The North Wales Chronicle and Advertiser for the Principality

HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY. TheLoRD CHAKCKILOR took his seat on the woolsack at fonr o'clock, when the swearing in of Peers was resumed and proceeded with.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MONDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at one clack. THE JEWISH MEMBERS. A large batch of members having been sworn, Baron Rothschild presented himself. 011 being tendered the ordinary form of oath he objected to certain words of it, and was requested by the Speaker to withdraw. Lord J. HUSSELLthen rose and moved the following resolution: That it appears to this House that Baron Lionel de Rothschild, a person professing the Jewish religion, and being otherwise entitled to sit and vote in this House, is prevented from so sitting and voting by his conscientious objections to take the oath provided by an Aet passed ia the 22nd year of her Majesty sub sti- tuted for the oaths of supremacy and abjuration formerly required to be taken." This resolution was adopted. Lord J. RUSSELL then moved the following resolu- tion: "That any person professing the Jewish religion may henceforth, on taking the oath prescribed in the Act passed in the 22nd year of her Majesty entitling him to sit and vote in the house, omit the words, And I make this declaration on the true faith of a Christian. The question having been put, Mr NEWDEGATE rose and said: Mr Speaker, the house is now proceeding in accordance with the act of 1858, the 21st and 22nd of Victoria, chapter 49, and in accordance with the report of the committee appointed at the close of last session to ascertain the mode of pro- ceeding under that act. I was a member of that com- mittee, and am therefore, perhaps, more cognisant of the proceedings of that committee than any member of this house, because the report of that committee was presented as lately as the Uth of April last, and the standing order which was founded on it was not adopted by this house until the 14th of April. Many hon gen- tlemen present, who were members of the last Parlia- ment, may not, therefore, be aware that in that com- mittee it was decided that it was necessary, according to that act, that each Parliament, each newly-elected pouse of Commons, on its first assembling, should de- cide for itself whether those who do not profess the true faith of a Christian should have seats within its walls or not; and it was further specifically provided that this question was not to be raised until the fourth day on which the members come up to take the oaths and their seats, for this obvious reason, that had this question been proposed on the first day of the meeting, the house would not have been in a position to adopt the resolu- tion which has been moved by the noble lord the mem- ber for the City of London; and that is a resolution decisive of this great question so far as this Parliament —this Honse of Commons—is concerned. Sir, it is well known that I feel strongly that this house should be Christian by its constitution; that it is the representative of the Christianity of the nation by a vast majority of the inhabitants of these isles; and that it is in accordance with the constitution of this country as established, or re-established, by the revolution of 1688, that this house should be Christian, as all the leading functionaries of the State are Christian, and have been up to this time, in this house at least. I will not go into the wide ques- tion which has been so often and so long debated in this house, but I am sure that this house will not think it im- proper in me, entertaining hese strong convictions, however unworthy I am myself-it is not improper in me to declare it is still ray opinion that this house should, upon its whole constitution, remain what it has been for years, that is—Christian; because, if we admit those who reject Christianity, we have no longer the power of appealing to the great code of Christian mora- lity, as furnishing us with the rule of right as distin- guished from wrong-wrong in our corporate capacity. At this moment, the Liberals throughout Europe are all reverting to the principles of nationality. They desire that the various countries and nations of the world should be governed as nations recognising their limits by their peculiarities of descent. What are we asked to do here? I speak not ot individuals with disrespect, but we are asked to seat a person, who declares himself here an Austrian baron, in the British House of Com- mons. I know not whether Baron Rothschild bears that title with the sanction of her Majesty, but I would say that, examining the roll of the last Parliament towards its close. I was surprised that the honourable gentleman thou^ "t !1t to appear on the roll with an Austrian title attac;led to his name. I speak this not in disrespect. The truth is that a Jew, by his religion, is bound to consider hitmelfneithcr an Englishman, nor an Austrian, nor a Frenchman, nor a Neapolitan, nor a German; and in all these nations we find members of the Rothschild family: but he is of a nation which. if in existence, is scattered; and when I see a Rothschild import an Aus- trian title into the rolls of this house, it verifies the sy- ing that the true Jew can really be ot' no nation, but is only a Jew of that nation which is a standing miracle of the justice of the Almighty in its present scattered state. You may deem t\¡t thc step that you are about to take is a proper one. Still sI t epmrai-n you-although this measure under which we are acting may indicate that the views I entertain are unpopular, and though you may meet a cheer from the irconsider,,tte-s,,ill I tell you that the deep feeling at this moment in the minds of the people of England is this, that they do lament that, from what they consider a somewhat wanton sense of liberty, this house should have attempted to discard that great rule of morality, and depart from that recog- nition of the Almighty which is common to all Christians, and without which He is an unknown God. Lord JOHN RUSSELL: Sir, I have listened with great attention to the observations of the hon gentleman, conscientious as I know they are; and I intend no dis- respect to him when I say that this matter has been so much debated in former Parliaments that I think it is unnecessary to enter into further discussion upon it now. (lIear. hear.) The motion was then put from the chair and agreed to; and some other new members were called up to be swürn, when sworn, NEWDEGATE said it had been his intention to divide the House. He distinctly said, "The noes have it." Mr SPEAKER: I have it from the best authority— namely, of hon members near me-that when I twice put the question in the affirmative that" The ayes have ir." there was no distinct intimation given that it was opposed. MrSPOONER: I also said "No,"and I heard at least one gentleman, if not two, say" Xo" IIlso. Sir G. GREY. I listened very attentively, but heard no hon member say No," Mr NEWDEGATE: I assure you, Sir, I said No at the proper time, and my hon colleague also. Mr FITZROY said, both hon gentlemen were right that they said 1; No." but not at the proper time. They never challenged the decision at which the Speaker had arrived. (Hear, hear.) The subject then dropped, and B,.roii L. Rothschild, Baron Meyer de Rothschild, and Mr Alderman Salo- mons, were duly sworn. The house ålljourned "t four o'clock, to one o'clock on Tuesday.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY. The members began to assemble soon after 12 o'clock, and when the Speaker took the chair at one o'clock a considerable number was in attendance. About, half-past two o'clock, Ir Pulman, Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod, presented himself, and said: Mr Speaker, the Queen commands this honourable house to attend her Majesty immediately in the House of Peers. Tl.e Speaker. Sir J. Pakington, and nearly all the members present, proceeded accordingly to the House of Lords to hear her Majesty's speech. Within fh minutes from their departure the Speaker and the hon members returned, and the sitting was sus- pended to a quarter to four o'clock. The house resumed at a quarter to four o'clock, when the swearing of members was at once proceeded with. Amongst those who took the oa: 1) were Sir Thomas Winningtoii, Nlr M. Smith, Mr Hareourt, and Mr Crook. The administration of the oath went on very languidly, no more than half a dozen members being sworn, and the house began to till rather slowly. About four o'clock Sir J. Graham entered the house, and instead of passing to his usual place bdow the gang- way on the Ministerial side, took a seat on the third bench of the Opposition, which, howenr, he afterwards vielded to tr Horsman, and retired to one of the remotest benches under the gallery. SIR JOHN LAWRENCE. The SPEAKER announced that he had received a letter from Sir John Lawrence, acknowledging the vote of thanks which had been passed to him by the house for his services in India during the mutiny; and the clerk at the table read the letter to the house. SESSIONAL ORDERS. On the motion of Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE, the usual sessional orders upon the meeting of a new Parliament were put and agreed to. APPEARANCE OF THE HOUSE. As half-past four o'clock drew nigh, the house began to till more rapidly, the benches on both sides showing a nearly equal array of forces. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr Secretary SOTHERON ESTCOURT gave notice that, on Friday next, he should ask leave to bring in a bill for the better administration of criminal justice in the county of Middlesex: and also a bill for the better administration of the affairs of the City oi London. Mr SLANEY gave notice that he should, on a future day introduce a bill for making provision for places of exercise and recreation in large towns. Sir C. APIER gave notice that he should, on Thursday week move for a select committee to inquire into the state of the Board of Admiralty, with a view to its reconstruction. (Grtat laughter.) Mr HORS.MAN gave notice that on this day fort- night he should move for an inquiry into the character of our foreign policy, and for an humble address to her Majesty, praying for the production of such papers as would throw light upon that policy of late years Mr WISE gave notice that he should, on a future day, move for the production of the recent correspon- dence between Lord Malmesbury and the Civil Service Commissioners. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) Lord CLARENCE PAGET gave notice that, on this day fortnight, he should move for a select committee to inquire into the management of the expenditure of the ship building department of the navy. Sir JOHN TRELAWNY gave notice that he should, on Thursday next, ask leave to bring in a bill for the total abolition of church-rates. (Hear. hear.) Mr DILLYWN gave notice that he should shortly introduce a bill for the better regulation of endowed schools. Sir CHARLES NAPIER gave notice that on a future day he should move for a committee of inquiry into the management of Greenwich Hospital. DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS. At twenty-five minntes to five o'clock the Speaker called the attention of the House to the Royal Speech, which he read from the chair; after which Mr A. EGERTON (who wore the uniform of an officer of a cavalry corps of yeomanry) rose to move the adoption of the address. Having bespoken the in- dulgence of the House for himself as a new member engaged in a difficult task, he proceeded to say that the state of foreign affairs was now very different from what it was when Parliament met before; war was now raging on the Continent, but it should be admitted that her Majesty's Government had done everything in their power to preserve peace, and in this effort they had been seconded by one of the ablest negotiators of this country, Lord Cowley, (Hear.) It must be admitted that when Ministers had declared for neutrality, their hands were in a meausure tied, and it was impossible that they could have the same weight with foreign powers as if they had declared that in certain eventuali- ties they would take one side or the other. (Hear, hear.) In the latter case this country would undoubtedly have exercised a very great influence on the state of foreign affairs. (Hear, hear.) He would not enter into causes, but would take things simply as he found them. They saw now three European nations engaged in a calamitous struggle, the Italians panting for a liberty which they had never enjoyed since the time of the Romans, France coming forward to assist them, and Austria contending against both. Now this country must have a great sympathy for Austria in consequence of the part she bad taken in the wars before 1815. (" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) And it must be admitted that she holds her possessions in Italy by the same titles by which this country holds hers. (Hear, hear.) Their duty, however, appeared to be plain; they had no interest in the struggle. (Hear, hear.) They had nothing to do but sit and look on- (hear, hear)—and he hoped that nothing would take place to cause them to take part in the contest. (Hear, hear.) They saw France and Austria at war, and found that Austria was backed by nearly the entire opinion of central Germany. It was impossible to foresee the result, and he was convinced that Ministers had taken the right course in strengthening in every way in their power the defences and resources of the country. (Hear, hear. ) He trusted the present Government would ear.) in office, but if not he trusted the measures they had undertaken would be carried ont by their SHecessors (Hear, hear.) He perceived with pleasure the announce- ment that their fleet was strengthened in a very, mate- rial decree. He believed there was no doubt that they had a feet in the Mediterranean equal to anything that could be brought against it, and he hoped they would lave a Channel fleet that would add to the power 1HI dignity of the country, though he trusted they would merely have to use it for the purposes of parade. (dear hear) There was another question referred to, and that was the question of Reform, (Loud cries of Hear hear.") He knew not what might be the feeling of the house on the subject. (Renewed cries of Hear, hear," on the Opposition benches.) Not having had the honour of being a member of the last Parliament, he did not intend to discuss what had already taken place in the house in regard to Reform; but in the present state of affairs, and with a short session before them, he considered that Ministers were wise in putting off the discussion of that question until another session. (" Hear, hear." from the Ministerial benches.) Sir J. ELPHINSTONE seconded the a,loption of the The address having been read from the chair, and put to the honse, T^Marquis of IIARTINGTON rose, and said he felt he owed some apology for obtruding himself oil the attention of the house on the present occasion. His excuse must be that he acted in connection with those who were older aud more experienced than himself, who had told him that his position, as a member of a large division of a coiinty-a constituency from which he had never concealed the views he held on the questions they were to discuss that night-his position as a representa- tive of a division of this county would give him some excuse for assuming the position to which otherwise his Parliamentary career would not enable him to aspire. (Hear, hear.) In moving the amendment to the address, he was not acting without precedent. In the year 1841, the Government of Lord Melbourne being defeated by an exceedingly small majority, dissolved Parliament, and appealed to the country on the ground of confidence. On the first night of the session an amendment was moved on the address by Mr Stuart Wortley, with the sanction of Sir Rebert Peel. That amendment was an addition to the address, expressing an opinion that her Majesty's then Ministers did not possess the confidence of the house. (Hear, hear.) It was an amendment of a similar character lie was to-night going to ask the House to assent to. (Hear, hear.) Whilst the Ministry of that dav combated that motion on the ground of their measures and of their general policy, they did not offer it any opposition, on the ground of its being of an un- constitutional nature, or an undue interference with the prerogative of the Crown; and he did not anticipate that on this occasion they should hear of any objection to the motion he had to make on those grounds. (Hear, hear.) Neither could he imagine that her Majesty's Government could complain of the course which they were taking. (Hear, hear.) The issue which he now put to the house was simply that which the Government had put to the people; and it remained for the repre- sentatives of the people to give an answer to the question. (Cheers.) The Government, in dissolving the late Parliament, did not dissolve oil any particular measure. They did not complain they were not supported in their foreign policy. (Hear, hear.) They simply said, for two sessions we have endeavoured to carry on the business of the country without having a majority in the honse. (Hear, hear,) They said this was a position no Junger consistent with their own dignity or the a van. [agè of the country, and they had asked the country to return a House of Commons in which their minority might be converted into a majority. (Hear, hear.) He (Lord Hartington) hoped that challenge which had b;en thrown down, and which he thus acccpt d, would at the conclusion of the debate be accepted by both parties in the spirit of fairness and moderation. (Hear, hear.) He %d in sayiii6, so, he could say for himself, and he believed in saying su, he spoke the sentiments of-many, almost all the member. on that (the Opposition) side of the house, that if they were defeated on that amendment, they should cheerfully and willingly bow to the decision of the house, and they should know their position as an opposition; they should know that it would not be for hon members on this sifletue house to aspire to guide the councils of the country; but it would be their part while they exercised all vigi- lance and watchfulness, which were the duties of the opposition, to give to the Government of the day, as far as possibly laid in their power, the undivided support of the House of Commons in the complicated and diflicult relations which they had to carry on with foreign coun- tries. (Hear, hear.) In the other event, if this amend- ment should be successful, lie could not imagine it would be otherwise than satisfactory to her Majesty's Govern- ment to be released from the position which they have already declared under certain circumstances thq were no longer willing to occupy. (Cheers.) He begged to move that the following words be added to the a<1,lres5: We beg humbly to submit to your Majesty that it is essential for securing the satis- factory results of our deliberations, and facilitating the discharge of your Majesty's hi.h functions, that your Maje?ty's Government should possess the confidence of this house and of the country, and we deem it our duty respectfully to represent to your Majesty that such cun- fidence is not reposed in your Majesty's present Govern- ment." (Loud cheering.) Air IIANBURY seconded the amendment. He felt that the challenge thrown out by the Ministers at the close of the last session, in the speech from the Throne, ought to be fairly met; and he thought that the amend- ment contained a legitimate answer to the question addressed by the Government, whether they had the support and confidence of the country or not? (Hear, hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, who was received with loud cheers from the Conservative side of the house, said,—I have no fault to find with the course which has been taken by the noble lord. I think it is one convenient to the public service and advantageous to the country, especially in the stat-a in which it now finds itself. I think it is of great advantage that we should know whether the advisers of her Majesty possess the confidence of Parliament, and I think we have given very satisfactory evidence of the sincerity of our opinion that they have, in the step which we advised her Majesty to take in dissolving the late Parliament and appealing to the country. (Hear, hear.) But I would observe, in passing, as the noble lord touchod by way of precedent on what took place in 1841, as identi- cal with the present position of affairs and the conduct c?ll with the pres(, of the present Ministry, that I think the noble lord will, upon examination and reflection, find there is some con- siderable difference between the two sets of circum- stances. (Hear, hear.) It is very true my Lord Darhy advised her Majesty, from a sense of duty to dssulve the J..te Parliament, having acceded to office under cir- cumstances of great difficulty, in a Parliament assembled under the influence of his predecessors and opponents, and in which, it is well known, he counted only a com- paratively small number of supporters. (Hear, heur.) But what was the conduct of the minority that dissolved the Parliament of 1841 ? The minority which dissolved the Parliament of 1841 dissolved the Parliament which had been elected under their own influence. (Hear, hear.) They dissolved a Parliament of their own friends and the resolution which Sir Robert Peel felt it his duty to recommend, being moved by way of amendment at the meeting of the new Parliament, was certainly authorised by very different circumstances from those which at present subsist, and certainly had a very different reception from that which I think awaits the amendment of the noble lord. Now it was a just reproach to the Ministry of Lord Melbourne, of which the noble lord the member for the City of London was the leader in this house, that they remained upon the benches year after year, for two whole years from 1839, when they received a signal defeat-it was a just reproach to them that for two years they remained on these benches in a continual and continued minority in this house, and yet neither appealed to the country nor resigned their offices; and that when they did appeal to the country, it was from a vote of censure carried in their own Parliament and by their own supporters. (Hear, hear.) Was that the condition of the Government of Lord Derby ? True it is some of our measures have not been successful-not a very wonderful thing, I think, when brought forward in a Parliament in which we possessed, I believe, only a third of the members as our supporters. I doubt whether any measures that could have been brought forward, Kowever well matured, however admirably adapted to the circumstances with which they were intended to cope, would have been successful in a Parliament so selected. But it was no disgrace to us that our measures could not be carried by a hos- tile Parliament, and was a very just reason why we should advise her Majesty to appeal to the sense of the country, under these circumstances. (Hear, hear.) I find no fault with the course taken. I have shown my sense of that opinion in rising immediately to reply to the accusations; and I do assure the house I do that from a sense of the importance that this question should not be left for a moment unnecessarily in suspense. It is of the highest importance to the public interests, that the question should be immediately decided, and I hope that rising as I do at this moment, and at once meeting the charges of the noble lord and his friends, the house may be able to divide to night, (cheers), and settle at this important crisis which party indeed possesses the confidence of Parliament. I entirely reciprocate the sentiments of the noble lord and his friends, and will undertake for the gentlemen on this side, that if we should be defeated, the Government that is formed for succeeding us shall receive from us a constitutional and fair support. (Cheers.) At the present moment there ought not to be the delay of four-and-twenty hours in coming to a decision. (Laughter and cheers.) And, as from a sense of duty, the noble lord and his friends have thought it the proper course to take to lose not a moment in challenging the propriety of our being on these benches, I would impress on the house the importance of losing not unnecessarily a moment in coming to a de- cision. (Cheers.) What are the grounds upon which the noble lord and his friends 6eek to establish the vote of want of confidence which he says this house ought to pass on the Government? because although it may be in the power of this house, if there be a majority adverse to tttlic Ministry, to come to a resolution without reasons, still the noble lord and his friends must feel that a deci- sion of that kind would lose all moral weight; and the noble lord, I have no doubt, acting under the best ad- vice on an occasion so critical, has opened to-night the whole grounds on which a want of confidence in her Majesty's present Administration ought to rest. The first is the failure of our measures in several instances in the late Parliament. Now I do not think that is a fair ground upon which to rest a want of confidence in the Ministry, in the present Parliament. I think, looking to the circumstances under which we acceded to power, and to which I have already referred, it was because we were unsuccessful in carrying our measure, that we ad- vised an appeal to the country, And if, therefore, the present Parliament comes to the decision to give us a fair and constitutional trial in any maasure we bring forward, it is unnecessary in this house to vindicate the administration from the charge of not having been able to pass measures in the last Parliament. (Hear, hear.) But then the noble lord says that, unable to pass ou?r, measures, we counselled a dissolution of Parliament, a course constitutional the noble lord admitted, but in his opinion most reckless and unwise. With all deference to the noble lord and his friends, I think that is rather begging the question. (Hear, hear.) Whether the dissolution was reckless and unwise must depend, I think, very much upon the opinion which the pre- sent Parliament forms of it. (Hear, hear.) I do not know whether the section's below the gang- way hold that dissolutions are always to be deprecated. That distrust of the people, I thought was confined to the" educated class." (Cheers and laughter.) I know the noble lord the member for the City never hears the phrase, dissolution of Parliament," without rising to condemn it, and I think it perfectly in harmony and consonance with the political views of the party-the educated party-to whom we are indebted for the Sep tennial Act; but I was not aware that the recombined sections had all agreed upon that important constitu- tional point, that frequent dissolutions of Parliament were unwise and reckless. (Conservative cheers.) I am very happy, by the way, to find that the noble lord in, I must say, the very manly and promising speech which he made, (hear, hear), limited his obse:vations on the dissolution merely to his opinion upon the policy of that course, and did not condescend to intrude that trash upon the house, of which we have heard so much, respecting the conduct of the elections and the corrup- tion of constituencies. (Cheers and counter cheers.) And the compacts with foreign powers and the heir- archies that are insinuated to have been made. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps he thought the subject had been ex- hausted by a master. (Cheers and laughter.) Per- haps he thought if he did without sufficient examina- tion, indulge in such statements he might have been liable to the replies that followed them. (Cheers.) When Parliament meets, I am glad to find that the question is at least carried on in the spirit of gentle- men—(cheers)—with high party views and broad con- stitutional principles. There was a statement, I think, from a great authority, which I know exercised n consi- derable effect on the public mind, and as it was made at a very apropos moment, was supposed greatly to in- fluence the borough elections. At the time I was very much engaged, and read the public prints with more haste than I ought to have done. I read that statement because I took an interest in the eminent individual who made it, and the locality where he did so. But when I saw the city of Carlisle mentioned, I naturally looked what was taking place in that quarter, and reading the account, I suppose inaccurately, I really mistook the speech which appears to have been made by a dis- tinguished member of this house for that of the young gentleman he was introducing. (" Hear," and laughter.) And when I read those charges upon the Ministry which I was told were to be the basis of a vote of want of con- fidence when Parliament met-.when I read those state- ments, made without the slightest authority-and when I saw those exhibitions of bitterness which sometimes seemed to be exhaustless, I naturally said, Young men will be young men still." (Laughter.) Youth will be, as we all know, somewhat reckless in assertion; and when we are juvenile and curly one takes a pride in sarcasm and invective. But one feels some in- terest in the mere relative of a distinguished member of this House; and although the statements were not agreeable to her Majesty's Ministers, after all he was a chip of the old block." (Loud laughter.) And, sir, all I felt, and I hope my colleagnes shared the sentiment, was, that when the young gentleman entered this house, he might, while gazing upon the venerable form and listening to the accents of benignant wisdom that fell, and will always fall, from the lips of the right hon gentleman the member for Carlisle, learn how reckless- ness of assertion in time might mature into accuracy of statement, and how bitterness of invective, however organic, could be controlled by the vicissitudes of a wide experience (hear an I laughter). Yet, sir, the state- ments made in that speech of the right hon gentleman have been circulated in every form; and for a time they have been credited in every quarter of the country. The public have really believed that a corrupt adn inis- tration has obtained returns from the hustings by the vilest means, and for the most infamous purposes; they have believed that the allowances to innkeepers for the billeting of soldiers was absolutely increased at the arbitrary will of a war minister, in order to bribe the publicans to vote upon our side. Though every gentle- man in this house must be perfectly aware that their predecessors had passed the Act by which that increased allowance was constitutionally made and which had been for a considerable time promised. The public did believe that barracks were built, and contracts given when contracts were never entered into, and when barracks were never built. The public really did believe that Lord Derby had stibscribed-a sum of f.20,000 to a fund for managing the elections. (Hear.) Lord Derby has treated that assertion with silent contempt. All the other assertions made at that time have been answered in detail, and therefore I supposed the time would come when the subject, being fairly brought before the house, would leave it for me to say, which I do say now, that that statement was an impudent fabrication. (Land cheers.) But what are all these contracts with innkeepers to the compact with the Pope? (A laugh.) Why, they sink into nothing. It is a hard duty to have to perform, to listen until Parliament meets to such statements, made by Privy Councillors, by men who have filled the highest offices of the State, and for ought I know may be about to fill high offices in the State again, but upon which, the moment Parliament meets, neither the mover nor the seconder of this great indictment of want ofcon- fidence, condescend even to touch. (Hear.) Yetthecharge was a weighty one. It is true that Lord Derby has entered into a compact, or contract, or under- standing with any hierarchy in this country, or with any agent of any foreign prince, to influence the elections of this free country? These are statements that ought not to be made by persons of eminence, or without some examination. (Hear.) Sir, I state in a manner the most unequivocal that there has been no compact of any kind with any hierarchy; that the support that was given in many in- stances to the members of this side of the house at the late general election, by our fellow-subjects professing the Roman Catholic faith, was given, not only without compact, not only without conditions, but was given without communication even with its. (Hear, hear.) I take it for granted that those who supported us under those circumstances, had, like the other subjects of her Majesty, formed their own opinions, right or wrong, upon public measures, upon public men, and upon public policy; but it seems that the civil and religious liberty granted to the Roman Catholics, especially by the aid of the noble lord opposite, means civil and religious liberty onll to vote for Whigs and to support Whig can- didates. (Hear.) The moment a British or an Irish subject professing the Roman Catholic religion votes for a qoryi, it is quite clear that the gentlemen opposite me- ditate a revival of those penal laws against which they have striven before. ("Oh," and "cheers.") I have now touched upon two of the grounds upon which the vote of confidence is recommended to the house, and a vote of a want of confidence in the unusual form of an amendment on the address in reply to the gracious speech from the throne. What has occurred subsequent to the dissolution to justify this amendment of the noble lord's? It is the conduct of our foreign affairs. It ap- pears that negotiations which were active when the late Parliament was dissolved, have proved unsuccessful, and that war between some of the powers of Europe has ensued. So far as I can collect the meaning of the noble lord, and I must say he showed considerable diplomatic ability himself in the shadowy manner in which he framed this part of his indictment, so far as an argument or a statement ad invidiam is concerned, there is no doubt the object of the noble lord was to lay some foun- dation for his vote of a want of confidence on the fact that we had been unsuccessful in our foreign relations, and that our negociations which had been undertaken to avert war, had not preserved peace. Upon this head two observations occurred to me while the noble lord was speaking. Is the noble lord of opinion, or his friends have they a suspicion, if they are not of opinion, that the conduct of our foreign relations since the com- mencementofthis warhas not been carried 011 or conducted with ability ? He has a right to that opinion; but surely the grounds upon which that opinion should be formey, are those smple documents which I am about imme- diately to lay upon the table of the house. (Hear.) Surely, the noble lord, although he is a party man- and I do not honour the noble lord less because he is a party man, because, as I have often maintained in this house, I look upon party as the best unity for parlia- mentary Government and public liberty-but, as a party man, he is not likely to deny, as a principle, that the majority, if he and his friends have a majority, can scarcely decide upon the conduct of these negotiations without reading and studying the documents which alone inform them? (Hear.) Would the noble lord advance so far as a party man and say that success is the only test of ability in negotiation, and that a Govern- ment that has failed in conducting negotiations to avert war is not worthy of the confidence of the House of Commons? Is that a principle which the noble lord would insist upon? Probably it is the only one that is left to him. The war that has recently broken out in Europe was preceded very recently in the memory of every gentleman in this house, and in the recent memory of this house by another war. It is only four years since the war took place not between two of our allies, but between this country and the great military power of Russia. Were there no negotiations to prevent the war? Was not the stake infinitely greater, and the responsibility proportionately increased when it was our own action, immediate action, that was in question, and our own conduct upon the important question of peace or war was the issue? We were not ministers then; we were not responsible for those negotiations; it was tiot the government then of a minority; it was not a government then formed of men of inferior ability and insufficient experience," as they took every opportunity of informing the public. Upon the contrary, the government was presided over by a wise and celebrated European statesman-my Lord Aberdeen, who had himself participated in the structure of those famous treaties of 1815, of which we have heard so much. He had for his Foreign Secretary a distinguished states- man, who had filled the highest offices in the service of her Majesty, and who had been an ambassador at great courts? And who was his Foreign Secretary? I do not know who is going to he your Foreign Secretary. At any rate, that very distinguished man was Lord Clarendon. You had then Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon to conduct your negotiations; but had you nobody else? Why, there was the noble lord the member for Tiverton, who, like Coriolanus, showed his wounds yesterday, and is now an avowed candidate for power. He was in the Cabinet. The noble lord is of opinion himself, and some others too, that he has some knowledge of foreign affairs. He takes every opportu- nity of intimating that he is the only man who can wage war or preserve peace. (Hear.) Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon had the assistance of the member of Tiverton. I will say nothing of the noble lord the member for the City, because his experience as a Foreign Secretary is of a very limited character. (" Hear," and a laugh.) Well, what did you do? What did the noble lord the member for Tiverton and Lord Clarendon and Lord Aberdeen, with their negotiations to prevent war between England and Russia? Why, the shame of those negotiations is really not yet forgotten by the people of this country. (Cheers.) The State paper of Vienna is not entirely dropped out of the consciousness of the people of England. But you had great advan- tages, and you signally failed; you had a majority in Parliament; you had wise and experienced statesmen, and you had a still greater stake to urge you to exertion and to increase your responsibility, and yet you were utterly discomfited. (Hear, hear.) But you had some- thing more than we have had. You had an opposition which was numerous and fairly ambitious. But in the midst of your negotiations they did not bring forward votes of want of confidence—(loud chccrs )—or pro- pose carrying resolutions to embarrass the public service, (Renewed cheers.) We sat there in your difficulties, and supported you heartily and fully. C" No," from t':e Opposition benches.) Is there any one hon member who can venture to murmur No?" Why, I defy any man to produce one instance during the war in which we brought forward a single motion against the Government. Yet, ultimately, there was, by your general mismanagement and government of the war, a public outcry for your fall, and it was a member of your own side who proposed it, and by the votes of the several sections of the Liberal party, you were overthrown. (Hear, hear.) So much for the third ground upon which this vote of want of confidence is to rest. But there is still one more ground upon which the noble lord and his friends rest for the vindication of the line they are now taking, and that is the failure of the late measure for amending the representation of the people, and the consequence, grounded upon our failure of our insufficiency to deal with the question of what is called Parliamentary Reform. Now let us con- sider this for a moment. Sir, I shall not- it is quite unnecessary for a moment-vindicate the measure for amending the representation of the people brought in last session; but I shall state one fact, not upon my own part, but on the part of a man of the highest scientific character not connected with politics or with parties, and whose only object in his researches is to establish and promulgate truth. That fact is that that measure would, at least, have increased the constituency of England by a number of not less than 500,000 electors—(hear, hear) -being absolutely a larger number added to the con- stituency than was added by the Reform Bill, of 1832. (Hear, hear.) But there were great objections of detail, though still on matters no doubt of importance to that measure. It was said that it disfranchised county free- holders whose suffrage was in towns; ani it was said that voting papers were objectionable. Adnvtting that these proposals perfectly deserved the condemnation of tho hotise-I do not admit it myself, though for the sake of the argument I will-have there been no propo- sitions to amend the representation of the people equally unsllceessfuland equally condemned? Why do we not hear of them? Why are we always tol,l of an unhappy proposition to disfranchise the town free-holders, and to give voting papers? The noble lord opposite, who has been in office almost his whole public life. has had a monopoly of this question of Parliamentary Reform; he has handled and thumbed  as long as I .n; remember, and yet what does he propose? Twice he has brought forward bills; twice he has been unsuccess- ful with them. A great patron of the working classes, he at one time proposed to disfranchise all the freemen of England. (Hear, hear.) The noblo lord once introduced a proposition hostile to the very principle upon which representative government is established, and upon which it gives support to the constitution -n?mely, that of election by minoritv. Was any pro- position ever received with more condemnation than that? Why does not that disqualify the noble lord from dealing with this sacred subject of Parliamentary Reform ? The noble lord, who cannot for a moment tole- rate a party governing the country by a minority, and who for six years in my recollection led this house as the organ of the Government of Lord Melbourne, and after- wards as Prime Minister himself in 1846, was in an avowed minority, resting entirely upon the sanction which Sir Robert Peel gave to his measures,—the noble lord, so consistent in his denunciation of Government by minorities himself, proposed a change in the English constitution, and give repre- sentation to minorities at the hustings. Why is not that brought forward as a reason why the noble lord should no longer be entrusted with the preparation of a reform measure? I suppose the noble lord is the only person who can propose a reform bill upon that side, because the other noble lord the member for Tiverton does not like the subject. (Hear.) He does not conceal his dislike. We proposed and introduced a measure which, whatever its faults, would have more than doubled the constituency, yet we are not to be allowed to give our opinion upon measures of this kind, while the noble lord scarcely conceals his opinion that all parliamentary reform is a rash thing; but if you are to have it, you shall have as little as possible of it. We have also a popular candidate of the now united association of the Liberal party, and I congratulate the member for Birmingham upon the lamb-like manner in which be abdicated the portentous opinions which a few months ago" frighted the isle from its propriety." (Cheers.) I have now been through the various points upon which as I followed the noble lord, he rested his claim upon the house to agree to a verdict of want of confi,tence in her Maiestv's Ministers, and, having made these observa- tions, I hope the house will noC think me intrusive if, before I sit down, I venture to 8ay something upoa the character of her Majesty's gracious speech and upon the intentions of the Government itself. There are two points to which I shall confine myself iD that speech, which greatly interest at this moment the public mind. First, as to the policy we shall pursue with regard to our foreign relations, and next with regard to the question of parliamentary reform. The gracious speech from the throne, and the address which has been moved with so much ability by my hon friend behind me, clearly and unequivocally states our policy. We have endeavoured in every possible manner to preserve peace. I shall be happy and ready when the time arrives, when the papers are in the hands bf hon members, to vindicate the con- duct of the Government, and to challenge enquiry. I am prepared to vindicate their course. All I ask is, that the House will not decide upon a question so momentous in the absence of all the documents, and without which it is absolutely impossible one can speak with any real satisfaction. And if I make one or two observations upon this point, which I would willingly have deferred, it is only because the subject has been introduced by the noble lord, and because I wish to correct one or two most erroneous impressions. It is my opinjoii-I say it with no wish to enter into any controversy upon the subject, but I retain the opinion I expressed in the late house, that the vote at which the house arrived, upon the motion of the noble lord (Lord J. Russell), had a serious influence at that moment upon the negotia- tions. (Hear.) I shall be able to prove it. I snid then and I repeat now, that that vote destroyed all power on the part of the Government. We were then conducting negotiations. The vote did not destroy all our influ- ence with the Emperor of the French at that moment. As a Government, the Government of England had no authority which did not represent a principle which greatly regulated the conduct and influenced the feelings of the Emperor of the French. The Emperor ot the EVench was governed at that moment, and has been, and generally is, by public opinion. The opinion of France was agamst the war; the opinion of England was against the war; the opinion of enlightened Europe was against the war. Therefore, although our authority as a Minis- try had ceased, still, representing the principle of public opinion, which the Emperor recognised, our representa- tions were listenell to with respect; and upon that sub- ject, notwithstanding the vote of the house, we still could influence, as we did influence, the conduct of the Emperor of the French. But as regards Austria, from which neither the noble lord nor ourselves anticipated the immediate mischief, she is not at all influenccd by opinion, To Austria we had naturally ceased to h?,e any authority, being a government condemned, and Austria labouring under a conviction, no doubt mis- taken, that our immediate successors, whom the,, anti- cipated would be a Ministry favourable to war, and more directly against themselves, panic stricken and perplexed, not caring any longer for the influence or feelings of the English Ministry, whom she looked upon as dead, and caring nothing for the principle of opinion, took the rash and unfortunate step which every one must now lament. I was, therefore, justified in my statement, arid I shall show at the proper time that it was a statement perfectly authentic. (Hear, hear.) The house will also allow me to notice one more oint personal to myself. It has been alleged against me, that upon the eve of the dissolution of Parliament I made a statement of the conditions of the negociations and of its prospects, and then I expressed an opinion still favourable to pcacc, notwithstanding the immense difficulties in the way when we were on the eve of war. I wish to state the circumstances to the house, as there are many members present who were not in the last Parliament. It so happened that a few minutes-not a few minutes, but a few moment", before I made that statement, a telegram was received from Lord Cowley, which was sent to me in the house, informing me that the Emperor of the French had entirely adoptel the principle of disarming before the Congress, which was the condition upon which Austria had insisted; and that as the foundation of a sufficient settlement, Count Walewski had telegraphed to Sardinia, urging them in a manner they could not resist to accept the same prin- ciple. Was I not justified, then, under the circum- stances, in assuring the house that there was utill a prospect of peace? So co-npletely was I justified, that the next day a telegram was received from Sardinia accepting that proposition, which it was snpposed could not be adopted. (Hear, hear. ) Well, sir, having failed in this negociation, I hope I may say with no discredit or dishonour, what is the course we have since pursued? We have adopted the principle of strict and impartial neutrality. We have endeavoured to act upon the spirit of that principle; and I treat with utter contempt, be- cause I feel it would be impossible to offer a shadow of proof for them, those monstrous statements. But. ia the course we have adopted, and in the counsels we have given, we have had neither an Austrian nor a Frcnch bias. And I believe that the sincere feeling 01 both those powers, irritated as they must be by the position in which they find themselves, will do us com- plete justice in this respect. (Cheers.) But, t'ro-jgh a policy of strict and impartial neutrality is demanded by the interests of this country, and I am sure is sanctioned by the public voice, we have also felt it to be cur duty to place the State in such a condition by the completion of its armaments, that its authority will be felt aui re- cognised. (Hear, hear.) I maintain that in our in- creased fleets and armaments we have not the indica- tion of coming war, but the probability of securities for continued and renewed peace, because, watching events, encouraging and fostering friendly relations among all the powers, at the right opportunity we may interfere with other neutral powers, and yet obtain, at a date much earlier than I think is too hastily adopted by some, the renewal of that great blessillg-ihe restoration of that great blessing of peace, which, from the experi- ence of the last half century, this country is more de- sirous of maintaining. Now, sir, with respec: to the subject of Parliamentary Reform. I say at once it is the opinion of her Majesty's Ministers that it is im- possible for this session satisfactorily to deal with this question. I take no refuge in ambiguous phrases. and I say that we cannot deal satisfactorily with that great question this session; and if that be considered a fair ground for want of confidence or censure on the Govern- ment, we are ready to meet that issue. If it lie the opinion of grave and responsible statesmen in this hjuse that in the present condition of this country, and when measures of finance and of pressing importance have to be considered, we can enter into any rash and reckless engagements in connection with Parlia- mentary Reform, I shah be greatly astonished; and if they do we shall take issue with them. I have thus ventured to touch uron all the points on which the noble lord the member for Lancashire has founded his motion of want of confidence, and I think I have shown that they are flimsy, feeble, and illusory (Ministerial cheers); and that they are net such as could justify the new Parliament in coming to so crave a decision. Now I ask what does all this end ia ? It ends in a personal question. (M:ni>terial cheers.) It is possible that the policy may be a sound policy, but that those who possess it are incompetent to carry it out. The personal question is, then, fair ground for a vote of want of confidence. I see two most eminent members of this house who have long aud frequently been in the service of the Queen, and who have taken a very active part in some recent proceedings. Willis's rooms used to be managed by patronesses and were t're- quen!ed by aged dowagers and youthful beauties, young reputations and worn celebrities-but now Willis's rooms are under the management of patrons, and there are two piitrons of Willis's Rooms below the gangway- the noble lord the member for the City, and the r:"ght hon gentleman the member for Wiltshire, who have signed the vouchers for the new candidates. (Laudator.) Well, then, these are two of the eminent statesmen who are to form this strong Government. Well. we have had experience of both. We know how the nd>!e lord conducts negotiations (laughter), and we know IoT the right hon gentleman conducts war. (Laughter.? You say we have failed in our negotiations, and on this ac- count, are not to be trusted with the conduct o! a oos- sible war-tlien the noble lord and the right hon gentle- man will not help you much. (Laughter.) I cannot presume to pursue the research further; and we may doubt, if the member for Birmingham, with all his elo- quence, would employ his vigour on such a subject, as we know he does on domestic questions. It is of para- mount and vital importance that the decision of this house should not be delayed, if possible, for twenty-tour hours. (" Oh! and a laugh all the Opposition benches, and cheers on the Ministerial side.) Why should vou seek t,) delay ? Does not everybody in this house com- prehend the issue? It is desirable, not merely for the advantage of the kiugdom, and for the best interests of the Crown, but for the peace of Europe, that the question should be settled immediately. If it be decided against us, I shall accept it without a murmur. If I shall sit on the opposite benches, I shall give to mv suc- cessors, if they pursue a constitutional course, all the support which their circumstances shall require; and I am sure that my colleague will do the same. (Hear, hear.) But if, on the other hand, the voice of this new Parliament decides that the amendment is not one that is either just or justifiable, on us will remain, b;th as regards our domestic, and especially as regards the management of our foreign relations, as a great weight, as a grave duty, as awful a responsibility as ever de- volved on the shoulders of any Government. (Hear, hear.) But from that duty-from that responsibility, however grave, however awful, we do not shrink. (Loud cheers, amidst which the right hon gentleman resumed his seat.) At the close of the speech there was a general rush out of the house, which in a few minutes was almost completely deserted. Viscount BURY said the issue raised by the amend- ment had in fact been demanded by Lord Derby, and declared that he was not actuated by any factious mo- tive in giving his vote on the occasion. The question was one of confidence or no confidence in Lord Derby's Government, and if it should be dccided that the Ministry have the confidence of the house and country he should feel it to be his duty to give them no factious opposi- tion, but, on the contrary, to strengthen their hands and assist them to uphold the honour and glory of England. (Hear, hear.) At the close of the noble V.co:int's speech, the house was nearly empty, and contrary to expectation and the usual practice, no member on the Government benches rose to speak. After a pause, during which the Speaker looked in vain for all orator, the right hon gentleman proceeded to put the question to the home. Before doing so he had of course to read the address, which was very long, and the amendment thereon. He per- formed the duty very deliberately, and was apparently labouring under the effects of a cold because his reading of the document was interrupted occasionally by a slight cough. While the right hon gentleman was thus slowly getting through the address, Lord John Russell was busily employed. When he perceived that no speaker rose on the Government side, he left his place below the gangway and spoke with Lord Palmerston, who sat alone on the Treasury Bench. From Lord Pulmerstoa Lord John proceeded to Lord Bury, and spoke with him. Lord John next addressed himself to Mr Mellor, Q.C. and, after a brief conversation with the hon and learned gentleman, returned to his place. Mr MELLOR then rose to address the hOltSC, ad tbe Speaker ceased to read and resumed his seat. The hon and learned gentleman begged to recaU the attention of the house to the state of things before the dissolution. The state of things was most precarious, and yet The Government resolved todissolve Parliament beca-use the house would not go into committee on a bill wbich was so bad that no one would defend it unless he was a member of the Government. (Hear.) Mr K. UUGESSEN, at the risk cf a?'ng pw°'. proof of the incapacity of Her Majesty's Nijoi,terg, roe to continue the debate. The Chancellor f the '?,.j, quer had said, it was desirable to have an immediate de- aision on this point; but on the other hand, it way petent for the houw to say that the question s"!)?  ceive calm and deliberate discussion. (Hear, ne/ He thought they ought to have heard the opinions ?)lI the great statesmen in the house. (Hear, hear.) 'e Chancellor of the Exchequer had defended the co"; purged by her Majesty's Ministers, and had Ittae