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____________GREAT WESTERN…



â ii nil in 11 ||t "w;.a;¡:Ll.4-Ã..au-n SPIRIT OF THE PRET SS. I NAIOLEOX AND THE Popii.âIt must be said for the Emperor Nspoleon that if iiu d iej someiim^ perplei us by Joubtful policy antl  li4uU"a"'c, wilen be by doubtful policy and amb; guuus 66 when be has once taken a rcsolutioa there is no mm who follows it out with more decision. But a little while ago every- body wio in doubt waich aide ha was ar.out to espouse, âwhether he would throw his sword into the scale of Itily i or, as the letter of the treaty of Villafranca scorn- ed LJ promise, lend himself eontent with the renown of two splendid victories to paichin^ the tacteied glori a oi Austr::i. -b)ut the il lperur has made his election; and, inving .nwdd it, he foliowa it out to its lesfitiinaie conclusion with no faltering s!ep. lie has determined that nc cannot do for the I'ope what ho will not do f?r Au.?tri?, and v leW" be case ol t!m Roms?m ex- actly in the sane I'?ht ? he hd before ru?irf?'i the p.iil.i ut Modena, Parma, and Tuscany. AIth.JU:ru I l} n' sovereign of a 'à ll 'JatLlùJlL; state, he has refused to see any uiifetenee in the ca-e of clearly ascertained mis- ^overnaient h-jtuee^ the Iloi)c and other Italian princes. In his manner of dealing with the Emperor Napoleon the Pope is more than ordinarily fallible, even according to the lule which we apply to temporal potentates. For ten years has iie been maintained on his throne by French arms, and for ten year; has he listened with a passive and immutable obstinacy to the constant admonitions which he has received to reform his Kovcrnmont and redress the miseries of hia people. No doubt, the Pope and his profound ecclesiastical advisers thought that they may safely despise the admonitions of a prince newly seate d on a precarious throne, and who would' be sure to be- friend them for the sake of a support from his (!ler,v so necessary to the permanency of his dynasty. "They never thought that the time would como when a prineo who had endured so much woul'l at last assume a tone better corresponding to the power which he disposes, and can scarcely now believe that the hand which has hith- erto supported them can be so suddenly and so un- ceremoniously withdrawn. "The eldest son of the church," "theMost Christian King," holds to the head ot the church pretty nearly the same language as he would to any temporal prince. He tells him plainly that he has no choice but to acquiesce in the decision of his own revolted subjects and that he will be no party to forcing back on the people of Romagna a yoke which they have just shaken loose. To such an announce- ment the Pope replied at the beginning of this month with a conditional blessing, and now, at the end of the month, has arrived at the point of launching au en- cyclical letter against the Emperor, in which there is neither blessing nor condition, but a downright and straightforward denunciation. The breach has widened rapidly, and the thunder of the arms of this world is answered by those thunders of the Vatican which at one time or other have shaken the foundation of every throne in Europe. The Pope puts forward every con- sider ition except one that a deposed prince could urge in his belnlf. His rights are inviolable, his patrimony is sacred, his dominions are the residence of the head of the church on earth, necessary appanage of the successor of the Fishermen of Galilee. He his bound not to desert them, he is answerable for the souls committed to his charge, his fate would break the bonds of obedience which bind other subjects to other sovereigns. There ia in the letter every plea that could be put forward, ex- cept the one that would avail the mostâthe argument that the continuance of the government of the Pope is I necessary to the temporal well-being of his subjects. This he does not venture to assert, or rather he passes it by as a thing too far below the dignity of the Holy See to bi worth stating at all. It might look too much like an admission that the inhabitants of the Romagna had a right to be considered as something better than mere instruments for supporting the papal dignity; in- deed, the existence of his people once admitted, the Pope might be shocked at the blasphemous inference that ho had a duty to perform townrd these same people, not only as priest, but as sovereign. The Emperor of the Fiench by no means flinches from the controversy. His semi-oiffcial journals announce that, though the Emper- or will still observe the utmost moderation to the Pope, though he will even defend him by arms should he be menaced with expulsion from Rome; yet, if the politi- cal authority of the Pope be everywhere else destined to experience another crisis, the responsibility will fall, not on France, but on himself.-Yimes. THE GLOUCESTER EL LOTION COMMISSION.âThe re- port of the Gloucester election commission signally con- firms the views so often expressed in this journal, not- only regarding what takes place at elections that are fought with money, but with reference to the operation of the hws commonly said to be in force for the purpose of restraining corrupt practices. After sitting upwards of a month in that quiet cathedral town, and after full examination of the hostile candidates, all their principal agents, and a host of tho victims of their lawless trade, they came to the conclusion that the election of 1857 having been carried by an expenditure of between two and three thousand pounds on the part of Sir Robott Carden, it was hoped that about the same outlay would secure the return of that gentleman in 1859 while on the other side a similar outlay was relied on to secure the return of a second Whig, in the person of Mr Monk. Of any illegal appropriation of the money both gentle- men took care to know nothing; and some pains were taken to keep a sort of mystification as to the origin of particular sums. Except as regards the personal honour of the candidates, it signifies nothing in what banking account the debauchery debits were eventually entered. The public only ask- Was Gloucester previously believ- ed to be venal ? Was any attempt seriously made on either side to prevent corruption ? Was the issue de- termined by the use of money ? Were not both sides; alike to blame ? And does not moral complicity lie at the door of the well-to-do and demure portion of the constituency, regarding the corruption of one in every six of their number ? The answer to each and all of these questions will be found in the report of the commission- ers, so clearly and explicitly set forth as to defy all cavil, and to leave no room for reasonable doubt. A schedule is given containing the names of two hundred and fifty- two electors out of fifteen hundred, who were guilty of bribery at the election in 1850, by receiving money or other valuable consideration for having given, or to in. duce them to give, or to refrain from giving, their votes." Another schedule is given which contains the names of 81 persons, who are declared to have been "guilty of bribery at the election in 1859, by corruptly giving or promising money or other valuable consideration to vot- ers for the purch-ise of their votes, on account of their having voted, or by corruptly advancing money for the purpose of bribery. It is worse than idle to affect to believe that the political depravity here revealed does not, by sympathy and countenance afforded It in the lo- cality, extend iar beyond the list of culprits given. The mere fact that in so small a community eighty-one indi- viduals should have been actively engaged as procurers, is in itself conclusive proof of the prevalent tone of de- moralisation. More than one of the witnesses avowed that he saw no harm in taking something for his voto; and as penalties for either bribing or being bribed are with good reason regarded as wholly fabulous in Glouce- ster, the poorer and more ignorant may almost be excus- ed for presuming that the letter of the law is not better than its established practice. All the witnesses of the more educated class-members of parliament, ex-mem- bers, Solicitors, conducting agents, and merchants- concur iu declaring that the wretched imposture called the Corrupt Practice Prevention Act never did and nev- er could have been intended to work otherwise than de- lusively. The commissioners go still further, and set upon it the brand of fraud; for they say, with irresisti- ble force, that getting as it does a sham election agent, and a sham auditor of accounts, neither of whom is in- vested with any power to prevent illicit expenditure, this miserable make believe of a law positively provides a screen for the perpetration of electoral enormitiea.-The Daily News.

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