The North Wales Chronicle and Advertiser for the Principality

Smprrial Varliatitriit. HOUSE OF LOliDS.—FKIDAY. T ? EB?RY presented a petition praymg lor a IWYUl ?.?on to revise the Liturgy. He dwelt upon the ??oflMge bodies of the laity a-?cH as c!er?o ? ?n this important object-an object which, he was :y to ee, had since he last called attention to it been 'sed in onvocation. '?'' '?or?t?h?ht matters of this kind better n the hands of the Bench of Bishops, who had the 'cr to do what was necessary, the petition was or- \Icd tlie on t e table. ? other orders of the day were then disposed of, ? e[?us? adjourned. 3 HOUSE OF COMMONS. On ,? order for going into Committee upon the In- ,'n, \aX, I1:c., Bill, 'vr1 RWOTr waived an amendment of which he had notice to reduce the proposed assessment on trades Professions from 4d. to 2d. in the pound, but he pro- "'? ?ainst this tax being made a part of the per- 'f-nt rncome of the country. "?i.m< o ?j* ection, general anu particular to the tax, ?pliedtobriettyby the CH.<NCELM. of the Lx- '?J? and the House then went into Committee th BiU, the clauses of which were agreed to. iir SCI LLY asked the FIKST LoRu of the TMAscRY "her the Sovereign of the Roman States had nnaUy i-ntod or declined the position of President over the ?' ..?ration States of Italy and whether, in the event ;tv Sovereign Pontiff accepting that office, it was m- '\? on the part of Her Majesty's Government, to ?t etfecual steps for establishing direct diplomatic '?tiMM with the Court of Rome ? THE NATIONAL DEFENCE. ?,.tiF\rtxcK rose to ask the First Lord of the Irea- '■ whether the Government intended to reduce the 3 «'il and military armaments of the country r He ad- ? ''1 hat his question was suggested solely by public "°", but the subject to which it referred was so ?.mt involving as it did the honour, interests, and ? 110 existence of Great Britain as a nation, that he i to receive a clear and conclusive answer. The ?'. iournals had announced upon authority, that it £ the intention of the Emperor of the French to com "^ee a svstem of disarmament, and everybody had ? Mticles congratulating the country upon being AV to reduce its expenditure for naval and military ''no? He contended, however, that the eircum- 'f. -that the French Government were about to ■we their armamcnt was no reason why we should L'"iii*h our naval and military forces. Let the .r tactions in France be what they might, the doty of ,G ?rnmcnt was to continue to put our defences m di'il'nt condition, utterly regardless of thc proceed- France or any other nation (hear, hear). If the r of the French were to reduce lus ari"y by men, and call upon our Government to do the „e the consequence of complying with his demand t-ikt be that while France would be left with an army, -\i00 000 men we should be left with nothing at all vjr, hear). The case of the navy was a still stronger No demands were made upon the French navy the defence of extensive colonies; whatever the •-nbcr of ships of the line and frigates might be, they mre solely required for the purposes of home defence; ''?rc? England must have a large fleet employed on '\wl and foreign stations before she could spare a ?.ie vc?el for the protection of her own coasts (hear, ? Moreover, in France, a reduction of the navy ?IJ have a very slight effect compared with England V in that country all the seamen who might be paill off WM be reshipped in a few hours by a telegraphic ?r while whole years would be required to reman ,r !lect (hear, hear). British commerce would never tlouiisho(I as it had done without the assistance of it British Navv. It had been suggested on high au- horitv that her Majesty's Government should proposc France a mutual disarmament. He did not think, iwever. that such a proposal would have much ettect, tlierc, was any truth in a story which he had heard. le was informed that, in point of fact, the proposal had ,en already made. He need not say that he had not ,card this officially but he believed the story to be well mnded, and it was this :-During the Cherbourg fete* person of high position did make a suggestion ot this i, I to the Emperor of the French, who, unlike many his critics in this country, always bore himselt as a i'h-bred and courteous gentleman. His Majesty ag said to have answcrcd with a smilc that he was, I ■Thaas, the best judge of what armaments were re- ■lisite for the well being and the honour of France id he went on to say that, in his opinion, it was ■'ccssarv that France should have 50 sail of the best ••ew line of battle ships-not like many of those at Vrbourg and other ports, which were of a very inferior oseription, but 50 of the best vessels that modern I •■once could construct. "If, he added, "I may -ture in return to offer a suggestion, it i. that the .?-?f England woum be to have at iiast 100 line of ,nle of the best description and I believe that w ould M the best chance of maintaining along and lasting ''ace between the two countries." He (Mr Bentmck) .peated that statement as he had heard it, believing it .imself to he accurate, but leaving the House to attach that credit to it they chose. For lus part he (Mr. suntinck) believed that at this moment it would be .Ml to t?e interests of the country, and alarming to the ??ople, if the Government in any way relaxed thcir ? ertiong with regard to our naval Ilfcr fer) uou^h it was sometimes dimcutt to obtain from a Prime Minister a distinct and clear answer to a question, -e hoped the nob le lord would now make a satistuctoiy Element to the House respecting me It it% to& of the country (hear). Ir, LINDSAY, Lord LOVAINE, and Lord ASHLEY deprecated any reduction of our navy. Lord PALMERSTON—If I did not at once reply to the cues:ions which were put to me by my hon. and learned friend the member for Cork (Mr. Scully), it is because Ith)ught it desirable that I should defer doing so in rder that I might be in a position to reply to the other inquiries which I found were to be addressed to me ël" .n this motion. My hon. and learned friend asks whether the Pope has agreed, or is about to agree, to becae a member of the Italian Confederation, and w'¿u in that event Her Majesty s Government Tj-i'.i think fit to open direct diplomatic relations with him- To the former of those questions I am not Mt?at to give an answer, inasmuch as in the first !M ?. confederation is not formed, and in the next place »ur relations with the Pope arc not such as to i"lu::him to communicate very freely to us what the atentbns upon the subject are which he entertains (a •w;h] I would refer mv hon. and learned friend tor uifornition on the point to the hon. and learned mem- ber foiDundalk (Mr. Bowyer), as being more likely to be a p^son—especially after what passed last night i" thetonfidence of the Pope than myself (renewed hiiihjr). But, to speak seriously, I possess no intor- antbdwhich would enable me to give to the inquiry rny l oa. and learned friend upon this head a satis- fact ,0 f reply. With respect to the other questions "ich ip has put to me, I can only say that there woul c nothin in the formation of an Italian Con- feJwith the Pope at its head, or even as one of its metiVts, which would bear upon the subject of our 1iiitr) direct diplomatic relations with the Court • H As to the case of the German Diet, with '? I s the organ of the German Confederation we r. ) otr:t!n;o in the case of the organ of llian Confederation similar relations would be w-ih md. But then it must be borne in mind that :ir r rcsentative at the Diet is accredited to that bodv', uite independently of any diplomatic relations tth i may have with the several Powers of which ( Confederation is composed. It would, be well that I should take this oppottunity of ng what the state of the question is with to our diplomatic relations with the Popc. It *1. in the recoUection of hon. members that some all Act of Parliament was passed in this n" enabling her Majesty to enter into such rela- tion itli the Court of Rome, and that in the other H >f Parliament a clause was added to that Bill irohibited the Sovereign from receiving, as the r;r ltative of the Pope, any ecclesiastical personage. t: urt of Rome chose to regard that proviso as  itm? a bar to the establishment of diplomatic K't ? with Great Bntain, I may now remind the H that the Government of Prussia, whieh is fr, ant, and that of Russia, which is non-Catholic, t." th declined to receive at their rcgpectivs Courts to cs?tic ? the Papal representative. I do not ? hcther that refusal is the result of a legat eat, but, at all events, such is the settled decision ¡ actice in those countries. Notwithstanding, k r., this state of things, the Pope has received at Pl-, diplomatic agents and representatives irom rand Russia; and I cannot, therefore, compre- h" ft what ground he draws that distinction between r. d on the one hand and Russia and Prussia upon b': or, which involves the demand upon his part. he will consent to enter into diplomatic rela- M ith us, we should repeal the Act to which I have 1. and do that to which Russia and Prussia eelinod to accede (hear, hear). Such is the pi i in which the question stands, and I thought it rhaps desirable that I should offer this explana- !-o this House respecting it. Next comes the Il of the hon. member for West Norfolk, and in with it I might, perhaps, content myselt with stating that my answer to it must depend on a v ariety of circumstances, which in due time. and 5; proper moment, it would be the duty ot Her < f s tiovernment to take into their consideration. The inquiry which the hon. member has addressed to me is whether it is the intention of the Government to make any change in the military and naval es- tablishments of the country, as they now stand in accordance with estimates which have been prepared by the late Administration, and which we have adopted ? The subject is one on which it would per- haps be only respectful to the House that I should make a few observations, over and above that general reply which I have just indicated. The hon. member bases his inquiry on the assumption that the informa- tion which reached us yesterday to the effect that the Emperor of the French was about to reduce his naval and military establishments, afforded a ground why Her Majesty's Government might be supposed to deem it expedient to make a similar reduction in the naval and military departments of this country. Kowal. though the receipt of the information to which I have referred may furnish a very good opportunity to the hon. member for the expression of his own views, and for eliciting the opinion of the House on this subject, yet I cannot help thinking he is somewhat premature in asking the Government what course they intended to take in consequence of intelligence which reached them only yesterday (hear). With regard to the anec- dote which he relates, I was at Cherbourg at the time and I rather doubt the authenticity of the story, but some right hon. gentlemen on the other side of the House will be more competent than I am to say whether such a conversation ever passed (hear, hear). I have no hesitation in perfectly concurring with him in the principle which, as I understand, he laid down-that it would be impossible for the Government of this country to enter into an agreement with any other foreign Power for the reduction of establishments, naval and military. It there were no otner rower. 1IL the world with armies and navies except England and France, I should say, even then, that any agreement was impossible for us to enter into; because the cir- cumstances of England and France, the interests they have, the position which they have to maintain are so entirely different that you cannot make an arithmetical agreement between two such Powers, that as to one there shall be a reduction of a half and as to the other a similar reduction. There is no parity of position, and, therefore, there can be no equality of consent (hear, hear). But the House must remember that there are other Powers, besides England and France who have navies with whom we are in friendly relation now, but with whom possibly that relation may alter. If by any misfortune we were engaged in a war with France, we might be engaged in hostilities also with them (hear). Therefore, our naval and military arrangements must depend, not in what is done by any foreign Power, but on what the responsible Govern- ment of the day from time to time consider necessary at the time for the protection of those various interests which it is the duty of Her Majesty's Government for the time being to protect (hear, hear). I can say no more than that. It is, of course, the duty of the Go- vernment, while on the one hand they propose to Par- liament such establishments as they conscientiously believe to be necessary, on the other hand, not to be led away by the false alarms and exaggerated notions, and expect the country to bear burdens greater than their real interests make it necessary that they should sustain (cheers). With regard to the question of the hon. gentleman, I have consulted m- noble friend the Secretary to the Admiralty, and he tells me that the report will in a few days be laid on the table of the House (hear, hear). On the motion that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of Supply, Mr. HORSMAN, after a preliminary review and criti- cism of the foreign policy of the Government, referred to the state of our works of defence at home and abroad, the sums expended upon them, their defective condition, and the time that would be required to complete them at the present rate of proceeding. If these works were to be done at all, they ought, he observed, to be done at once, and, as the Government had plans which had been well considered and towards which the House had voted considerable sums, his objcct was, instead of voting the money by driblets, that it should be raised at once, and the works completed without delay. He moved accordingly, that the expense of completing the necessary works of national defence projected or already in progress should be met by a fund specially provided for that purpose, and independent of the annual votes of Parliament." He urged with great earnestness the necessity of carrying our defensive preparations, naval and military, to the highest point of completeness, believing at some future time in the possibility of a war with France, because lie saw that the Emperor of France believed in this possibility from the preparations lie had made, all indicative of a gigantic enterprise, at some day or other, against a great naval Power. Adverting to the recent announcement in the lfolliteur, he remarked that France was as much above the requirements of a peace establishment as England was below them, and that, whatever might be done by any foreign State, there was a minimum of power below which this country ought never to fall, and the House ought to raise our defences to that minimunI point. Mr. S. IIERBBRT, declining to follow Mr. Horsman into his discussion of foreign politics, and declaring that the Government had, and could have, no offensive de. signs, observed that, if he touched upon the question of our defences, it was to show the measures we ought to take to put this country in a state of security. He agreed in the necessity of putting our great arsenals, the depositaries of reproductive power for our army and navy, in a proper state of defence, and in the unprotected condition of some of those arsenals. The Commission lately voted by the House had this object in view. Some members had desired to extend the field of its inquiry; but what lie wanted was not to shelve the question, but to have advice upon a specihc subject, and xne inquirit» of the Commission would be connned to that. Thel",3t? thing was to learn from the Commission what was to be done, and then to do it but in the meantime no work was stopped, and no time would be lost. Until the Commission had reported, the Government could not ask Parliament for a vote they would then give their most anxious consideration to the subject. Sir F. SMITH thought Mr. Horsman's motion prema- ture before the Commission had completed its inquiries. Sir C. NAPIEB dwelt upon the defective manning our navy, which he attributed to the mismanagement of the Admiralty. With a properly manned navy he insisted that there would be no occasion to waste money upon fortifications. Mr. COBDKM observed that it would appear as if we had arrived at a state of things when old appliances were of no use. Enormous sums had been voted for the army and navy, and, having done all this, Mr. Horsman said we had not the minimum of establishment we ought to have, and Sir C. Napier had told the House that every man in the country must be set to work, He rose to suggest to the House whether there might not be another view of the subject, and whether gentlemen might not be in a state of panic. He com- pared the English navy with that of 1 ranee in 1852 and 1858, whence it appeared that, in 1858 we had 282 steamers more than in 1852, while France had only 142 of sailing vessels we had three less in 1858 than in 18o8, and France 114. Taking both steam vessels and sailing vessels, we had 285 vessels more than in 1852, and France only 28. In the calculation of the respective navies we had omitted corvettes, the most important class of war vessels, for he had been told that our large line-of-battle ships would in time of war be mere slaughter-houses. He condemned in strong terms, as disgraceful to our policy, what he termed the prepara- I tions for war with France while the mouths of our Ministers were filled with expressions of confidence and even adulation towards its Sovereign, and lie called upon the House to give expressions to an up™ demnatory of such a state of things. He denied that there was any ground for supposing that the Emperor of the French or the French peoplo had any design to make war upon this country. He admitted that circum- stances gave us a legitimate right to have a larger marine than France by one-third, but France, he said, had never pretended to have the same naval strength as ours, He thought an amicable explanation would adjust this matter. If, after such explanation, the French Govern- ment persisted in maintaining a naval rivalry, he would cheerfully vote increased estimates. But where was the obstacle to such explanation between countries ostensi- bly friendly ? For God's sake, then, let not the people be burdene done moment longer than was absolutely necessary. Sir J. PAHKINGTON observed that Mr. Cobden's com- parison of the naval strength of England with that of France was erroneous by reason of his having included in the number of English vessels gunboats, of extremely sn-allsize, to the number of 160. Mr. Cotden had spoken of a panic; but did he mean that we ought to trust to amicable professions, without takmg any mea- sures of defence and making up past arrears ? He re- retted that Mr. S. Herbert had not said how far he concurred in the spirit of Mr. Horsman s proposal, or whether we were to go on, year after year, spending driblets of money for the fortification of our harbours and arsenals. He warned the Government that a large addition to the expenditure for the navy would be    Mr. Lord C. pAGET corrected the impression which Mr. Cobden's statement might have made at to the relative state of the English and French navies. ? he Frenc?h he said, had 20 line-of-battle ships in commission and 12 in reserve, equal to ships in commission, making. a total of 32. We had 26 line of battle ships m commis- sion, and 9 blockships, so that our proportion was not that to which, in Mr. Cobùell's opinion, w were entitled. But there was another nation which was increasing her navy-namcly, Hussia, which had 8 screw line of battle ships, 6 screw frigates, and 9 paddle I frigates. Lord PALMERSTON said he concluded that Mr. Horsman had accomplished the object he had in view, to impress upon the House the great necessity of com- pleting the fortifications for the defence of our naval arsenals and dockyards, and that these defensive mea- rures indicated no desire qix the part of this country to go to war, or to give umbrage to any Power, but were founded upon the common-sense principle that a nation desirous of peace should be able to defend itself against any sudden attack. He hoped, therefore, that he would be satisfied with the result-a very useful result-ancl not press his motion to a division, which it might be inconvenient to affirm in the abstract without indicating how the fund was to be provided. A division was, however, called for by Mr. Horsman, which resulted in the motion being negatived by 167 to 70. The remaining orders and motions were rhen gone through without discussion, and the House adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY. Lord TEYNHAM inquired whether in proposing any measure for Parliamentary Reform the Government would take into consideration the expediency of not proposing any property or pecuniary qualification to entitle a person to be registered as a voter. Earl GRANVILLE declined to give any premature ex- planation upon a subject which was, lie i observed, still under consideration by her Majesty's ministers. The Divorce Court Bill was considered as amended in committee, and some further amendments having been agreed to, after a miscellaneous discussion, their lord- ships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. I Lord R. CECIL called attention to the reports from the election committees upon the late returns for Glou. cester and Norwich, showing the existence of gross bribery and corruption in those boroughs. He inquired whether her Majesty's ministers meant to issue com. missions of inqury to investigate the state of electoral morality in the places mentioned ? The HOME SECRETARY observed that duty did not properly belong to the government. When the evidence taken before the committees was printed, the house, if it judged proper, might address the crown asking for the appointment of a commission respecting the late proceedings in either or both the inculpated boroughs. Sir J. V. SHELIEY stated that he should move abso- lution providing that in all similar cases the issue of new writs should be postponed. The House then went into committee of supply. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply to Lord Ashley, said that all proceedings relative to mail packet contracts would be suspended until the report from the select committee was received. With regard to submarine telegraphs, circumstances might arise which would induce the government not to wait for that report before taking steps for the establishment of such means of intercommunication. Loid FEmlOY askell whether it was the intention of the government to introduce, in the next session of parliament, any measure dealing with the subject of the schools, and of intermediate education generally, in Ireland. Mr. OAHDWELI, replied that the subject was still under deliberation, and he could not at present give any de. finite answer to the question. THE INDIAN LOAN FUND. Sir C. WOOD made his promised explanation touching the financial position of our Indian empire, detailing the results of the past transactions, at the close of which it appeared that the gross aggregate of debt due from the Indian exchequer amounted to 981,850,000, entailing an annual charge of X3,504,000 in the shape of interest. The military expenditure, also, during the twelve months ending on the 30th of April last, was not less than £ 25,849,000. Passing on to the estimated expense and receipts for the year now pending, the right hon. baronet stated that the gross charges, including interest payable in India, were expected to reach a total of £38,380,000, and those incurred at home, £5,851,IiOO. There were besides about E900,000, payable as interest on the railway capital deposited with the Indian govern- ment, and about one million for compensation on account of losses during the late rebellion. This brought up the outlay to a total of £-16,131,500. On the other side the probable amount of revenue, as estimated by Lord Stanley, was £35,850,000, to which he saw no imme- diate prospect of increase. This left a deficit of about lOt millions, which would be increased to 12ff millions by the necessary expenditure on railway works during the current year. In examining into this deficiency, Sir C. Wood entered into details respecting the result of various mining operations already attempted on Indian accounts from which, on the whole, an income had netted, leaving a chasm of L5,700,000 still to be filled up. To supply this deficit, he proposed to borrow 7 millions including 2 millions of the last series of debentures stock unissued, leaving a liberal margin for discount and casual expenses. With this supply for present wants, however, it was impossible to close the account. If matters (remained as they were, and even in the absence of any further disasters, the revenue for next year, 1S60-61, must leave another de- ficiency of at least 10 millions, when compared with the current expenditure. This excess of outlay it was necessary to reduce, and for this purpose, he believed that little if anything could be effected in the shape of reduction in the civil services or in the public works. The military expenditure furnished the only item wherein any considerable saving could be accomplished. The right hon. baronet then stated the numbers en- gaged in various branches of the Indian army, the result being that there were at present on service in that country 110,320 European soldiers, 201,705 native soldiers, and 88,829 native police. Including the men retained in the depots and for recruiting service at home, there were no less than 431,600 officers, soldiers, and police receiving pay from the Indian exchequer. Before the late mutiny he observed the Indian army cost 12 millions. It present charge was 21 millions, showing an increase of 9 millions. It might not be possible to bring the future outlay down to the former level, but very large opportunities existed for retrenchment in this quarter, though how far it would be found prac- ticable to realise any projects of economy in that direc- tion during the present year he could not venture to anticipate. When all was done, and when the product of some new branches of taxation had accrued, he still saw no probability of escaping another deficiency upon the income of the next year, which must be met by a further loan, whose amount he hoped need not exceed six millions. By the year then ensuing, namely 1861-2, he trusted that the Indian revenue might be brought into a state of equilibrium. Before that happened the debt would in all probability exceed 100 millions, and though upon this debt a large saving of interest might be made if the loan were secured by an imperial guarantee, he did not at present intend to suggest such a proceeding to the House of Commons. Adverting to the new loan, lie stated that the amount would be really called for by small instalments, and a large proportion need not be paid up until April next. After some remarks from 1\Ir. CRAWFORD, Lord STANLEY recognised the difficulties by whiah the Indian government was beset. The India of 1850 differed essentially from the India of 1856, and years would probably elapse before all traces of the late revolt were entirely effaced. Entering at large into the financial question, the noble lord maintained that no increase of taxation was possible in India to any great amount, not more probably than half a million a year, and expressed his disapprobation of the proposal to give an imperial guarantee for the Indian debt. Mr. BnlOHT believed that the Indian difficulty was becoming more intractable. For twenty years the finances of that country had presented a chronic deficit and continually augmenting pile of debt. This fact was in itself a proof that the government must be extrava- gant and bad. Much of this debt was, he admitted, unjustly fixed upon the Indian exchequer, the fifteen millions spent in the Affghan war in particular, being exclusively required for a purpose supposed to be imperial. At present lie observed, the whole net revenue of India was swallowed up by its military outlay, a state of things which no state could long endure without coming to ruin. In every branch of administration there was, he insisted, no responsible, government, and extensive reforms, some of which he indicated, were indispensable before the country could be rescued from its present abyss of debt and embarrass- ment. Sir C. WOOD briefly replied, and the formal resolution, giving leave to introduce a bill sanctioning a loan on account of the Indian government, was agreed to. Mr. WHITESIDE moved the second reading of the Settled Estates Act (1856) Amendment. Bill, By this measure a clause in the said act is repealed under which Sir T. III. Wilson is barred from applying to Chancery for leave to build on Hampstead heath. Mr. BYNG opposed the bill; and, after some remarks from the Attorney General, the debate was adjourned. Mr. COWPER obtained leave to bring in a bill to extend the provisions of the Metropolitan Police Act for the prevention of obstructions from advertisements in the highways. The hon. member announced that he did not intend to proceed further with the measure during the present session. The house then adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS.—TUESDAY. STHIlvE OF TIIE BUILDING TRADES IN LONDON. Lord BROUGHAM, on rising to ask whether the atten- tion of her Majesty's Government had been called to tile strike of the building trades in London, said that he most deeply lamented these proceedings, which, so far as he could see or know of them, he considered as an attempt to gain, by combination, ten hours' wages for nine hours' work, a thing utterly absurd and inconsistent with evcry principlc and ith all possible ideas of justice. He said this with greater confidence, because the work- ing men well knew that they had always had in him a staunch and zealous supporter whenever he thought them in the right. (Hear, hear.) He had defended the abolition of the Combination Laws. He had done all he could to make every combination free, and to remove all the trammels to which trades had been previously subject by the law as it then stood; and he had done so with the most perfect reliance, because be conceived that workmen were entitled to combine for such pur- poses, provided the combination left those who did not choose to join it free to work on whatever terms, and for whatever hours they thought proper. He found them however now combining, and he regretted thnt their combination was for a purpose of which he could not but disapprove, am' was carried out in a manner which he could not but lament. A most frightful account had reached London of the murder of a workman at Shef- field, committed, as it was suspected, because the un- happy man had refused to join a combination, and was determined to work upon terms which the leaders of the combination did not approve of. He did not know whether the report was true. He hoped it was not; but if it were trne, it was to be most deeply lamented, and the perpetrators of the murder should be rigorously put- sucd to justice. To do so would be true mercy, not only to the well-disposed workman, but even to those who combined together for any purpose, and carried it out in such a manner, because it would teach them how much stronger the law was to their combination. It was impossible to read the reports of the French Minister of Industry, without admiring the system which had been I established in France for the "reconcilement of dif- ferences between workmen and employers. The uComcJl des Prud'hommes," as it was called, had proved itself most efficient as a successful arbitration in such dis- putes. It was impossible iiottoapproveof a system of the kind, and he was happy to find, from communica- tions he had had with persons, many of them workmen themselves, well acquainted with the various manufac- turing districts of this country, that there was a strong desire that a like system shonM he established by law in Englrfnd. If Parliament would not approve of the scheme, it was the intention of the parties to whom he had referred to form a general central association, with branches in the different manufacturing towns, for the purpose of accomplishing their object by other means, by inducing workmen and employers to submit their differences to arbitration; and he could only say that he gave his entire countenance to the'r proposal, He be- lieved that nothing could be more important or advan- tageous to the workmen themselves, as well as the country, than the establishment of some such system amongst 'them, and he had in consequence availed him- self of that opportunity to mention the subject to their lordships. Earl GRANVILLE said that the attention of Govern- ment had been directed to the matter referred to by the noble lord (Lord Brougham), and that they had taken every measure for the maintenance of peace and order during the continuance of the strike, which was much to be lamented. He did not know what else the Govern- ment could do than to repeat the advice which had been so well given by the noble lord himself. He did not know any person so well qualified to give that advice, or one to whom workmen should more readily listen, than the noble lord, for he had been their uniform advocate, and had directed every effort to improve the laws which affected them. (Hear, hear). He (Earl Granville) did not hesitate to say that those laws were both unjust and tyran. nical which had prevented any combination of workmen, and those laws amongst others the noble lord had as- sisted in improving. It was impossible to put an end to strikes, even though it wrsmost desirable to do so. They were the last resource of workmen, just as a chancery suit was amongst litiagnts, and as war was the ultima ratio ofn ations. The fear of them unquestionably exer- cised a wholesome influence on masters, but it depended on the manner in which they were exercised whether they could he considered reasonable and legitimate. It was a criminal act, and one most injurious to the work- men themselves as well as to the conntry generally, for them to combine for purposes which were not just and which they could not fairly maintain. He was very much afraid that the strike in question was one which could not be justified, and it therefore merited the condemna- tion which had been passed on it by his noble friend (Lord Brougham). The object of it, as he understood, was to reduce the hours of labour from ten to nine hours, but to receive the same wages that they now received. It was clearly impossible for a moment that any combi- nation of that sort could succeed; and, if it did succeed, what would be the result ? It was clear that wages could only be paid out of the capital which belonged to the employer in any particular trade; and if capital were driven out of trade, as it would be by any combination wbich tended to reduce its profit, there would be less em- ployment for the workman; and thus, in this case, the workmen were about to aggravate the evil which formed a portion of their complaint. The noble lord (Lord Brougham) had suggested a remedy for these differences between workmen and their employers, by the establish ment of a Council of Arbitration, similar to the Council des Prud'hommes which existed in France. In France the Council dealt with future contracts, but it would be im- possible to expect that the system in that form would be acceptable to English workmen or employers. It this country it could only be applied to past contracts; but after all, the evil of strikes could only be pievented by the experience of workmen themselves, by their im- proved education, and still more by the public discus- sions which took place on the subject. He sincerely trusted that what had been said by the noble lord would be considered by the men, and would lead to the adop- tion by them of wiser and better counsel. Earl DONOUGHMORE feared that it would be im- possible to establish in this country anything like the Council des Prud'hommes, but at the same time he oïilait Ph?::as, ;stt d:sil:a::o I system established by which disputes between masters! and workmen could be arranged. When at the Board of Trade lie had been applied to by some parties who were anxious to introduce a bill into Parliament on the subject, and though he gave it bis best attention he con- fessed he could not see his way in the matter. He hoped that the noble earl (Earl Granville) would be more for- tunate, and that his experience would enable him to devise some system which would accomplish the object. Lord BROUGHAM observed that much certainly de- pended on the education of workmen, because their ignorance at present placed them at the mercy of needy and designing aggitator9. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that be should have taken no part in the discussion if it had not been for the observations of the noble lord the President of the Coun- cil (Earl Granville) respecting the innocence of certain strikes. He was a little afraid that the noble carl's ob- servations on that head would be misunderstood. Where strikes were voluntary-wliere all parties who entered into them were free agents, then they might deserve the character given to them by the noble earl; but it was a delusion to suppose they were so. So far from being voluntary the majority always coerced the minority, not only morally but physically. They prevented them from working at all, or obliged them to abstain from work unless the masters complied with the terms of their leaders; and if, despite of such coercion, they went 10 work, they were finally assaulted and attacked. This was the character of combinations, and as such they could not be too strongly condemned. The subject then dropped. HOUSE OF COMMONS. I At the early sitting the Income Tax Bill was read a third lime and passed. The Police Law Amendment BilTpassed through com- mittee. Sir G C. LEWIS withdrew for the present the Roman Catholic Charities Bill, and will bring in another on the same subject early next session. In the meantime be would propose a continuance of the exemption bill. Sir G. C. LEWIS said he intended to bring in a con- tinuance bill of the Roman Catholic Exemption Bill this evening. Mr. HUTT would give it every opposition in his power. Mr. M. MILNES moved that an humble address be presented to her Majesty relative to the assaults and cruelties committed on merchant seamen engaged in traffic between this country and the United S'.ates of America. Mr. J. EWART seconded the motion, which was agreed to. Mr. A. SMITH moved for a select committee to inquire into the rights of the Crown and other bodies connected with the foreshores, tidal rivers, &c., round tho coasts of the United Kingdom. The House was counted out while the hon. gentleman was speaking. HOUSE OF. COMMONS.—WEDNESDAY. With the exception of formally advancing some bills a stage, the business of the sitting was confined to Votes in Committee of Supply, and discussions thereon. On the vote of £9,!J88 for constructing seven fira proof adjoining the Sheepshank's Gallery at South Kensington Museum, for the purpose of receiving the Vernon, Turner, and other pictures belonging to the National Ga:lery. Mr. CONINGIIAM thought they should now be favoured with some expression of the intention of the Governraen in regird to the Royal Academy. Lord PALMERSTON replied that the exact arrangements in regard to providing a site for the Royal Academy had not as yet been settled, but it was generally understood that the arrangement suggested by the late commission for maintaining the National Gallery in Trafalgar-sqare would be adooted. By that arrangement the House would have to vote the sum necessary for making certain en'Argemems in the National Gallery; for there was no intention to transfer to Kensington any portion of tho collection. Lord ELCIIO thought before they granted a site for the Academy an inquiry should be instituted into the mode in which tho Academy fulfilled its functions and general constitution. 1\Ir. AYKTON protested against the manner in which this matter was dealt with by each uceeedinA Govern- ment, and observed that it was managed by an intrigue which the House had found itself unable to meet. It might suit some parties to have the Gallery at Kensing- but such a change would suit neither the wishes nor convenience of the people (hear, bear). Mr. D. Seymour should move the rejection of the vote, on the ground that if temporary buildings were necessary they could be as will erected in the Square of Burlington House as at Kensington. Mr. CONINGHAM considered the explanation of the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) both vague and unsatisfac- tory. If the National Gallery were simply confined to national pictures there would be no need for additioual buildings. Mr. D. SEYMOUR asked ont of what fnnd the E9,000 had been paid. Mr. STIRLING thought that a suitable house might be obtained for X4,000 in the West End for the temporary reception of the pictures. Lord J. MANNERS said that the building at Kensing- ton had been proved to be neeaøary, and urged that it would be injudicious to reject the vote. Mr. LOCKE considered £10,000 for temporary buildings a, most extravagant and prosperous sum. Such a sum should represent the cost of a building for the permanent reception of the paintings for which room was wanted. Sir M. PETO thought that the Government should have come to the House before spending the money which they now asked to vote. He agreed with his hon. friend (Mr. Locke) that £ 10,000 wai an extravagant sum for t:lr: porry building, and that temporary accommodation oould have :been easily provide f0 one fourth of the amount. The CHANCELLOR of tho EXCHEQUER said that it was most inconvenient to discuss at that moment the arrange- out with the Royal Academy; but he could assure the hon. gentlemen that there was no disposition on the part of Government to make any arrangement of which the House could in any way disapprove. As to the question of the site, he considered the disposal of Bnrlington House a most important question; and that it would be inexcusable on the part of Government to part with it without the sanction of the House. As to the buildings at Kensington, they certainly were intended to afford temporary accommodation for the Sheepshank's collec- tion and other pieturess bat they also intended to be per- manent buildings, and for objects strictly genuine to the purposes of the Kensington Museum, which was a grow- ing and popular establishment. After a few words from Sir J. V. Shelley, S:r H. Wil- loughby, Mr. Malins, L)rd Elcho, and Mr. Cowper, The House divided. The numbers were: For the vote  116 Agiinst it 73 m. Majority p —43 I inc etc vote was lor tDiuuu, Deing a • aonuuuu iu Mr. W. I-I. Barber, in consideration of the sufferings he has undergone, and of his distressed circumtances." Mr. B COCHRANE thought the vote inadequate for the sufferings which Mr. Barber bad undergone, and he ap- pealed to Government whether the proposed compensa- tion should not be increased. Mr. CLIFFORD considered that the granting of any compensation in such a oase was to introduce an entirely new principal into the jurisdiction of the country. If they compensated one who, though innocent, was found guilty by a jury of his countrymen, a fortiori they should compensate every man who was tried at the assizes and acquitted. The House divided. The numbers were- For the vote 124 Against it 24 Mnjority. -100 The vote was then agreed to. ELECTION COMMITTEES. The committee appointed to try the petition against the ?return for Kingston DpOD-Hull were called to the table of the House and sworn. Colonel Greville, who had been appointed on the committee, did not appear, and in con- sequence the Serjeant-at-Arms was directed to take him into custody. BURY ELECTION. Mr. BLACKBURN brought up the report ofthe committee appointed to try the petition against the return for the borough of Bury. The committee reported that Mr. Frederick l'eel was doly elected to serve in the present Parliament (cheers).