— that they had a perfect right not to pay tithes voluntarily, and to say to the tithe-owner that he must go and distrain on their goods for the amount. (Hear. hear.) He had been sold up three times already, and he meant to be sold up twice every year. They paid about £300,000 a year in poor Wales towards maintaining an alien church amongst them. Did not they think that the money might be used for more national pur- poses than that ? (Loud cheers.) It had been said that their action was illegal, and he did not know what else, but he should like to read the opinion of Mr. Justice Wills on the legal aspect of the movement. Mr. Justice Wills said that the action of those who objected to pay tithe volun- tarily was lawful so long as they submitted to their goods being distrained upon. Yet although they acted in that legal and conscientious manner they were treated in a most unjust, unlawful, and harsh manner. The tithe war had shown distinctly that the same spirit of persecution was alive in the Church as it was when they used to burn their forefathers at Smithfield. He thought he could demonstrate that by giving a few cases out of many he could refer to of the cruel manner in which the farmers had been treated. A poor widow in Cardiganshire, nearly 70 years of age, owed £ 2 Os. 8d. for tithes. She failed to pay, and after 10 days' notice the bailiff distrained on one of her three cows, which was all the poor woman had between her and the workhouse. They destrained for that trumpery sum of £2 Os. 8d. on one of her cows valued at £8 12s. They tried to sell the cow, but to their great disappointment no one would buy. (Cheers.) Again they went with renewed force, and that time with two strangers with them who bought the cow for £4. He was a witness of that, and although about 400 or 500 stalwart men were in the farmyard thosel men stood quietly by looking at the two men and the bailiff taking the poor old woman's cow. The onlookers did not commit any breach of the peace, although present in such large numbers, and that he thought was a credit to the men of Wales. (Hear, hear.) There were only two policemen in the yard, yet that large crowd, although their hearts were burning, had sufficient resoluteness to stand by quietly. (Cheers.) The cow was taken to Cardigan, and the old woman has never seen it since. The most cruel part of it was that she went to the County Court Judge, and asked him if she could not demand an account of the sale of the cow which was valued at £8 12s., seeing that the tithe due with costs was only £2 Os. 8d. but from that day she had not received a penny or any statement of account whatever. C Shame.") The law said distinctly that when a person dis- trained it should be upon a reasonable quantity, and that the sale must take place within a reason- able time of the distraint. Dr. Davies then instanced, amid loud cries of shame," cases where hay to the amount of £400 was distrained on for £16 18s. tithes, and where growing corn had been distrained upon and left to rot before it was sold. In another case a distraint was made on the 19th March, 1889, on a stack of corn in a yard and on a rick of hay. and they had never been near since. The hay, of course, was destroyed, and the corn had been eaten up by vermin. Shame," and hisses.) Why should the farmers of Wales be treated in that cruel manner ? Such a persecuting spirit was intolerable, and he hoped that when the new Parliament was -formed, and the Liberal Government was in power, that they would soon have a Bill to disendow and disestablish that alien Church. (Loud applause.) Dr. Kelly moved— That this meeting desires to express its unaba.ted confidence in Arthur J. Williams, Esq., M.P. as the representative of the Southern Division of Glamor- ganshire, and hereby thanks him for his past services and his unswerving fidelity to Liberal principles, and pledges itself to use every legitimate effort to return him again at the forthcoming election, so that he might assist Mr. Gladstone in eiving Home Rule to Ireland, to Disestablish the Church in Wales, and to pass the just and wise measures known as the New- castle Programme. He said there was no Irishman worthy of the name that would not esteem it one of the greatest honours to be allowed to move that resolution. The Irish nation had watched with zealous care the conduct of every Liberal member of Parliament during the past session, and the result of their observations had been that they had found in Mr. Arthur J. Williams one of the staunchest friends of Ireland in the House of Commons, (Cheers.) To-day they found that three sections of the great Celtic family—the Welsh, the Irish, and the Scotch—were weilded together in one solid mass to advance the prin- ciples of right and justice to the three nationalities named. (Applause.) The Tories were making all sorts of misstatements, misrepresentations, and glaring falsehoods screwed together by screws plentifully supplied at Birmingham. (Laughter.) He concluded by asserting that there would be no danger whatever in granting Home Rule to Ireland. (Cheers.) Mr. Watkin Williams, in seconding the resolu- tion, said that Mr. Williams' past services were quite a sufficient guarantee that his future would be right. (Applause.) He (Mr. Watkin Williams) trusted that the Disestablishment and Disendowment of the Church in Wales would soon be brought about. (Hear, hear.) If the Church of England was the Church of Christ, it had nothing to fear from Disestablish- ment and Disendowment; and if that Church was not the Church of Christ, the sooner it be removed the better. The Church of Christ would thrive come what may. He denounced the collection of tithes, for the Church by means of policemen and red- coats, and pointed out that unless the contributions in support of the Church were made voluntarily, they would not be acceptable to God. (Hear, hear.) He cordially seconded the resolution, and said he was sure Mr. Arthur J. Williams' majority would be greater at the next election. (Applause.) Mr. H. Davies expressed his pleasure in sup- porting the resolution at seeing in the South Wales Star of last week reports of Mr. Arthur J. Williams' speeches, from which he found that Mr. Williams was a pronounced Republican. He was very pleased to hear that night what Mr. Williams' views were in respect to the House of Lords. (Cheers.) They would find that the House of Lords had in ever way tried to obstruct legisla- tion for the bennt of working men. No matter how reasonable an Act passed by the Commons for the benefit of the working classes was the Lords would fight it to the bitter end, and would not give in until they saw that the country was on the verge of a revolution After citing several eases where the Upper House had thrown out popular measures Mr. Davies said that in 1871 the Ballot Act was rejected by the Lords who were later obliged to pass it. He was confident that if the Ballot had been used at the last Local Board election of theirs that the gentlemen who was chairman of the Local Board to-day would not be in the position which he held. (Hear, hear). Owing to the method of voting some of the workmen were more timid than others, and were afraid that they would see their votes at the Local Board Office. In 1887, however, they found that the Tory Government introduced a Coercion Act for Ireland, but the Lords would not throw it out. (Laughter.) That showed, to his mind, that the Lords were not legislators for the working classes, but for the classes, and he thought that if they did away with the House of Lords before dealing with Home Rule, they would save the country a lot of time. (Hear, hear, and applause.) He strongly urged all working men to vote for Mr. Arthur J. Williams. (Applause.) Mr. Taylor said that he wanted to draw their attention to what he was given to understand was going on, viz., that certain of the leading officials of the Barry Compony were engaged in personally canvassing the district. Now, he considered that, for a leading official of the Barry Company or any other company in that district, to personally canvass the men in his employ, was a thing which was not right. It was a mean thing to do, and it was a scandal. It was distinctly a deliberate attempt to coerce men into selling their political birthright. The men gave the employer an equiva- lent before they received their wage#, and no employer should try to influence the votes of his workmen. He said that a man was justified in being a hypocrite under such circumstances. A man might promise to vote, but no one could see how he Voted. He was present at the counting of the votes at the Local Board Election, and there he saw a leading official of the Barry Dock Company looking at the papers to see how the men had voted. He thought that if the officials had the same opportunity with the ballot- boxes they would do the same. But they had the ballot, and he asked them to turn out in large numbers on the day of the poll. and return Mr. Robinson—(laughter)—Mr. Williams, he meant. The resolution was then put and carried amid cheers, the Chairman putting to the contrary, and only four hands being held up. Mr. Williams thanked the meeting for the cordial vote, and said they had work to do. It was necessary that every working man and every true lover of independence and of freedom should exert himself. For his part he would resist anything like an attempt to interfere with the personal independence of a man and his conscience, and he would tell them that if they were worthy of their vote they would not stand any interference with their rights as electors. One thing they may count upon. If they were inter- fered with if there was the slightest suspicion of it only let him (Mr. Williams) know, and he would appeal to the widest circle of public opinion against it. (" Hear. hear," and applause.) Were they to get their rights as voters to have them stamped out by officialism (Applause, and loud cries of "No.") If what Mr. Taylor said was correct, he (Mr. Williams) said at once that it was utterly unworthy of the great Corporation that they should allow any official occupying a position of trust and responsibility to interfere in a con- tested Parliamentary election. (Loud cheers.) The time was very near at hand when very decided steps would be taken to prevent that sort of interference. ("' Hear, hear." and applause.) He could conceive of nothing more unworthy than for any man who was an employer of labour to in any way attempt to influence the votes of those whom he employed. There was nothing more mean, nothing more contemptible, except where there was the still more unworthy evasion of men occupying a high position not themselves appearing upon the scene but shifting the responsibility upon their subor- dinates. They would not stand it. (Loud applause). Let them go to his open-air meeting to-morrow that they might take counsel and find courage together, and let them sweep away by their votes any pretence of interference with their indepen- dence. (Loud and continued applause). The hon. member concluded by moving a vote of thanks to the Chairman and Dr. Davies, which having been put was carried amid cheers and the meeting ter- minated. MEETING AT BARRY DOCK, SPEECHES BY MR. ARTHUR WIL- LIAMS, COUNCILLOR CLIFFORD CORY, DR. LLOYD-EDWARDS, &c. On Saturday afternoon a meeting of the electors of Barry Dock was held at Holton-road Baptist Chapel. The meeting had been planned to be held in the open air. and the first part of the proceed- ings was so held, but the rain coming on heavily the meeting adjourned to the chapel, which was crowded with an enthusiastic audience. Mr. Clifford Cory, C.C., presided, and amongst those present were Mr. A. J. Williams, M.P.. Alderman Meggitt, Dr. O'Donnell, Dr. Lloyd- Edwards, Rev. G. Ll. Williams, Rev. J. Honey, and Messrs. W. LI. Williams, Mr. F. Taylor (secretary of the Liberal Association), D. J. Lloyd, J. A. Manaton, G. Lewis, Harrison, Flowers, Westacott, Jones, Morris, Morgan, D. Davies, Morgan Smith, &c. The Chairman, who on rising to address the meeting, was warmly received, said it gave him great pleasure to support Mr. Williams's candida- ture. There was not one of the Welsh members in whom he took a greater interest—perhaps because he had a better chance to watch the progress of his political career. He remembered when he first presented him- self to that constituency. He was then simply unknown, but he made a manly and determined fight against his antagonist. To-day he was an old Parliamentary hand. Mr. Williams had repre- sented that constituency since the redistribution of seats gave it a separate representative. He had stuck to them, and he did not think they would be induced to part with him. (Applause.) They had not found Mr. Williams wanting in any respect, and it would be folly to have a change. Another reason against a change was the appeal made by Mr. Gladstone in his manifesto. That was almost sufficient to do so alone. (Hear, hear.) When he reminded them of his 60 years of public life; when they remembered what he had done for the people and when they remembered that it was probably the last time he would solicit the suffrages of the people, he hoped the people would reward him by returning him by an overwhelm- ing majority, so that he might be enabled to pass a Home Rule Bill, and satisfy the aspirations of the Irish people. (Applause.) They had heard a good deal of the Loyal minority of Ulster, but it was difficult to understand in what their loyalty consisted, when they heard of the proposed resort to arms against the decisions of Parliament. Lord Londonderry called it Ulsteria," and he (Mr. Cory) thought it resembled hysteria." (Laughter.) Mr. Arthur Williams, who received quite an ovation from those present, said it was impossible for him to speak of the work gone through or the whole of those things with which the Liberal party would have to deal, but he would touch upon a few. First of all, was the coming election. They had heard what had taken place—how the Liberals had been asking the Tory Government to let them have a chance by going to the people. At the last moment the Liberal members helped them so as to have an early dissolution. To their great surprise, the Irish members also helped them, and Mr. Balfour and his followers looked round and found everything had been done in the House of Com- mons so that they might have a Saturday poll. But the House of Lords had always been a convenient House for the Tory party. (Laughter.) As in 1884, when Mr. Gladstone gave them a vote, the House of Lords was always ready to hinder any beneficial legislation for the people, and the House of Lords was brought in on this occasion. It was impossible, said Mr. Balfour, to get the Bills before the House through in less than ten days. They passed them in the House of Commons in four or five days, but the House of Lords was entirely different from the House of the People. They were told that they must work in the House of Commons, and they had honestly tried to do work. They had stayed up often till six o'clock in the morning during the passing of the present Government Irish Coercion Act, and that was work the represen- tatives of the people were expected to do, but in the gilded chamber, where the hereditary peers were not chosen by the voice of the people, but because they built up great fortunes from the people, they had the successful brewers, chosen because they had made millions by brewing, it was very different. If they could not have the election on a Monday they said Saturday was the next best day. Of course he was going to have a big majority, but he wanted a big crushing majority. The Tories said Satur- day was not to be the day because so much drunkenness exists on Saturday. They also said the Jews would not be able to record their votes on a Saturday. (Laughter.) For fifty years the Tories had been doing their best to prevent the Jews sitting for Parliament. There was one matter about which he felt most deeply. A ques- tion had come to the front as to what provision should be made for those toilers who had gone past work. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Chamberlain propounded a scheme by which the working man was to pay down £5 when he was sixteen years of age, and one-twentieth of his gross income up to the age of sixty-five, and then he would get 5s. a week. But it would not be a question of putting down £5 — it would not be a question to save and scrape, so that a working man, with barely sufficient to properly feed and clothe his family. should put money by from his miserable pittance. He (the speaker) was tired of this cant of thrift. (Loud cheers.) He told them that with the enormous wealth of this country—the wealth which the working classes produced—(loud cheers) —there must be some broader, greater, and more generous measure than that propounded by Mr. Joseph Chamberlain. (Hear, 1; -ar.) He did not intend putting forward Socialistic opinions, but the Liberal party could not evade these questions, and must provide something better than the present wretched Poor Law system, and something better than Mr. Chamberlain's £ 5 scheme. In conclusion, Mr. Williams dealt with the ques- tion of labour candidates and payment of members and said Mr. Burns and Mabon both were working men, and he considered them two of the ablest men in the House of Commons. (Applause). Mr. D. J. Lloyd proposed the following resolu- tion :— That this meeting expresses its unabated confidence in Mr. A. J. Williams, M.P., as the representative of the Southern Division of Glamorganshire, and pledges itself to again return him with an increased majority at the forthcoming election. Mr. Lloyd exposed the fallacy of Fair Trade, and said that Free Trade came even before Home Rule—self-preservation was the llrstlaw 01 nature. He strongly condemned Lord Salisbury's recent utterances on the subject, and warned the working men that if they allowed Fair Trade they would be the sufferers. It could never be too clearly understood that the tariffs raised on a country's imports would be paid for, not by the manufacturers, but by the consumers. Let them take tea, for instance. The duty paid on tea was not paid by the manufacturers, but by the work- ing men and others who drank the tea. (Cheers.) Talking of that, he wished to say that he was not in favour of these indirect taxes, but he believed in a free breakfast table. (Loud cheers.) In answer to a question, Mr. Lloyd said that he was also in favour of the Disestablishment of the Church, for the Church would be a better Church when she was disentangled from the State. (Ap- plause.) Mr. D. Davies seconded in a vigorous speech. As a Trades'L'nionist he could heartily support Mr. Williams who was a thorough working man's friend, and a Radical in the true sense of the word. (Applause.) The Rev. J. Honey in a very earnest speech sup- ported the resolution, and dealt with several topics at some length. Touching on the Church question, he said he was not hostile to the Church of England, nor did he want the Church of England to be weakened. He did not think it right that any part of the Christian Church should be under the domination of the State. (Ap- plause.) Dr. Lloyd Edwards, in the course of a very neat speech, said the Liberals would be returned to power judging by the results of the bye-elections which had taken place since the present Govern- ment took office. Twenty seats had been gained by the Liberal, whilst the Tories had only wrested two from the Liberals. (Applause.) The resolution was put to the meeting and carried, only three hands being held up against it, two out of the three being boys about twelve years of age. Mr. Williams returned thanks for the manner in which the resolution had been received and carried. Votes of thanks were passed, on the motion of Mr. Taylor, to the chairman for presiding, and to Mr. Menaton for erecting a platform, and the pro- ceedings terminated. — MR. ARTHUR WILLIAMS, M.P., AT IIAFOD. On Monday evening Mr. Arthur J. Williams, M.P., visited Hafod, and addressed an enthusiastic meeting of the electors, held under the presidency of the Rev. J. Williams, at the Hafod Board Schools. The hon. member, "who was most cordially received, dwelt mainly on the Irish question, his remarks being all the more interesting from the fact that they were illustrated by a large map of Ireland. to which the speaker frequently referred. He spoke of the admirable assistance given to the representatives of Wales during the past session by the Irish members. It was all very well to speak of religious intolerance, but there were no fewer than 12 Protestant members of Parlia- ment returned by overwhelmingly Catholic con- stituencies in Ireland—(cheers)—and the Irish members were enthusiastically in favour of giving Welsh Dissenters their rights. It was as monstrous a calumny and slander to say that the Catholics of Ireland were going to ill-treat, and persecute, and oppress and tyran- nise over their Protestant fellow-countrymen as if a similar bogey were raised in England and Wales when they asked for power to manage their own affairs. (Loud cheers.) It was idle nonsense to suppose that even if they wished to do it, England would permit for a moment anything like unfair treatment of Protestants of Ulster, or anywhere else. It was simply because they knew in Ulster that these men Jwho had I been fighting for the three or four millions of Catholics that had been downtrodden and op- pressed, fighting for their freedom from this this oppression, would, as soon as they got into power, no doubt insist that Antrim, and Ulster, and Connaught, and Gal- way, and Dublin, and all Ireland should, as in all justice and fairness it ought to be, be all on one level of equal political, equal social, equal religious rights, that all this opposition was raised. This was all they would ever ask for, and this was what Ulster, he was ashamed to say, wished to resist. Lord Salisbury had had the wicked audacity to say that Ulster would do right to resist—(" Shame ")—but this shameful utter- ance only disclosed the real nature of the man who would never again, after the next month, occupy the position of Premier of England. Councillor W. Spickett, Pontypridd, and others addressed the meeting, and a vote of confidence in the hon. member was carried amid acclammation. Subsequently Mr. Arthur Williams addressed a crowded meeting at the Primitive Methodist Chapel. Pwllgwaun, Pontypridd. Mr. James Spickett presided, and here again a vote of confi- dence was carried with absolute unanimity. MR. ARTHUR J. WILLIAMS AT GILFACH GOCH. A UNANIMOUS VOTE. j LABOUR REPRESENTATION. A very largely attended meeting twas held in support of the candidature of Mr. Arthur J. Williams for the Southern Division of Glamor- ganshire was held on Tuesday evening in the Xoddfa Baptist Chapel, GilfaCh Goch. Mr. David Evans (Alaw Myrddin) was voted to the chair, and amongst those present (in addition to Mr. Arthur J. Williams, M.P.) were Messrs. Jenkin Evans, Owen Williams, Evan Evans, Robert Evans, Abraham Edmund, and John Jenkins. The Chairman, in opening the meeting, referred to the excellent manner in which Mr. Arthur J. Williams had represented the division in Parlia- r ment, and strongly advised the electors to again return him by a larger majority than ever. (Ap- plause.) Mr. Arthur J. Williams, M.P., who was most cordially received, on rising to address the meet- ing, expressed his regret that his colleagues in the House of Commons, Messrs. S. T. Evans and W. Abraham, were unable to be present that evening, and testified to the excellent manner in which those gentlemen had discharged their duties to their constituents. He was sorry to hear that Mr. Abraham was ill, and was sure the meeting would sympathise with Mabon in that anxiety. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Abraham had been tried for six years as a representative, and no member had represented Welsh interests, Welsh people, and Welsh colliers in such a way as Mabon. (Loud applause.) His speeches were listened to with marked attention. Nobody had done more than Mabon to make the Welsh character thoroughly understood by the English, Scotch, and Irish. (Applause.) For the third time he (Mr. Williams) was on Friday week going to rout the Tories high and thigh. (Loud applause.) He did not care for Tory fictions or for Tory canvassing, or for Tory managers in colliery districts, or Tory employers wherever they were, as he represented the people, and was chosen by them. He had served them faithfully for six years, and had not turned or swerved from the path of duty. (Hear, hear, and applause.) He was told that his opponent had canvassed every house in the Rhondda, side of the Division. Well, let him canvass Sir Morgan Morgan would not do much by canvassing. It was not a very noble way of getting votes. He (Mr. Williams) had fought three great fights—one at Birkenhead and two in that Division, and he had never asked a man in his life for his vote, nor would he. He tried to tell them what he thought, and what he wanted the Government to do. He explained to the best of his power—in speech and writing—what his views were, but he would not descend to the mean and ignoble task of asking and carrying favour with individual electors. He (Mr. Williams) knew it was not a wise course, and that if they found him doing it the electors would not have a very high opinion of him. He ventured to hope that six years of faithful, loyal, and con- stant service, true to principle, and steadfastness in his faith, had more and more won for him, not only the confidence of his electors, but their affectionate regard. (Loud cheers.) When he was first chosen in 188;; he told the Three Hundred—who chose him unanimously—to let it be clearly understood when he was their member that he would be under no obligation to them, nor they to him, and that the matter of subscriptions— which was lowering and humiliating to both sides —was a matter which he must keep to himself. He had stuck to that. (Cheers.) Considering that whatever he did in the way of subscriptions and charities was a private matter, and had nothing in the world to do with his political position. (Cheers.) His opponent's address was out, and it was clear that he was not going to help them to obtain Disestablishment and Dis- eddowment of the Church of England in Wales, or any other Liberal measures. He (Mr. Williams) was glad to say & larger number of Labour can- didates were contesting seats at this election than ever. (Applause.) The experience of the last six years had taught the country And their leaders that if they wished to work out the great questions of labour they had better take into their council in the House of Commons as many good and true working men as they could lay hold of. (Loud cheers.) He believed the next would be the most Radical Parliament which had ever met at West- minster. (Hear, hear.) During the last few years new ideas had been springing up—some not quite right, and others quite right. What were those new ideas I Were they questions affecting manufac- turers, the great squires, or the great landowners ? No they were questions which the working people of the country had raised, now that they had got votes and power. (Applause.) Mr. Williams commented at length upon the pro- gress of legislation in favour of the working classes, and contrasted the present condition of the law with that in force when the death penalty was enacted for small thefts. By degrees the laws had been amended and brought to their present state, when working men were beginning to take an intelligent interest in in politics, and when they saw what enormous questions still remained to be dealt with. They were only at the beginning of the new revolution. (Hear, hear.) Still it was as well to look sometimes. It was not 20 years since trades' unionism was illegal, and yet at the present moment it was the most powerful influence in the country. He believed that the right to combine would be more fruitful for good in this country than any other right, and not long ago there were laws which prevented combination. But the right to combine was even yet not perfect, but the Tory Government—which was disappearing that day, and would probably go for ever—(cheers)—refused to pass Mr. E. Robertson's resolution. He thought nothing would do so much good as combination in every trade — in manufactories, collieries, factories, in the Post-office and telegraph depart- ments, and in Government offices. (Cheers.) Now that the great body of the people had votes, and that the House of Commons was elected by the people, he did not see any reason why certain labour questions should not be decided by Parliament without waiting for the trade com- binations to settle them. One thing they might very well experiment upon would be the question about the hours of labour. Some people objected to Parliament dealing with such questions, and said that they should go on combining in the different trades, contending that the 1 rades Unions could better deal with those questions than Parliament, but he believed they would eventually come round to his way of thinking, as they would probably find that Parliament could deal with ithose subjects in a much quicker and more effectual manner. (Applause.) All ques- tions affecting labour would turn upon two or three fundamental points. First of all, how long ought workmen to work. Secondly, under what conditions ought they to work as to payment; and thirdly, what should be the relations between the employer and employe. Generally, as to the hours of labour each trade, no doubt, would have to try experiments for itself, and he thought they could not do better than begin with underground work. Then as to wages, the unions would also have to deal with that. He believed that within a very short time the unions would become so powerful as to be irresistible, and that wage questions would be settled without recourse to strikes. (Applause.) He believed, too, that when the workmen found their combinations had become irresistible they would have the loyalty not to insist upon un- reasonable terms, and that they would appoint men of trust, knowledge, and experience, from amongst themselves, who would deal justly between capital and labour. It was idle talking of Boards of Con- ciliation until the trade combined in such a way as to be irresistible, for there would be no conciliation (judging from past experience) until the capitalists felt that the working men were too strong to be resisted. (Hear, hear.) Then there would be no intimida- tion and no attempt to influence their votes. —(cheers)—and they would be able to express their opinions without being afraid that someone was carrying their utterances to someone else. Mr. Williams then explained his views regarding a national pension scheme. He criticised at length Mr. Chamberlain's scheme, and, as a suggestion of how to raise funds to pension the aged, said that they might easily get f 100,000 a year in Glamor- ganshire alone by taxing royalties and ground rents. (Applause.) Mr. Williams concluded with a brief review of the work accomplished by the Welsh members since 1886, and expressed the gratitude which he said was due to Mr. Gladstone —(cheers)—the Liberal party genenerally, and the Irish members for the assistance which they had rendered to the Welsh representatives. Mr. Williams commented shortly upon Lord Salisbury's address. pointing out the absurdity of the Prime Minister's references to Ulster. He concluded by asserting that after Home Rule was granted Ireland would be loyal, contended, and prosperous. (Loud applause.) On the motion of Mr. Abraham Edmund, seconded by Mr. John Jenkin, and supported by Mr. Jenkin Evans, a vote of confidence in Mr. Arthur J. Williams, and of thanks to him for his past services, was carried unanimously, amid loud cheers.—In seconding the vote, Mr. John Jenkin advised each voter to take a warm interest in the contest, and to do his best to get everyone to register his vote. He said there were a large num- ber of voters in the district who did not attend any political meetings at all, and who took very little interest in such matters. He thought it was the duty of every Liberal to endeavour to convince such voters of the desirability of supporting Mr. Williams, (Applause.) For himself he believed that Mr. Williams would be returned by a majority of more than 2,000. (Loud applause.)—Mr. A. J. Williams acknowledged the vote, and expressed his pleasure at the large attendance that evening. He ventured to say it would be many a year before a Tory Government mismanaged the affairs of the country again, and pointed out that the Tories had never been in power since 1832 by a real majority. He moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, and to the officers for allowing the Chapel to be used for the meeting.—The vote was cordially passed, and the meeting ended. IRISH NATIONAL LEAGUE AND MR. A. J. WILLIAMS. A meeting of the John Mandeville Branch of the Irish National League of Great Brittain was held at the School-Chapel, Barry Dock, on Sunday last, Dr. O'Donnell, president, in the chair. The following resolution was proposed by the chair- man :—" That we, the Irishmen and Friends of Ireland in this district, pledge ourselves to use every constitutional means in our power to further increase the majority of the sitting member, Mr. A. J. Williams, at the forthcoming election, thereby showing our approval of his policy towards Ireland."—The resolution, seconded by the vice- president, Mr. Owen M'Cann, and supported by Messrs. McDonnell and Hartnell, was carried unanimously. A committee of eighteen was formed, the mem- bers of which signified their intention not to lose a single Irish vote on the polling day. A deputation will visit Penarth on Sunday next to confer with the Irishmen of that town and district, and appoint a committee for election purposes. The hon. sec. was instructed to forward £1 to the executive towards the General Election Fund. All who wish to join the above branch, providing they are approved by the members, may do so any Sunday at 12.30 a.m., by applying to Mr. J. McDonnell, hon. sec., 43, Regent-street, Barry Dock. MR. A. J. WILLIAMS' CANDIDATURE.—AN APPEAL TO TRADES' UNIONISTS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SOUTH WALES STAR. SIR,—Kindly allow m;, through the medium of your valuable columns, to urge upon all Trades' Unionists, and particularly those interested in the shipping industries, to support Mr. A. J. Williams, M.P., at the forthcoming general election, and to further warn them against being misled by the mis- representation of Sir Morgan Morgan and the Tory party. In this part of the division there are a great number of voters on the register who belong to the seafaring community. Some of these are at present going to sea for a livelihood, but the majority have employment about the dock, and may at any moment go back to their previous occupation, viz., that of seamen consequently they would participate in the incon- veniences which are sought to be remedied should the right men be returned to the House of Commons. During the next session of Parliament various measures of reform are to be in- troduced in reference to the Merchant Shipping Acts. I refer to Bills to amend the payment of Wages and Rating Act, 1880 to amend the accommodation pro- vided for seamen on merchant ships to amend and alter the constitution of Local Marine Boards; to amend the law with reference to the conveyance home of distressed seamen: to prevent deck-loading of timber in winter; and to limit the amount in summer to 3ft. on the upper decks of steamers and sailing vessels from the Baltic and Atlantic ports; to amend the payment of Wages and Rating Act (clause 10, sec. 3), 1880, re "Desertion and absence without leave;" to amend the law with reference to the provisions sup- plied to seamen; to amend the law with reference to the manning of ships, &c. To be successful it is absolutely necessary that we should give our support to those whose sympathies lie with the working classes, and not with the aristocrats and capitalists. In Mr. A. J. Williams, M.P., we have the nearest approach to a Labour candidate outside the ranks of the Labour party it is possible to conceive. He has taken up the seamen's cause on various occasions in the House of. Commons, notably in the cases of the &.8. Cadoxton, ahip Gracde*, steamship Raleigh, and the steamship Lizzie English, and whenever he has been communi- cated with on matters relating to the working classes in general he has always forwarded courteous replies per return. Again, unlike Sir Morgan Morgan he is prepared to give a straightforward answer to questions put by working men. I attended the meeting held at the Cadoxton Public Hall on the 27th inst. in support of Sir Morgan Morgan's candidature, for the purpose of hearing that gentleman speak, and was surprised to find he did not come to any point of decision through- out the whole of his arguments. He was supported by Mr. Carslake Thompson, who confined himself entirely to the question of refusing to grant Home Rule to the Irish people, by quoting passages from speeches and communications from various public men which suited his own purpose or that of his party. After asking the candidate whether he was in favour of further legislation for sea- men (he having referred to the life of a sailor in his opening remarks), and quoting the inconvenience and poverty caused by the present system of allot- ments, the seaman only being able to leave half pay for the maintenance of his wife and family which means £1 10s. per month, the sanction of the owner being also necessary at the time of engagement, and also pointing out the necessity of amending the law to enable the seaman to leave two-thirds of his earnings per month in place of half by legal enactment to enable!his family to procure the common necessaries of life during his absence without the owner being empowered to refuse to grant same. I was informed by him "that whatever I required he would do, providing he was returned as the representative 2, South Glamorgan to the House of Commons." This undoubtedly was a gallant leply for the 11 Jubilee Knight" to give, and I dare say he thought so. It is not for the working-classes to be content with such evasive replies as this, but to demand a straight- forward and satisfactory explanation on the part of the candidate as to his future action prior to his going to the poll, in place of, as Sir Morgan Morgan puts it, "after he is returned." It is too late then. Now is the time, and I trust the seafaring community who are on the register will rallv round your old and tried friend, A. J. Williams, Esq., M.P., also that the Trades' Unionists of the division will do likewise, in order to return him with- such an overwhelming majority to convince the party of "County and Booze" (who, by the way. are supported by the clergy and several Nonconformist ministers of the Gospol) that the stronghold of Radicalism in South Glamorgan is as impregnable as the Rock of Gibraltar. Thanking you in anticipation,—I am, &c., J. HARRISON, Sec. Barry Branch N.A.S & F.U. Kingsland-ercscent, Barry Dock, June 28th, 1892. ♦- SIR MORGAN MORGAN AT CADOXTON. LIVELY MEETING. [BY DUKE."] I went to Sir Morgan Morgan's meeting on Monday night mainly to see whether the Jubilee Knight really felt the confidence he professes in the certainty of his election. I give him credit for leaving no stone unturned to secure his election. On the way to the meeting I was told that he and his local agent had been made members of the Royal Antedeluvian Order of Buffaloes, and the blush of pride was still rosy on his cheek when I first saw him on the platform at the Public-hall, Cadoxton. A pleasant and genial man Sir Morgan seems to be—quite different from the blood and thunder sort of political ruffian one would think he was from his speeches. And he has a nice, soft voice which is suggestive of afternoon teas and Primrose dames of high degree. A carpet knight Sir Morgan, heard at his best, talking politics and scandal alternately at a Primrose League fete when the conjurer ceases conjuring, and the nigger min- strel is at rest. The bluff and jolly magistrate from St. Fagans occupied the chair, supported on the right by the Unionist candidate, on his left by Mr. Rees Morris, the popular and cheery local Conser- vative agent. It was sad to see Canon Allen on the same platform with politicians of the same stamp as Mr. Carslake Thompson, and I thought the liberal-minded Church- man, whose influence and example have always been on the side of tolerance and the cessation of religious bitterness, did not look exactly happy or in his element when he heard one speaker after another appeal to the worst prejudices and sectarian passions of the audience. I could not help thinking at the time of the difference between the appeals of Mr. Arthur Williams and his rival. "Grant Home Rule to Ireland," says Mr. Williams confide to the Irish nation the regulation of their own destinies, and they will show themselves worthy of the trust. Class hatred, factious sectarianism, provincial jealousies, racial animosities will disappear like an evil dream, and Ireland will be a nation once again —a happy and an united nation." Give Home Rule to Ireland," says Sir Morgan, and you will be handing over the Protestant minority to the mercies of the Catholic majority. You Noncon- formists of Wales have always looked upon the Catholics as your natural enemies continue to do so, for such they are they are not to be trusted. If you give them power they will abuse it, and will oppress your fellow-Nonconformists." The one appeals to the nobler nature,the more generous instincts of humanity to the faith one man and one nation should have in the honesty and rectitude of another the other appeals to the lower and the baser nature of man, to the barbaric distrust of one's fellow-man, which, in ancient Rome, made the name of "stranger" and "enemy" synony- mous, and which, in these latter days of civilisa- tion and education, tries to refuse justice to a sister nation on the ground that Catholics are our natural enemies." Truly, Lecky was right in his diagnosis of parties. Liberalism is the outcome of the generous instincts of mankind, of its optinism, its confidence, its trust in human nature: Toryism of the cautiousness, the pessimism, the distrust in new institutions, new ideas, new measures. In South Glamorgan Liberalism and Toryism have found excellent exponents. After a few well-chosen words from the Chair- man, the genial Buff rose to address the meeting. At first Sir Morgan really thought that the well-filled hall was full of his own supporters, and his heart swelled within him. I must confess it was a well-dressed crowd. "Top hats," white waistcoats, and sporting costumes were frequent, and one or two working men who had come in, their every day clothes looked, and probably felt, quite out of place in such an aristocratic gathering. After a bit, however, the Tory candidate found out that the crowd he was addressing was a mixed one. This flurried him a little, and he began talking of the Reform Act of 1834." What he meant no one knew, but the men with the top hats, and those with the sporting gaiters, cheered tremendously. When the name of Balfour was mentioned there was a regular storm of cheers, hisses, and hooting which lasted for several minutes. Waxing eloquent Sir Morgan'de- clared that he publicly challenged anyone to prove that the present Government had not done more for the working classes in six years than the Liberals had during the century." The derisive laughter that met this challenge rather nettled the genial Buff. "Look at Lancashire," he said. There you find a vast proportion of the members are Tories. In Lancashire they are ahead of you down here—there they read for themselves and think for themselves —a very left-handed com- pliment indeed to the men whose suffrages he seeks. I would be ashamed to ask the suffrages of an iln- reading, unthinking electorate, and I would be still more ashamed to represent them in Parlia- ment. As for Home Rule." he went on to say, I confess I don't know what it means," and then he proceeded to give details of the measure. The Irish will then have their own customs and their own navy," he said—at which there were shrieks of laughter and a mocking voice was heard above the din. Fair play — Sir Morgan said he did not know what it was." Then followed the one good thing Sir Morgan said. Well," he said, if any of you know any- thing about it, come on the platform and explain it." Mr. Balfour then came in for a pat on the back. Never in the whole course of history," said Sir Morgan with the confidence born of ignorance and blind faith in Tory leaflets, has there been such a successful bit of statesmanship as Mr. Balfour's Irish Government." To our sur- prise, we heard that Mr. Balfour, the man responsible for the death of John Mandeville; who defended the Mitchelstown massacre who stood up for the man who had wired orders to the soldiery, "Do not hesitate to shoot;" who had imprisoned Wm. O'Brien and John Dillon, and countless others for crimes that were no crimes, — we heard him described as having been good and kind to all." I could not help thinking of the old saying, "I don't doubt his kind intentions, but why did he kick me downstairs ? A working man, sitting in the front, got rather impatient at this sort of thing, and so shouted out, What about Dis- establishment Then the Buffalo went on the rampage. The meek voice tried to borrow a. war- like ring from somewhere, and the mild face tried to put on a die-in-the-last-ditch" look. It didn't quite come off, but no doubt, with the aid of a good reporter whose soul is not, like the old Emperor's, xi/prr <7ramuinticam, it will look very brave and spirited and heroic in print. You Nonconformists of Wales," he said, you who think so much of religious equality, do you know what you are going to do ? You are going to hand over to the tender mercies of your natural enemies one and a half millions 11 of your fellow Nonconformists in Ireland." This was Sir Morgan's trump card, evidently. But i it did not win. The" Welsh Nonconformists simply laughed. Sir Morgan thought that they didn't quite see the point. So he repeated it in another form. You are going to hand over," he said, to their natural enemies one and a'half millions of those who worship the same God as you." I have heard of many intolerant Protestants, but I have never heard anyone before denying that the Catholics worship the same God as Protest tants. Let me remind Sir Morgan of what as good a Churchman and a better Tory than himself wrote in appealing to his Catholic fellow-countrymen What matter that at different shrines We worship the same God ? Finally Sir Morgan said that when he was re- turned he would go to St. Stephen's perfectly free and independent, bound to no party, but ready to accept good measures by what- ever party they were proposed. I am no faddist," he said, I am willing to do anythmg-((i/!JtliiJ/ to get in," interposed again the mocking voice in the crowd, amid the homeric laughter of the audience. In reply to a few questions put to him, Sir Morgan said that he was in favour of all that Mr. Harrison wonld ask him—Heaven help him, and his reason for sup- porting one man one vote was certainly naive. "for." he said, there's nothing in it." Mr. Carslake Thompson is a good, natural speaker, and, when he has something to talk about. will be worth listening to. As it was, he tried to prove that the •• legislative independence which John Dillon wants for Ireland is quite different from the subordinate Parliament which Mr. Asquith and Sir William Harcourt wish to give Ireland. Of course, the Dublin Parliament will have •• legislative independence Sir William Harcourt does not mean to revive Poyning's Law But of course Mr. Gladstone will see that the powers given !to the Dublin Parliament will be confined to strictly local matters, and that the Imperial Parliament will still have the control of the customs, army and navy, which in the grotesque imagination of the genial Buff were to be given over to the Parliament of College Green. No attempt was made to carry a vote of confidence in Sir Morgan even the vobe of thanks was only car- ried-if it was carried at all—by a small majority. However, the men with the top hats and sporting gaiter" cheered lustily. Just at the end we heord a startling fact. I heard before the phrase, No Bishop, no Church." I thought I remembered. "No Bishop, no King:" but on Monday I heard a variation of it. "Xo Robert Forrest. no Barry, was the new version, and for it I have no less an authority than Robert Forrest himself I had read of Barry being in existence, at all events, in the 12th century, and it was rather startling to me to hear that the maker of Barry was still in the land of the living. I looked again at the chairman's good-humoured face-" Before Barry was, he was." I said to myself wonderingly. •' Well. if that is so, he is remarkably well-pre- served for his nnte-deluvian age." And then I knew why Sir Morgan joined the R.A.O.B. for. no doubt, in prehistoric ages, that institution was founded by Mr. Robert Forrest. [BY OCR OWN REPORTER]. On Monday evening at the Cadoxton Public-hall a large meeting was addressed by Sir Morgan Morgan, Unionist candidate for South Glamorgan, Amongst the gentlemen present were Sir Morgan Morgan. Canon Allen, Rev. J. Price, Dr. Treharne, Dr. Gore. Dr. Livingstone. Messrs. W. Thomas (Sully), Howell Thomas (Dinas Powis), D. J. Grig, D. Love, J. Harrison, J. T. Dando, H. Burbridge, H. Ward. B. G. Davies, H. Chappell, D. Jones (Weston), Harvey, J. Treharne, Lewis Lewis. R. Robinson. J. Meikle, Fisher, Carslake Thompson. T. M. Williams, D. Howells, T. Thomas, T. Martin, G. H. Spinks, D. Spickett, F. P. Jones, T. Miles. Val. Simpson. Munday. George Thomas. Buckler, J. W. Phillips, W. L. Thomas, E. A. Stewart. R. M. Douglas, &c. Mr. R. Forrest presided, and in opening the meeting, said he was very pleased to be asked to take the chair, and trusted the audience would give an impartial hearing to Sir Morgan—(hear, hear)- and they would hear arguments which, he hoped, would influence their votes on the polling day. He desired everything to be put before the electors, so y I that no misrepresentation should exist, and the doings of the present Government be probed to the bottom. He was sure not an unkind word would be said against the present member. He disclaimed any antagonism to his friend Mr. Arthur Williams. (Cheers.) The only thing against Mr. Williams was, he thought, he did not keep as good company as he could wish. It was admitted by the other side that the present Government had passed a great many measures for the benefit of this country for the seafaring men and other working classes. The work of the past six years would bear comparison with any period of government. The agricultural labourer's Jot bad been improved they had small holdings, and many other things that would be too numerous to mention. The miners had been fairly considered by the Home Secretary. Mr. Matthews, who had carried Bills through Parliament for the improvement of the miners' position and for safety in working. He would hardly touch upon Home Rule, which was to be the question of the elec- tion. They were a ware of the Ulster objection to Home Rule a tremendous meeting of the Nonconformists of Ireland had appealed to their brethren in this country not to hand them over to be governed by the Irish Nationalists, but asked them to keep the present Government in power. A large section of the Liberal party had come over to the Conservative side, and it was gratifying to know that, after a severe strain put upon that Union, it stood stronger than ever. (Applause.) It was an enormous thing to do to break away and unite with their opponents in order to prevent disintegra- tion of the Empire. It was a source of comfort to the Duke of Devonshire, Mr. Chamberlain, and others to find they were correct in their judgment. He was determined there should be no breach of faith, and they (the Unionists) would fight straight every seat. They would send back to Parliament men who would stand for the rights of all classes. (Applause.) He was sorry to see local affairs in the present state, but hoped that would be soon improved. A friend of his from America had called Barry Dock the Welsh Chicago, and he hoped it soon would resemble that city but they could not always go by leaps and bounds. (Applause.) Sir Morgan Morgan, who upon rising was greeted with loud cheering, said he thanked them for their heaaty welcome. Such a crowded meeting proved 1 he interest they took in the affairs of the country, and that was as it should be. He had not come to say one unkind word of anyone but to discuss the political state of things. As they knew, there were two sides to every qu^tion and they as enlightened men and citizens could meet to honestly and fairly consider questions they had most at heart. He would be sorry, and so would they, if Mr. Williams did not receive a fair hearing. There was no need to create disturbances at political meeting? it was a thing which ought not to be, and he was sura they would agree with him. It would be asked why he sought to be returned for South Glamorgan. In the first place, there was in power an Unionist Government, two extremes brought together, with the happy result that during he last six years there had been probably the most prosperous period of Government they could remember or could point out in history. If what he said was trae he thought he was j ustified in asking them to return him that he might support the party which had conferred these blessings. (Hear, hear). He thought the present Government had passed a great number of useful (For continuation ee,, Pane 7.)