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THE CELTIC CHARACTER. I

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THE CELTIC CHARACTER. I ADDRESS BY MR JUSTICE VAUGHAN I WILLIAMS. On Saturday night, at the Royal Institution, Mr Justice Vaughan Williams addressed a meeting of the Liverpool Welsh National Society on "The Celtic Character." The judge said the question he proposed to offer for their consideration was why the Celts, with all their brilliancy and genius, never succeeded in producing a successful political State, while their much dulier Teutonic cousins, separately and in combination m cases where the Teutonic element lind preponderated, had such signal political success. In attempting to compare Celt and Teuton one was met with the initial difficulty of determining who were Celts and who were Teutons. Was there a Celtic race ? Was there a Teutonic race ? Was there any broad racial distinction between Celts and Teutons, er were they merely different nations belonging to the same stock ? It seemed to him there were clearly to be discerned, among the peoples we knew as Celtic, broad, characteristic features, both moral and physical, which justified-nay, more, com- pelled one to recognise a racial distinction between the Celts and the Teutons. He discussed some of the characteristics of these two types, with the view of ascertaining why one set of the characteristics should have produced one political result, and the other set a different result. The characteristics of the Celts seemed to be quick-wittedness, depth of religious feeling, love of the fine arts, passion and energy, sympathy (including politeness), a tendency to oppose the public law as distinguished from the private law of the tribe or family, a lack of love of personal liberty. The Celts could not be said to be orderly and practical. They were rather addicted to theorv. and were dreamers on the past. The charac- teristics of the Teutons were love of liberty and respMt for the rights of men, respect of the law when made by themselves—(laughter)—a love of justice, at all cycnts towards those ot their own race, a love of labour, coupled with a love of taking relaxation after I 1 laDour in a sensuous, animal fashion, certainly not esthetic; a tendency to obey the public law, an absence of high artistic capacity, a laborious logical faculty. The Teutons were emphatically industrious, plodding, orderly, practical, and never sacrificed the present or the future to sentiment or dreams on the past. Such seemed to him to be the characteristics of the two races, and he proposed to say a few words in respect of the particular characteristic to the absence and presence of which he attributed the great difference in the political position of the two races-the love of individual liberty. It was very generally assumed that love of individual liberty was to a large extent, based upon a form of government adopted by the race in its earlier history. No doubt this to a large extent was true, but he did not think that liberty resulted so much from the form of institutions as from the spirit in which the govern- ment was administered. So far ItS he had been able to make out, in form and theory, Teuton institutions in general, and Anglo-Saxon institutions in parti- cular, did not favour personal liberty much more than the Celtic institutions but he endeavoured to show by the examination of the history of the two races that the circumstances of the Teutons had been more lavouraule to the development of a love of liberty. He went on to say that the question he had put might be answered by denying the pre- misses. Sonu- people might deny the brilliant genii:* of the- Celtic race. Some might deny their political failure. Again, some might assert that the Teutons had greater brilliancy and more genius. Some. again, might deny the political success of the Teutons, whether separately or in combination. He offered, therefore, a few observations in support of his premisses. As to the brilliancy and genius of the Celts, he said writers of all nations seemed to assume this as an axiom and there was no doubt :hat for many centuries the Celtic civilisation of these islands was far in advance of anything to be found in the whole Gothic brood. Celtic civilisation, the outcome of inherent Celtic genius, was eminent long before the Teutons made any considerable advance in civilisation. Evidence as to this he gave in considerable detail. Taking up his next point, he asked whether anyone could doubt that the Celts as political bodies had been a failure. Could anyone point at any time in history to a successful Celtic nation ? Then as to the Teutons. Was it true that in brilliancy of genius they were inferior to the Celts ? He did not mean to say that the Teutons had not produced as many and as eminent examples of successful work. They had indeed produced more, but their successful work was the result of plodding labour rather than of brilliant genius. Everything came slowly and with labour to the Teuton, even his civilisation. But he was speaking of that sort of genius which no labour could supply, such as the manly genius which made leaders of men, or the artistic geuius which was born in the true artist. He claimed for the Celts that in that sense they far sur- passed the Teutons. Then had the Teuton race pro- duced successful political States ? If it was allow- able to refer to the political successes of thelEnglish- spc-uking nations as proof of the political capacity of the Teutonic races—and he could not conceive why one should not do so—England and the United States were a sufficient proof of the political capacity of the Teutons. The German Empire at the present moment was also surely a great example of a Teutonic political success. He claimed for the Teutonic race that they had never lost the one secret of ultimate political success—the love of liberty and respect for the rights of men. German liberty, with its neces- sary consequence, Geiman civilisation, had come slowly, laboriously, as all German work did, but it came at last. Attractive France, more than half Celtic, had now and again dazzled Europe with a temporary political pre-eminence but it was the streak of Teuton blood and Teuton character which had so often saved France, and it was Celtic blood and Celtic characteristics which so often had gone so near to shipwreck her fortunes. Having tried to justify the premisses on which his question was based, he would ask again why were the brilliant Celts a failure as nations, and why were the Teutons a political success ? He suggested that the Celts failed chiefly from lack of love of individual liberty in thought and in act. The Celt by nature was a hero-worshipper or the slave of an idea. His genius was always limned by loyalty to his chosen chief or a master idea. Both were essentially local. At home freedom of thought and action, freedom of criticism, and freedom of progress were treason to the chief or the master idea. Probably no one would deny this in respect of the tribal or clan period. No one would deny that it was the tribal system and the want of unity of the Irish as a whole which destroyed the ecclesiastical civilisation of Ireland, and which pre- vented the Welsn from attaining that unity necessary to resist the power of their Anglo-Saxon neighbours. But did not one instinctively recognise the same characteristics in the Celts of modern times ? Did not one feel that a Parnell would have been an impossibility outside the more Celtic portions of Great Britain Did not one feel that it was the large Celtic element in Prance which made the French people in the days of the French Revolution rush headlong in an indistinguishable mass in pursuit of impossible equality, which made the Napoleonic dictator possible, and which made the French Re- publicans of the present moment yearn for a hero to worship ? Was it not the Celtic element which made the brilliant Irishmen of the present day decide every question which arose not according to the intrinsic merits on the one side or the other, bet according to the consideration of how far the answer afforded sup- port to the Home Rule idea ? Was it not the tendency of the Celts in a flock to take up an idea to the exclusion of individual judgment that made Celtic communities the happy hunting ground of political and social faddists'! (Laughter.) This local tyranny seemed to him the negation of that in- dividual freedom of thought and action which was essential in the citizens of a great nation. If he were asked whence came this tendency to local worships, to local imitations of individual freedom so prejudicial to national development, he would aii'Cest that the Celtic character took its origin in trioal systems, under which individual freedom and the idea of individual freedom was stunted by loyalty te the chief. The tribal Celt, whether Welshman, Irishman, or Highlander, had no sense of national unity, but made a hero of his local chieftain, and bad no thought outside loyalty to his chief and his clan or tribe and the chief himself had no ambition beyond the success of the clan or tribe. The tendency of Celtic laws and Celtic customs had always been to curtail individual eminence lest it should trench upon the pre-eminence of the popular chief or hamper the development of a local master idea. Did not everyone feel that it was outside rather than within Celtic com- munities that the illustrious Celts of modern times had sprung into eminence ? If the Celts all stayed at home, and occupied themselves only with matters of local interest, he was afraid they would be a dull race despite Celtic genius. But it was, nevertheless, their Celtic characteristics, born of Celtic blood in their Celtic homes, to which greater freedom and a wider field gave the opportunity of healthy develop- ment which had so long been wanting. He hoped that nothing he had said about the Celts and Teutons would be thought depreciatory of Celtic nationalism. (Hear, hear.) He deemed nationalism essential to Celtic development he only deprecated a stunted nationalism—what had been termed parochial nationalism. (Applause.) Celtic genius could not thrive when confined by narrow territorial limits. It nc-edecl access to larger fields of exercise, to wider openings of opportunity. It could not thrive in a sphere where individual libertv of thought and action was controlled by local littleness. Let the Celts once recognise that Celtic genius was missionary, that they mnst not devote to local ambitions the talents meant for mankind, that they must not substitute dreams of the past for hopes of the future, and he had no fear of the political future of the Celtic race, or that the Celtic nations within these islands would not assume the position in the political partnership of this Empire to which they were so justly entitled. (Applause.) Never before in any historical times had the Celtic race had s-ch an opportunity as it now had as constituents of the British Empire. Indeed, never before had the citizens of any country the grand franchise enjoyed by our democracy of the present day; and he believed that that grand position had been to an enormous extent attained by the working of the leaven of Celtic genius, Celtic satheticism, Celtic love of first principles, and last, but not least, Celtic altruism, upon the more practical, more in- dn strious. more selfish, and more material mass of the Anglo-Saxons. (Applause.)

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