The Welshman

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY, MARCH 26. POOp. REMOVAL. j Mr. G. Bankes moved for a select committee upon the laws respecting the settlement and removal of the poor, principally upon the ground that an erroneous impression had been created by Sir R. Peel's explanation of the measure he intended to introduce. The proposed com- mittee, if granted, would cause very little delay, for out of its report a measure universally acceptable could easily be framed. Sir J. Graham declined to enter into any discussion which would interrupt the progress of the debate upon the corn bill, and denied that the settlement bill was ever offered to the house as the consideration for a repeal of the corn laws. The two measures were en- tirely independent, and a support of one by no means necessarily implied a support of the other. He ridiculed the notion of a select committee as inoperative for improvement, and productive only of delay, and warned the agriculturists that if they missed this opportunity they might never obtain so advantageous a measure. Mr. Spooner pressed the necessity of inquiry, and quoted the words of Sir R. Peel to show that he gave the right of immovability, but not the right of settlement and that he had introduced the bill as a boon to the agricultural interest. Sir R. Peel acquiesced in this statement of his expres- sions upon the subject, and repeated that it was his in- tention to give a boon to the agriculturists, at the same time that he conferred advantage upon the poor. After he had passed the corn bill he should use every exertion to pass this bill also. After some discussion Mr. Bankes consented to with- draw his motion. ADJOURNED DEBATE ON THE CORN BILL. I I Mr. Finch opposed the second reading, and made an elaborate reply to the speech of Mr. Baring on Tuesday night. He declared that this bill would produce a five- fold revolution in this country for it would make a poor-law revolution, a financial revolution, a political revolution, a land and cotton revolution, and a colonial revolution, which would separate Ireland and the colonies from the empire. He therefore hoped that if the House of Commons passed this bill, the House of Lords would reject it; for a more pernicious measure was never introduced into a British parliament. The number of country gentlemen in England were 200,000, and the amount of the capital which they and their tenants had vested in land amounted to £ 490,000,000. He showed that this bill would destroy at least £ 50,000,000 of that capital. No wonder, therefore, that it had spread great discontent throughout the country, and was endangering the constitution and government of the empire. From the time the hon. gentleman began, the number of members on the opposition benches had been fast diminishing; only one remained, and that hon. gentleman, finding it impossible to endure it longer, at this part of Mr. Finch's harangue rose quickly and left the house, followed by roars of laughter. Mr. Finch, unmoved, drew a happy augury from the hon. member's retreat, and addressing himself to the few who still remained on the government and protection benches, continued his jerhniade for upwards of two hours, & con- cluded by trusting that his party would nail the colours of protection to the mast, and fall at the post of duty. Lord Rendlesham thought that Sir U. Peel, in pro- posing so extraordinary a change, should have appealed upon it to the sense of the people. Mr. Fellowes opposed the bill because, though it would reduce the price of corn considerably in the long run, it would also lead occasionally to great fluctuations of it. The small farmers would therefore be utterly ruined, and the large farmers seriously injured. The agricultural body would be content to remain as they now were; and if in their efforts to defeat this bill the country should be thrown into confusion, the responsi- bility must rest on the government, which had recklessly abandoned a measure which it had recommended as the perfection of human wisdom only three years ago. After complaining sadly of the manner in which the agriculturists had been betrayed into the hands of their opponents, he warned Sir R. Peel, that they had no longer any confidence in his government that they viewed with suspicion every measure now emanating from the treasury bench, and that they would take the earliest opportunity of making him feel the power of the party which he had deserted. Mr. Fuller contended that, if this bill were passed there would be no more safety of life and property in England than there was at present in Ireland. Mr. Borthwick followed on the same side, and ap-j pealed to the result of the elections in Dorsetshire, Gloucestershire, Nottinghamshire, and some other counties, as proof that the constituency of the country did not approve of the extraordinary changes which Sir R. Peel had recently proposed. Mr. C. Buller would not say that her Majesty's mi- nisters had changed their opinions on the subject of the corn laws at the best time-for he did not think that they had-he thought that they ought to have changed their opinions much earlier. The question, however, was- Could their past opinions, and could the present corn laws be maintained any longer ?" It was almost self- evident that they could not. Judging from his own ex- perience, he believed that the change of opinion, which the government had recently avowed, had been of long and gradual growth, and that it had been developed and exhibited to the public in consequence of the operation of circumstances which occurred in the autumn of last year. He insisted that the protectionists were guilty of the very inconsistency which they blamed in others. At the commencement of the present session the pro- tectionists had declared that the distress which was likely to prevail in Ireland was of a kind against which the government was bound to provide. He well recol- lected that Mr. Miles had said, that in consequence of the distress in Ireland which Mr. Shaw had now taught him to deny-the government was bound to come for- ward and open the ports—and yet his friends now pre- tended to forget how by that admission they cut away from under their feet every ground on which they sup- ported tho expediency of the present corn laws. Nay more, not one of them had answered this question, which was of paramount importance-namely, at what period the ports ought to be shut, after they were once opened ?" He then proceeded to show that, if the corn laws were to be repealed, a fitter period for their repeal than the present could not be imagined. Instead of blaming Sir Robert Peel, the protectionists, who recoiled from no other spectre save the appearance of abundance, ought to be grateful to the right hon. bart. for main- taining the corn laws for their advantage so long. No man but Sir Robert Peel could have done it. But though he blamed the right hon. bart. for his past conduct, he had nothing but admiration for the conduct which he had recently adopted. In reply to the arguments ad van- ced by the protection party in favour of an appeal to the people, he observed that nothing could be more dan- gerous than such an appeal at the present crisis, for it would bring into discussion questions of far greater practical importance even than the repeal of the corn laws. Supposing the protectionists should gain a ma- jority from the small agricultural counties and the still smaller agricultural boroughs, what would be the result ? Nothing else but this-that they would bring the House of Commons tumbling down about their ears. There would be a cry from Yorkshire and Lancashire and Middlesex for a second reform bill-a cry which the protectionists would not be able to resist. He men- tioned this to convince the protection party that there were questions of more vital importance eveu to their own selfish interests than the question of rent. Lord G. Bentinck contended that the allegation by the government of the likelihood of a potato famine in Ireland was nothing else but a gross delusion. The accounts which he had recently received from Ireland, convinced him that the price of potatoes was falling rather than rising in most of the markets of that country. He endeavoured to prove that the alarms of the farmers respecting the repeal of the corn laws were not visionary from the fact that in the year 1S36, when corn was at a lower price than it ever had been before in England, foreign corn could have been imported into it at a profit of 10s. per quarter to the importer. lie complained bitterly that ministers, in introdueing the present corn bill, had blown hot and cold at the same moment. First of all, the farmers were not to be alarmed, because, upon looking at the results of the tariff of 1842, there was every reason to believe that a free trade in corn would rather enhance than depress the price of the article and yet afterwards ministers unblushingly pro- claimed that their object was to produce cheap bread, and that the time was gone by wherein rents could be eked out of the sufferings of the poor. He then quoted several statistical documents to prove that the fluctua- tions in price under the sliding scale of England were rnu,Ii less than these which occurred in countries where the corn trade was said to be more free. Under the law of 1832 the fluctuation in the English market amounted to 52) per cent., whereas in Bordeaux it amounted to no less than 81 per cent. He next pro- ceeded to prove that under the existing duty of 18s., corn could not be imported into England by all tLe importers of corn from foreign countries He next argued that the welfare of the labouring classes in general, and of the agricultural labourers in particular, did not depend on the low price of wheat, but on a pro- fitable price of wheat to the farmer. Referring to the question of Mr. Baring on a former night, he declared that he was prepared to give him a comprehensive answer to his very vague and indefinite question about the future policy of the protection party. Recollecting that Mr. F. Baring and his party had opposed and sup- ported every measure for the repeal of the corn laws — recollecting that it was not till the year 1841 that a sudden thought came upon the Whig administration when it was in articulo mortis to propose an 8s. fixed duty—recollecting that it was not until the cry of cheap bread had been found unsuccessful that they had pro- posed a fixed duty with a vanishing point-recollecting, too, that Lord J. Russell, fancying that sometfting was brewing in the minds of the ministers, had sought to outbid them by proposing the total repeal of the corn laws, he thought that the Whigs did not understand either the constitution or the complaint of.the patient for whom they were anxious to prescribe. The comprehensive advice which he was therefore prepared to give to the pro- tection party was to take no more of the remedies com- posed and administered by the Whig party. He gave his friends the same advice with respect to the remedies of the Tory party. Both of them were pirates for they had pirated the very speeches and measures of the Anti- Corn-law League. He then made a fierce attack on the ministers for having scuttled the ship of his party, after tnpy nact driven it on a jee snore, and for having skulked away in the long-boat, in the hope that its gallant crew would be in the power of the enemy, to whom ministers had betrayed them. Ministers had judged of that crew by their own craven hearts-but though for a moment that crew had been discouraged, it had since rallied from the temporary shock-it had brought off the ship from the lee shore, and, with God's assistance, it would still carry it in safety to port. On the motion of Sir J. Graham, the debate was then adjourned till the following day. FRIDAY, MARCH 27. In answer to Sir R. Inglis, Sir R. Peel said bills had been prepared founded upon the reports of the commis- sioners for the improvement of the metropolis, and also on the report of the commissioners for the consolidation of turnpike trusts, but he wished to have them sub- mitted to his noble friend (Lord Lincoln) who was at present in Ireland, before they were laid on the table. I' In reply to Mr. W. Newdegate, the right honourable baronet said, before any measures were introduced for the appointment of schoolmasters to union workhouses, and the payment of the constabulary force in Ireland, votes must be taken in a committee of supply. In the present state of the public business he could not say when these measures would be introduced. ADJOURNED DEBATE ON THE CORN BILL. I The adjourned debate was then resumed by Sir James Graham, who expressed his regret at having forfeited the friendship and esteem of those honourable gen- tlemen with whom he had formerly acted; but having made up his mind, from a deep sense of public duty, to aid Sir Robert Peel in submitting these measures to the consideration of parliament, he had foreseen all that had taken place, and had calculated the cost of the sacrifice. He admitted that he had been deeply wounded by these taunts, but he would nevertheless steadily and fearlessly discharge his duty, consoled by the belief that the time was not far distant when the country gen- tlemen would find that the government had not aban- doned their interests, but on the contrary, that they were more intimately bound up than they believed with the interests of the community at large. (Loud Cheers.) The right hon. gent. then proceeded to review the argu- ments of Lord G. Bentinck on the previous evening, showing that the sliding scale, which he had so strenu- ously advocated, had not tended to equalize the price of corn. He could assure the house that the panic which the measures of the government had created, was confined much more nearly to the interior of the walls of parliament than most people believed. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman then referred to the probable results of the measures of the government on the trade and commerce of the country, from which he anticipated ultimately the most beneficial results. With regard to the effect of the low price of corn on wages, the right hon. gentleman read extracts from the evidence of parties examined before the hand-loom weavers' commission, the Spitalfields weavers' com- mission, and others, for the purpose of showing that the high price of corn had operated most inj uriously upon the industrious classes. So long as the manufacturidg population of this country were impresslH with the deep-seated conviction that the corn laws artificially enhanced the price of bread, lowered the rate of wages, and compelled them to pay more and to receive less, they might depend on it they would not be cajoled by the exploded fallacies of protection to native industry. As regarded their domestic peace and their foreign relations, no time should be lost in carrying these mea- sures into effect. (Cheers.) Mr. Stuart strongly deprecated the conduct of the government in pandering to what they called public opinion, without any regard to the policy or expediency of the measures they proposed, He denied that the fallacies put forth by the members of the Anti-Corn-law League could bp called public opinion, and although some of the agricultural labourers, who had attended the meetings of the League itinerant orators were cla- morous for free-trade without knowing very well what it meant, the great bulk of that body were of a diffe- rent opinion, and were content to remain under the operation of the law of 1842, which had worked better for their interest than any other plan that could be devised. Mr. Bouverie entered into a variety of details for the purpose of showing that the rate of wages was in almost every case influenced by the higher or lower price of corn, when the latter was dear and scarce Ihe condition of the operatives being much worse than when an opposite state of things prevailed. He denied that the interests of the landowners would be injuriously affected by the proposed measure. The Marquis of Worcester said if Ireland was more distressed than usual, he and his hon. friends would not hesitate to join the government in voting a sum for its relief, but he could not sufficiently condemn their con- duct in attempting to introduce such sweeping changes in their protective policy upon such slight grounds. Mr. D. Gardener maintained that the distress in Ire- land had been greatly exaggerated, and referred to the returns of the price of potatoes in various market towns there, to show that there was no immediate apprehen- sion of famine. I Mr. Mildmay also opposed the second reading of the bill, although he regretted being obliged to oppose the government, whose measures he had hitherto approved of. He pointed out the injury that, in his opinion, would be inflicted upon the landed and agricultural interests by the repeal of the corn laws. Sir R. Peel and the Marquis of Granby rose together, there were loud cries from the protectionists for the latter, but the speaker called upon the former, who proceeded to address the house in support of the bill. He referred to the stagnation of trade that prevailed and was doing serious detriment to the commerce of the country, and which would continue to prevail until this question was finally set at rest. He had been charged with neglecting his public duty and betraying the trust reposed in him, and he claimed the right of being heard in his own defence. The right hon. gen- tleman then entered into some explanations relative to the course he and his colleagues had adopted in the month of November last. as soon as the reports of the apprehended scarcity in Ireland had reached the govern- ment. He had been charged with making a sudden turn, and with abandoning his former principles; but in the course of the last session he had distinctly stated they could not much longer continue to apply to food and agriculture a different principle to that which was applied to other articles. (Cheers.) After stating the grounds that had influenced him in coming to the de- cision that the ports should be thrown open, and the consequent necessity of a revision of the whole of their protective system, the right hon. baronet addressed himself to the objection that he had not in the first instance dissolved parliament, showing from the arguments of Mr. Pitt and others, thatament was fully competent to legislate upon thi^Tjfeasure, and that the delay in calling together a new par- liament, and the agitation consequent upon a general election at such a crisis, would be productive of the most injurious effects. Notwithstanding all the qualifications with which the statement had been met, it was admitted that distress and disease existed in Ire- land, but that was said to be the usual condition of the Irish peasantry..Had protection, then, brought them to this, that the labourers of the most agricultural part of the kingdom were always oil the verge of famine ? (Cheers. ) Was not this state of things a very cogent reason for making some alteration in the existing system ? (Cheers.) He attached great importance to it, and had as much right to look to its prosperity as any hon. member of that house, but that could not be done by dissevering it from the general interests of the country. (Cheers,) Referring to the arguments of Lord G. Bentinck, that corn would be imported at an extremely low price, he maintained that it was the high protecting duties in this country and the accumulations abroad that brought the price so low, but if there was a free and steady trade, he did not believe the price would ever fall below 39s. or 40s. The right hon. bart. then went at some length in to the question of wages, which he maintained by no means depended on the price of corn, and concluded by stating that he fell, he should fall not in the support of monopoly, Out in endeavouring to extend commerce and equalize the burdens of taxation. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Stafford O'Brien complained that the agricultural party had not had an opportunity of examining and replying to the documents used by Sir Robert Peel. He had the consolation of reflecting that whatever the result of the present struggle might be, it had called forth an amount of zeal, and energy, and talent on his (Mr. O'Brien's) side of the question, that was highly cre- ditable to the party to which he had the honour to belong. Lord Palmerston wished the word protection to be al- together expunged from their commercial dictionary- it meant nothing but real injury to the many for the problematical advantage of the few. He hailed with deligh t a measure which went so far upon principles, the soundness of which he had never doubted, and he should give the bill his cordial support. The house then divided, and the second reading was agreed to by a majority of 302 to 214. Adjourned at half-jast two o'clock.

LORD MOUXT-EDGCUMBS & HIS TENANTRY. [From the Atlas.] Lord Mount-Edgcumhe has addressed a Sensible and well-timed letter to his tenantry, upon the present crisis in the affairs of agriculture, exhorting them to submit with a good grace to what he justly regards as an ine- vitable necessity, and make the best of their altered position. He cannot, he tells them, so entirely get rid of his old opinions in favour of protection, as to declare that the agriculturists have not great ground for alarm still, when he sees, with very few exceptions, every man who has any pretensions to the character of a states- man committing himself to directly contrary opinions, he cannot despair. He hopes that the tenantry too will not despair, hut wait until the result is shown by experience. "One thing," he says, "is certain-all agree that to ward off these dangers we must exert our- selves. We are started in a race against all comers, and woe betide the hindermost. In such a race the ma- nufacturers have been signally victorious, and it is well for farmers to consider by what means they have suc- ceeded." That success, he shows them, is attributable, not only to a steady attention to their blisiness, but also to an unceasing activity of the inind-adoptiiig every improvement in their trades as soon as it is made known—casting aside antiquated notions and habits, and putting into practice, without delay or hesitation, every new discovery of science and ingenuity. The tenant-farmers must go and do likewise; and in doing it they will have a great advantage over the manu- facturers, by the aid and co-operation that they may expect to receive from their landlords, for the land- lord feels," Lord Mount-Edgcumbe remarks, that the tenant is bound to his estate, and he to his te- nants, by ties of the heart, rarely, if ever, known to the manufacturer, or by those with whom he is connected." He deplores the changes which must now convert the agriculturist into a mere manufacturer of food, apart from those considerations which hitherto have attached him to the soil, and to the peaceful and healthful pur- suits of its cultivation. But the effort, he tells them, must be made, to adopt themselves to the altered state of things in which they are placed. Landlords are on their part bound to take every means in their power to make their tenants acquainted with all changes in agriculture which trom time to time experience may have shown to be improvements,—and also to give them every assistance in their power by sharing on equitable terms the expense, or by in any other way aiding them to carry them out; but in return, -they have a full right to expect the utmost readiness in tenants to take advantage of the assistance and in- formation offered, and to decline a renewal of connec- tion with men who refuse to perform their part in what is no more than their duty, at a time of difficulty and danger to all." All idea of being any more favoured by protection" in any shape, he exhorts them to abandon for how, he asks, can a cause be main- tained in opposition to such a vast portion of the com- munity, including the most distinguished of ourselves, when not a disinterested judge or umpire can be found to sanction or support it-nay, even to refrain from condemning it ?" He does not condemn those mem- bers of Parliament who, though elected on the under- standing that they were in favour of the corn laws, have seen fit to go along with Sir Robert Peel; for they have adopted that course as one imposed upon them by what has occurred, having a due regard to the public interests though he cannot find an excuse for Sir Robert himself having drawn the gentry and legislature of England into such a position. But he entreats them to give up all quarrels and criminations amongst them- selves, as well as any further struggles against what is so clearly ineffectual. Let us rather determine at once," he says, in conclusion, to unite all our ener- gies to do our duty to the community and ourselves, by industriously putting into practice those improvements which science and experience have shown will enable us to produce from our land the greatest quantity of food at a fairly remunerating cost." [From the Times.] I The Earl of Mount-Edgcumbe has written a very sensible letter to his tenantry. It is well when men of rank and influence, especially when members of the Upper House, stand forward as the advocates of peace and good order, and inculcate submission to the powers that be. Such, indeed, is the natural vocation of those who have a great stake in society. To them a state of transition is formidable, not merely as a possible change for the worse, but as being accompanied not rarely by feelings of animosity and insubordination in the people, which fall upon the rich and great with peculiar vio- lence. It is their interest to calm these feelings, and, where they cannot avert the change, to hasten its con- sumption and to provide for it at the least possible ex- pense of anger and discontent. We would that the agricultural mind could be convinced of this truth. Lord Mount-Edgcumbe commends to the farmers of Devonshire the example of the murdered Caesar; he exhorts them to die with a good grace. Their fate being inevitable should be borne with resignation. Besieged by active and relentless foes, abandoned by once active friends, they can hold out no longer. It only remains to capitulate with honour, and to evacuate the fortress of protection without ignominy. This is good advice, and the reasons which support it are not less so. The noble monitor would appear not to have aban- doned the principle of the corn law, although he is himself convinced, and wishes to convince others, that in practice it can no longer be upheld. He will not deny that there is some cause of alarm, but at the same time there is a corner in the breast for hope. What every man who can claim any title to the character of statesman" is agreed to uphold cannot be altogether wrong; free trade, therefore, may have its benefits, although the children of monopoly cannot at present see them. The best guarantee that it will not prove as they think is contained in the fact that many whose interests are most deeply involved in the prosperity of the soil are the most strenuous advocates of free trade. This is not, perhaps, the most satisfactory of argu- ments but agriculturists love to follow the leader, and it is fortunate when he leads them right. But the best part of his Lordship's letter is that wherein he exhorts his tenants to bestir themselves. He bids them look at the manufacturers, how they toil and work, and see how their labour has been crowned with success. The agriculturists also are soon to be mere manufacturers, producing corn from the earth on the same system as the Manchester lord makes cotton stuffs in his mill. If he has won the race against all comers, why not they also, using the like means with the like energy ? Activity, talent, and capital have done everything for him why should the same causes not produce the same effects for them ? The farmer has advantages not possessed by the manufacturer. If he wants talent or capital his landlord will assist him. He will be made acquainted with improved methods of cultivation, and relieved of a portion of the expense of applying them. Let him but prove himself willing and active, and that sentimental bond of union which is so much talked of as connecting the various ranks of agri- cultural society, will prevent his suffering from either empty purse or empty head. The landlord and tenant being united, as we are told, by ties of the heart, cannot, of course, be separated without pain. What ground, then, is there for apprehension ? Not the stanchest advocate of the repeal of the corn laws could have put his own doctrines in a more favourable light than they appear in through the medium of this letter. The case of protection is stated fairly and in the plainest way. See, says his Lordship, how you have fared under it. No capital produces to its owner so small a return as that invested in land. The peasant does not enjoy those comforts which his services entitle him to. Manufactures, on the other hand, afford a large return, and the manufacturer having started in a race with all the world, that is, without protection, has distanced all competitors. What more can be said ?

WEST OF ENGLAND AND SOUTH WALES LAND- DRAINING COMPANY.—This company held it* first half- y.g..Y meeting at Exeter, a few days ago, and declared aIHvidend at the rate of four per cent. per annum on the paid-up capital. The object of the society is to promote the efficient draining of lands, by undertaking the whole of the surveys, supplying and laying down the pipes, and completing the operation without the in- tervention of other parties, and receives payment direct or by instalment, at the convenience of the landowners. Sir Thomas Tancreed and many other gentlemen and agriculturists addressed the meeting on the importance and great value of scientific and deep draining, and much interesting discussion took place. CATTLE TRADE.—A gentleman (Mr. Tait) has been in the north purchasing fat cattle and sheep in great numbers, to fulfil a government contract. Mr. Tait, we understand, sends about 200 carcases of sheep every week to England. He has bought nearly all the fat sheep in Ross-shire and Caithness, besides part of Inverness- shire. Excellent prices have been obtained for the sheep and cattle—in some cases the former as high as 6d. per pound. In London, and indeed throughout the whole country, the price of all kinds of stock is un- usually high at present, forming (for the farmers at least) an auspicious commencement of free trade.-Ross- I shire Advertiser. THE PRESS.—The amount of intellect which is now brought to bear upon the public press of England, forms one of the striking features of our age and country. Whether as regards the lucubrations of the quarterly and monthly periodicals, or the more rapid productions of the weekly and daily journal where is the English- man who does not feel elated at the reflection, that all this array of talent, this exhibition of mind, is concen- trated within his own native' isle, and is, for the most part, constantly occupied in efforts to advance its litera- ture, its science, its religion, and to promote its true glory and its enduring greatness ? Such, indeed, is the reputation of the public press of Great Britain, and such the weight of its political influence, that it has, although imperceptibly, virtually introduced a new element into the constitution— a fourth estate. So that not only is it now necessary to the enactment of a new law that it should have the high sanction of Queen, Lords, and Commons, but also that the measure should previously have had the concurrence of the public press, as the organ of the popular mind and will, enlightened, mould- ed, and directed mainly by its intelligence and power. Public opinion, informed by and expressed through the press, now really governs in England.—Liverpool Standard. A FRIGHTFUL EXAMPLE.—" See here, friend, you are drunk!" "Drunk? To be sure I am, and have been these three years. You see, my brother and I are on a temperance mission. He lectures, while I serve as a frightful exarnple.Intcricait paper, j

THE WAR IN INDIA. I The Times has the following remarks relative to the late despatches from the seat of war In our judg- ment, the most important fact contained in the intel- ligence which has just been received from India is the arrival of Rajah Gholab Singh, with a large force, in the neighbourhood of Lahore. For, on the one hand, his presence, advice, and supplies may materially aug- ment the force and courage of the enemy or, on the other hand, his arrival in the capital and the camp may excite such rivalry and animosity as may lead to ano- ther violent revolution in the whole state of Lahore. We are unable to conjecture what the policy of Gholab Singh may be, but in one way or the other it will pro- bably have the greatest influence on the whole of affairs in the Punjab. He is unquestionably the most able of the Sirdars, or chiefs of the country. His influence over the Rajahs of Kohistan and the hill country raised him, even during the life of Runjeet Singh, almost to the rank of an independent Prince and the death of his brothers and relatives in the various massacres and revolutions which have taken place of late years in La- hore has left him an undivided authority in the western country. He came down to Lahore accompanied by his clansmen, and backed by an army, and we shall ere long learn the effect of his influence on the Dur- bar. Hitherto, as far as it has been ascertained, the operations of the Sikhs, though by no means un- skilfully combined or ill-supported, have been go- verned by no supreme authority. The army has been waging war without the control of a Government though no doubt the Maharanee has vigorously en- couraged the prosecution of hostilities; and even the army was divided into several commands. In this emergency, Gholab bmgh will probably aspire to exer- cise a more complete authority over the affairs of the country. The claims of humanity, and the desire to prevent the effusion of blood, will have, we fear, but little influence among the fierce and profligate Sirdars of Lahore. On neither side can peace be asked for or obtained. Another and a more decisive battle must be fought; and the experience of the last few weeks has more than ever convinced us of the necessity for the utter dissolution of the Sikh army. It may fairly be conceded on all hands, that before the commencement of the war the strength and military skill of the enemy had been underrated. The state of our preparations, and the first movements made after the Sikhs had crossed the Sutlej, indicate a misconception on this point which was as general in India as in England. But all doubt being removed as to the difficulties we have to surmount, the next thing is cautiously, resolutely, and promptly to surmount them. We say promptly, because we trust that before the hot season, a blow may be struck to ter- minate the first act of the campaign with honour and we cannot look forward without apprehension to the condition of the army, if it be condemned to wait for six months upon the frontier before the contest be deter- mined. Whatever may be the motives which have been supposed to encourage such a delay, for many obvious reasons it would be onerous and impolitic and we trust the war may be brought to a much more speedy termination."

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. I Ellice v. Benwick.—This was an action for a breach of promise of marriage, at Exeter Assizes. The plain- tiff was a young and handsome widow. She was resi- ding at Teignmouth, where also lived the defendant. He c;1 is described as a man of property, who kept his yacht, his phaeton, groom, dogs, gamekeeper, &c. Having obtained an introduction to the lady, he paid her marked attentions, and at length made her a pro- posal of marriage. The principal evidence of the en- gagement was that of a young lady living with the plaintiff at the time, who, whilst in an adjoining room, heard the defendant say, Mrs. Ellice, will you have me ?" The lady remarked that his family would think him foolish; but he interrupted her by saying, "My family have nothing to do with me—will you have me ?" The witness did not hear what answer the plaintiff gave ta this but when she returned to the room they were sitting on the sofa together, the defendant having his arm round the lady's waist; & remarked to her, the wit- ness—" You see Mrs. Ellice is not afraid to sit near me now." After this his attentions became greater and more frequent than before, and he made her various presents. But having gone to visit his sister at Ox- ford, a change came o'er the spirit of his dream." His sister, it was hinted, had set him against the mar- riage and soon afterwards (in January last), during an interview with Mrs. Ellice's brother, he positively refused to marry her. It came out in cross-examination that the defendant was notorious for his marked atten- tions to fine women, and that he had already compro- mised a similar action by paying EI,000. It was also elicited that at about the time that his affections were on the wane, the plaintiff had presented him with the china image of a buxom wi dow, the production of which in court created great laughter and the counsel for the defence argued from that circumstance, that the plaintiff herself was at that time inclined to treat the whole matter as a joke. The jury, however, gave the widow a verdict, with £0500 damages. DERBY ASSIZES. Thornhill v. Thornhill. This was an action brought to recover an estate called Oller- enshaw, in Derbyshire, claimed under the will of the late William Thornhill. The testator had originally been a currier at Stockport; but having accumulated considerable wealth, he retired from business, and went to live on the estate in question, which he had pur- chased. He had always shown great anxiety to find a family name, and on this desire the plaintiff's case rested. It was alleged that as he had no children, al- though he had married late in life in the hope & expec- tation of a family, he had determined to leave the estate in question to his cousin Walter, the present plaintiff, be- cause the cousin had three sons, while Mr. Jonathan Thornhill, the brother of William, had only daughters. He did bequeath the estate to his cousin, setting aside his brother, and also his wife, with whom he had long been upon bad terms. The brother now sought to set aside this will, resisting Walter Thornhill's attempt to take possession, on the plea that the testator was insane. The case was opened on the side of the defendant by Mr. Cockburn, who read a great many disgusting letters by the testator, and proceeded to call witnesses to prove the insanity, which was of a very extraordinary cha- racter. No woman, he believed, could possibly be chaste his own wife, in particular, he regarded as most abominable, and he acted towards her accordingly—one moment accusing her of conspiracy and depraved con- duct, and in the next writing of her in the most affec- tionate and endearing terms. He was exceedingly jealous of his female servants being contaminated, and would discharge a labourer if he looked towards the house. The girls would take advantage of this de- lusion under which he suffered, and, when he was about the premises, would set up a scream, upon which he would immediately take off his shoes and run round to the door to save them. He was curious, also, in his way of dealing with his labourers he would make them all work in a line, and would call them to work or to rest by the sound of a horn. As to his conduct in the house, he would get up, light the fires, and make the servants' breakfast, and if a fire wanted blowing he would have all the fires in the house blown at the same time and so with warming the beds and when the pan was brought down he would feel the bottom of it, and if he thought it felt too warm he would send the servant up again to renew her work, saying, he would not have his coals wasted. On one occasion he made his wife sit with him all night long in the coal cellar on another he mistook a log of wood for a devil, and would have it shot at. At another time he said he was beset with twelve devils; he accordingly went out, and having fired a pistol twelve times, he came back pacified, saying he had killed all the devils. Shortly afterwards Mr. Humfrey, as counsel for the plaintiff, informed the Court and jury he should trouble them no further. He could not conceal from himself that the case opened by his friend, and proved by the documents he had been permitted to see, would lead the jury to believe there was general insanity therefore considering the proper attestation of the will might also be doubtful, he was content not to ask a verdict at their hands. The judge thought he had taken a very proper view of the case and a verdict was recorded for the defendant.

THE OXFORD SECESSION.—We understand that Mr. Christie, late Fellow of Oriel College, has determined to give up the study of the medical profession, on which he some time since entered at Bartholomew's Hospital, and to take orders in the Roman Catholic Church. Old Oscott College, of which Mr. Newman is to be Superior, is to bear the name of St. Mary's-in-the- V ale. We are also informed that Mr. Oakeley has obtained from the see of Rome the dispensation necessary in his case to his admission into orders, which he will, therefore, shortly enter. It is rumoured, though we have not heard it on authority to which we can give implicit credence, that the scene of his labours is destined to be not very far from his former field of duty at Margaret- street Chapel. Oxford Herald. HOPS, MALT, BREWERS, &c.—Mr. Alderman Hum- phery has obtained his usual annual accounts (printed on Saturday) relating to hops, malt, and to the number of persons licensed as brewers, victuallers, &c., for the year 1844-5. It seems that in 1845 there were in Great Britain 48,058 1-16 acres under the cultivation of hops, of which 9,190j acres were in Canterbury, and 15,697 j acres in Rochester. The next largest county was Sussex, where 11,016 acres were under cultivation. The duty paid on hops of the growth of the year 1845 was £ 288,526 Os. 71. Canterbury district paid E66,040 5s. 7id; Rochester, £ 94,007 19s. and Sussex district, E99,155 15s. 10-id, The quantities of hops exported are then given of several years growth, both of English and foreign growth. The hops imported from the United States of America (the only place) in the year ending the 5th of January last were 726 cwt. 181b. The number of pounds weight of hops charged with duty in the several collections in the united king- dom in 1845 was 32,974,749. With respect to malt, it appears that the total quantity of malt made in the united kingdom in 1845 was 4,687,487 quarters, of which 3,336,065 were used by brewers and victuallers, and 413,059 by retail brewers. In England, 3,925,871 quarters were made, of which 3,465,779 quarters were used in the year. The third part of the return shows the number of brewers, victuallers, and beer-retailers in the united kingdom. In England, last year, there were 2,324 brewers in Scotland, 198 and in Ireland, 115:—making 2,637 brewers. In England, there were 32,554 persons licensed to sell beer to be drunk on the premises, and 3,769 to sell beer not to be drunk on the premises. 16,580 victuallers brewed their own beer, and 13,372 beer retailers.

I THE REV. DR. WOLFF ON THE WAR IN INDIA. I (From the Leeds Intelligencer.) The Rev. Dr. Wolff has just addressed the following letter to the inhabitants of Bradford Inhabitants of Bradford,—I perceive that consider- able anxiety is manifested among you respecting the war with the Seikhs in the Punjaub. I therefore take the liberty of addressing to you these few lines for your entire satisfaction. In the first and second editions of the narrative of my late expedition to Bokhara, to ascertain the fate of Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly, and also in my third edition of the same work (which will make its appearance next week), I have predicted that the Punjaub will soon form a province of British India, much to the advantage of the inhabitants of the Punjaub. This prediction, beyond all doubt, hastens now rapidly towards its fulfilment I do not pretend to possess the gift of prophecy, but having traversed, in the year 1832, the length and breadth of the Punjaub, and having acquired a thorough knowledge of the character and sentiments of the people of Lahore, Cashmere, and all the country around, it was an easy matter to me to foresee that whenever the fanaticism of the Seikhs will excite them to wage war with the British troops, it must lead to the ruin of the former. "For the Punjaub is first inhabited by the Seikhs, which means Disciples," for they are disciples of Baba Nanak and Goroo Goveend-Sing, who founded, 200 years ago, a religion of their own, hostile to the Hindoo and Mahomedans creeds. Secondly, the Punjaub is inhabited by Mahomedans, Budhists, and Hindoos, who are treated as slaves (especially the Mahomedans) by the tseiklis. Whole families of Mahomedans at Cash- mere were burned alive during my stay at Cashmere, by order of the Seikh commander of that beautiful valley-and, therefore, they were sighing in all the cities and villages from Simlah to Cashmere. After the arrival of the British army and the great Rajahs of the Rajpoots, at Rajawr and other cities and even the great Mahomed Shah Nakshbandee at Cashmere, who is the spiritual director of the Mahomedans in the Punjaub, Affghanistan, and Toorkestaun, assured me that whenever a British army should enter the Punjaub, the whole of the Mahomedans and Hindoo population would fly under the standard of the Governor General of India's army. And I also know that in case the British go- vernment would cede Peshawr to Doost Mahomed, Khan of Cabul, Doost Mahomed and his son, Akbar Khan, with the whole of Affghanistan, would be recon- ciled to the British nation The result of the conquest of the Punjaub will be incalculably great, to the benefit not only of the British nation, but of the whole Christian world! I don't know any people in Asia so willing as the people in Cashmere, and even Lahore, are to hear propounded to them the glorious doctrines of the gospel. Sir Claude Martin Wade, who resides at present at Ryde, in the Isle of Wight, was political agent of the British government in India, at the court of Runtjud Singh, at Lahore, when I travelled in the Punjaub, and he will be ready to testify that I fixed proclamations at the walls of the cities of Lahore & Cashmere, calling on the King and nation to be baptised in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ-and nevertheless, I was treated not only with respect but with veneration, by Runtjud Singh, Dehaan Singh, Goolab Singh, and all the Ma- homedan Mullahs, the Hindoo Pundits, and even the fanatical, and every-one-insulting Akale(s!" People of Bradford Lahore and Cashmere are the places to which not only missionaries ought to be sent, but also men of science, artists, and manufacturers, to extend their friendly and commercial relations with that country, where all that we read in the Arabian Nights' exists in reality. By the possession of Cashmere, the British nation will be in possession of the gate to Thibet, Cashgar, Khokand, Samarcand, and Bokhara! and will be able not only to avenge the blood of Colonel Stoddart, Captains Conolly and Wyburd, shed by the King of Bokhara, at the instigation of Abd-ool Samut Khan, surnamed the bloodhound' by the people of Bokhara themselves—but the British nation will also be enabled to command the tyrant of Bokhara to give liberty to 200,000 Persian slaves, who are sighing in the country of Bokhara! I confess that I consider the British government in India those Kings of the East predicted in the revelation of St. John, who will be instrumental in bringing back the Jewish nation to their own land before the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ in majesty and glory In the meanwhile, I am sure that you will soon hear the tidings that the inhabitants of Cashmere have joined the British army. I am, your friend and brother, "JOSEPH WOLFF."

PRESENT POSITION OF PARTIES.—The vote of the House of Commons on Sir R. Peel's corn measure (observes the Univertal Prussian Gazette), has pretty well answered the expectations raised amongst the public. Estimated in round numbers, the strength of the Whigs and the Tories may be reckoned about equal; the latter are rather stronger, and certainly a more compact mass, whilst the Conservative" body opposed to them, consists of about 120 members, who now see themselves separated from both the traditional parties in the state. This is the real position of parties in England, which seems to indicate a highly remarkable and complicated state of affairs. On one side the Tories declare that their dispute with Sir R. Peel is irrecon- cilable, and that they should have done far better to remain satisfied with their honourable mediocrity of talent than to lend their confidence to so treacherous a leader. On the other side the Whigs do not testify the most remote inclination to enter into a coalition with Peel, or Peel with them. They are already in a state of perplexity on account of the number of those who by claim to the Ministerial places, and will certainly not allow their accustomed opponents a share of the booty. The view of the Whig leaders is this,—that when they, after the passing of the free trade measures now lying on the table of the House of Commons, are commissioned to form a new administration, and then proceed to dissolve Parliament, a considerable number of the Parliamentary seats now filled by the aforesaid 112 or 120 ex-Conservative suporters of Peel, will fall into the possession of pure Whig candidates. And it is certain that many of those members will lose their seats it is certain that their constituents are not so quickly prepared to change their opinions, as their so-called representatives have done. But it ought not to be forgotten that they are Tory not Whig constituen- cies, and hence it may be assumed that the greater portion of them will again return Tory (genuine Tory) representatives to Parliament. If the Whigs wish to gain a positive and effective majority in a new Parlia- ment, they must not only conquer for themselves two- thirds of these seats from their present possessors, but likewise from the future appearing Tory candidates. It is possible that in no very great length of time the experiment will be made with a Whig Cabinet, but we entertain a confident belief that this experiment will prove a failure. It will fail, owing to the want of a strong majority in Parliament it will fail, on account of want of confidence on the part of the people of England; it will fail, for want of the leading head. The whole elite of talents-" all the talents"—which the Whig party furnishes, and which must not at present be over-estimated in England, does not include one single mind of superior greatness. Multitude does not form unity; all the diamonds of different sizes which glisten in a jeweller's shop cannot attain the value of the light-mountain," which shone on the arm of the Runjeet Singh. The Whigs have many, but not one Minister and it is at once the strength and weakness of Sir R. Peel that he stands alone. Lord J. Russell would, in a similarly isolated position, be lost amongst the throng of English gentlemen. He is one of the able men who surround the Premier, and his name is Russell; but those qualifications are far from sufficient for the office of Prime Minister of England. REDUCTION IN THE PRICE OF BRANDY.—On Thurs- day last instructions were received at our Custom-house to allow foreign brandy and Hollands to be taken out of bond at the reduced duty of 15s. per gallon, instead of 23s. The very best Cognac brandy is now selling by our home merchants at 23s. per gallon, 4s. per bottle, and 3s. per pint. We find that the best samples in France are worth nearly 2s. per gallon more than they were before the present alteration was contemplated. The effect of this reduction of duty will be to introduce Hollands to a great extent in the place of British gin in this town it was very extensively drunk before the late high duty was imposed; but owing to its price, and the improvement in the British spirit, it has been of late very little in demand. On taking spirits out of bond, the merchants are obliged to give a bond to go- vernment to pay the old duty, in the event of the New Customs Act being negatived by the Legislature.— Bury and Suffolk Herald. SNEEZING M.U-APROPos.-The following laughable incident is related in a New York paper :-In the new melodrama recently got up at the Chatham Theatre, a famous robber is taken and beheaded, and his head is exhibited to the audience by being placed on a table in the centre of a stage. To accomplish this to life, the robber's body is fixed to the table, and his neck fitted to a hole in the centre of the leaf, so that to the audience it looks precisely as though the man's head had been cut off and stood up in a pool of its own blood upon the table. On the fifth night of the exhibition, a wag got into the third tier of the stand boxes, and by some un- explained manoeuvre, managed to blow a lot of Scotch snuff over the stage, just at the time the head was placed on the table. As soon as the snuff had began to settle down, the head commenced sneezing, to the no small amusement of the audience and as the sneezing could not be stopped, the curtain fell amidst roars of laughter and confusion. HIGH PREMIUMS.—A speculator in Boston (U. S.) declares some shares he held in a Transatlantic railroad went to such a premium, that the broker was obliged to get up a four-story ladder to sell 'em. 0 Go AHEAD!—RHEUMATISM AVAUNT!—A Yankee professor has patented a scientific remedy for rheuma- tism. He places on a patient's head a hat lined with copper, and on his legs a pair of boots lined with zinc. The boots are filled with diluted sulphuric acid, and con- nected with the hat by a metallic wire, running along the seam in the inexpressibles, Off bounds the rheu- matic sufferer at a hand gallop, and rushes across the country like Mazeppa on his charger, or Van Trump with his cork leg When the force of the acid is ex- pended, he, brings up," either in the Oregon country, or Texas, or Canada, according to the direction g iven to him at starting: and he then sits down, and writes home a letter announcing his recovery. AMERICAN EDITORS.—America does not succeed in humanizing its duelling practices. The late arrival brings accounts from VirgJftia of a very sanguinary con- flict between two newspaper editors, who had thrown aside their ordinary and more rational weapon-the pen, and had recourse to that most outrageous one—the pistol. These two remarkable specimens of the American genus irritabile are described as Mr. Robert Pleasants, of the Richmond Whig, and Mr. William Ritchie, of the Enquirer. Having tired of abusing each other in print, they met to kill one another in the field. The firing of four rounds each with pistols having failed to produce the desired effect, they took to closer quarters with their bowie-knives, cutting and slashing at each other with all the sanguinary fury of the wildest savages, until the Whig belligerent (Mr. Pleasants) was slain, his abdomen was ripped open, and he fell dead. His infuriated con- temporary, after narrowly escaping a similar fate, retired from the field with sundry blushing honours thick upon him," in the shape of gashes on the face, the breast, and the arm. THE BIBLE ON THE PUNISHMENT OF DEATH.— It was excellently well said by Lord Melbourne, that no class of persons can be shown to be very miserable and oppressed, but some supporters of things as they are will rise up and assert-not that those persons are moderately well to do, or that their lot in life has a reasonably bright side-but that they are, of all sorts and conditions of men, the happiest. In like manner, when a certain proceeding or institution is shown to be very wrong indeed, there is a class of people who rush to';the fountain head at once, and we have no less an authority for it than the Bible on any terms. So, we have the Bible appealed to in behalf of capital punish- ment. So, we have the Bible produced as a distinct authority for slavery. So, American representatives find the title of their country to the Oregon territory distinctly laid down in the Book of Genesis. So, in course of time, we shall find repudiation, perhaps, expressly commanded in the Sacred Writings. It is enough for me to be satisfied, on calm inquiry and with reason, that an institution or custom is wrong and bad; and thence to feel assured that it cannot be a part of the law laid down by the divinity who walked the earth. Though every other man who wields a pen should turn himself into a commentator on the Scriptures-iiot all their united efforts, pursued through our united lives, could ever persuade me that slavery is a Christian law; nor, with one of these objections to an execution in my certain knowledge, that executions are a Christian law. My will is not concerned. I could not, in my veneration for the life and lesson of our Lord, believe it If any text appeared to justify the claim, I would reject that limited appeal, and rest upon the character of the Re- deemer and the great scheme of his religion, where, in its broad spirit, made so plain—and not in this or that disputed letter-we all put our trust. But, happily, such doubts do not exist. The case is far too plain. The Rev. Henry Christmas, in a recent pamphlet on this subject, shows clearly that in five important versions of the Old Testament (to say nothing of versions of less note), the words, by man," in the often-quoted text, Whoso sheddeth man's blood by man shall his blood be shed," do not appear at all. We know that the law of Moses was delivered to certain wandering tribes, in a peculiar and perfectly different social condition from that which prevails among us at this time. We know that the Christian dispensation did distinctly repeal and annul certain portions of that law. We know that the doctrine of retributive justice, or vengeance, was plainly disavowed by the Saviour. We know that on the only occasion of an offender, liable by the law to death, being brought before him for his judgment, it was not death. We know that he said Thou shalt not kill." And if we are still to inflict capital punishment because of the Mosaic law (under which it was not the consequence of a legal proceeding, but an act of vengeance from the next of kin, which would surely be discouraged by our later laws if it were revived among the Jews just how), it would be equally reasonable to establish the lawfulness of a plurality of wives on the same authority.—Dickens's Social Letters, in the Daily News. DR. ADAM CLARKE'S ADVICt TO HIS AMERICAN BRETHREN.—As a church, abide in the apostles' doctrine and fellowship. As a nation, he firmly united; enter- tain no petty differences; totally abolish the slave trade; abhor all offensive wars never provoke even the puniest state and never strike the first blow. Encourage agri- culture and frieiwHu traffrjL'cultivate the sciences and arts; let learning '4jjKr iffs proper place, space, and adequate share of esteem and honour if possible, live in peace with all nations retain your-'holy zeal for God's cause, and your country's weal; and, that you may ever retain your liberty, avoid, as its bano and ruin, a national debt.-Life, Vol. III., page 364. THE TRUE WEALTH OF ENGL kNn -The great inter- nal resource of this country depends its minerals; a bag of coals would not be so comfortable a thing for the Lord Chancellor to sit upon as the woolsack, but much more emblematical of the wealth of England. It is the coal, and not the wool, that has made England what it is, and our mineral resources both in coal and iron are yet in their infancy. We have just touched on the fringe of our mineral wealth, something like the cultivation of New South Wales as compared with what it may be. The great increase of railway communication will tend to develope those resources beyond all conception; but any want of uniformity in the gauge will tend to diminish that developeilient.- Capt. Law's Evidence upon the Gauqe Commission. AMERICAN SLAVERY.—Mr. Jefferson, afterwards Pre- sident of the United States, writes thus in 1788 -And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that those liberties are the gift of God ? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath ? Indeed, I tremble for my country when I re- flect that God is just; that his justice cannot sleep for ever that, considering numbers, nature, and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune-an ex- change of situation-is among possible events that it may become probable by supernatural interference The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest! Hoi,LOW AY'S OINTMENT.—EXTRAORDINARY CURE.— A NEVER-FAILING REMEDY FOR ALL CASES OF SCURVY, SCORBUTIC HUMOURS, AND SCROFULA.—Henry Hill, now a footman to Lord B., was lately discharged from ? of his having the Duke of D.'s service, in consequence of his having large scorbutic blotches all over his hands and face, to his great disfigurement. For twelve months he was treated by his master's medical attendants, but to no purpose; and the case was at last declared incurable, and he was discharged. The poor fellow then, as a for- lorn hope, commenced using Holloway's Ointment, which effectually eradicated the disease from his blood in less than three weeks. EXPERIMENTAL SQUADRON.—Admiral Sir Hyde Par- ker has it is said been a martyr to the Gout during the whole cruise, and confined to his cabin for half the time, and compelled to carry on his observations under intense suffering but, had he known of Blair's Gout and Rheu- matic Pills, so serious a calamity to himself and incon- venience to the public service woulcyhave found a full and speedy antidote. STRUCTURE OF THE TEETH.—The Teeth, it is well known to Physiologists, are composed of bony structure, which is covered with a coating of enamel-a substance of a fibrous nature, and so hard as to strike fire with a steel. Notwithstanding its apparent hardness, the ena- mel is, however, extremely susceptible of injury, and it thus becomes highly important to ascertain what pre- parations are best adapted to preserve so Importance a substance in its pristine integrity and beautv. We do not hesitate therefore to recommend Rowlands' Odonto, or Pearl Dentifrice," as the most valuable means of purifying, embellishing, and preserving the Teeth and Gums, yet offered to the Public.—See Advt.

WEEKLY CALENDAR. I THE Moo's CHANGES.—Full Moon, on the 11th of I April, at 5h. 55m. after. The Moon rises, April 4.— llh. 19m. r.M. April 7. 2h. 26m.A.M. 5.— Oh. 20m. 8. 3h. 3.m.- 6.- Ih. 22m. 9. 4h. 37m.- I The Sun rises. I Clock before Sun. I The Sun sets. April 4. 5h. 32m. 3m. 6 sec. 6h. 36m. 7. 5h. 25m. 2m. 13 sec. 6h. 41m. April 5.-Dividends on several species of Stock become due.—See Transfer Days. —— The returns for making the assessment of direct taxes are delivered very soon after this day. The person making the return rates himself for the persons and arti- cles subject to taxes kept & used by him between the oth April, 1844, and the 5th April, 1845. If he wishes to give up keeping any servant or other matter assessed, he should do so on the 4th April, or he will be liable to an- other year's tax. April 6.—Length of day, ISh. 12m.; day's increase from the shortest day, 5h, 27m.; day breaks, 3h. 25m. twilight ends, 8h. 43m. Quarter Sessions commence this week. April 8.—Fire Insurance due at Lady Day must be paid on or before this day, or the policy becomes void.

HIGH WATER AT THE FOLLOWING PLACES. I FOR THE ENSUING WEEK. I Llanelly Cardigan Tenby DAYS. Carmar- and and Aberyst- I then Bar. Bristol. Milford wyth. APRIL H. M H. M. H. M. U. M. Saturday. 4 11 35 1 24 12 24 1 54 Sunday. 5 0 5 2 12 1 12 2 42 Monday. 61 27 3 02 03 30 Tuesday. 7 2 46 3 48 2 48 4 IS Wednesday. 8 3 54 4 36 3 36 5 6 Wednes d ay. 9 8 ii 4 47 5 24 4 24 5 54 Thursday. 9 4 47 5 24 4 24 5 54 Friday 10 5 24 6 12 5 12 6 42

LONDON GAZETTE. I BANKHXPTS-( Friday, March 27.)-J. C. Barratt, Strand, carver and gilders.—D. J. K. Horn, Boston- street, Marylebone, baker.—J. Terbutt, Cambridge, auc- tioneer.—W. Rogers, Lewes, Sussex, draper.—R. Clifton, Brandon, Suffolk, brewer.-J. Timmins, Caynham, Lud- low, Shropshire, brick maker.—B. M. Burroughs, Liver- pool, ironmonger .-J Arkcll, Donnington, Gloucester- shire, miller.—T. Redmond, Liverpool, merchant,-J. F. Stone and n. Kirkpatrick, Manchester, ironfoundcrs.— J. Hall, Rochdale, sharebroker. BANKRUPTS.—(Tuesday, March 31.)-J. C. Barratt, carver and gilder, Strand.—T. J. M. Bartlett, bill broker, Pail-Mall East.—W. Howe, bricklayer, Boxford, Suffolk. -C. Couchman, brick maker, Hammersmith.—L. New- ton, warehouseman, Gutter-lane, Cheapside.—E. Doring, Berlin wool dealer, Ipswich.—J. H" Ellis, brassfounder, Houndsditch.—J. Spaul, wine merchant, Beer-lane, Lower Thames-street.—V. Elkins, Coachmaker, South- ampton-place, Euston-square.— M. Kelly, provision- dealer, Liverpool.—W. and T. Edmond, merchants, Li. verpool.—H. Dunington, glove manufacturer, Notting- ham.—J. Hirst and J. Graham, cloth dressers, Dewsbury, Yorkshire.—T. K. Rowbotham, book-keeper, Hudders- field, Yorkshire.—James R. Ilavard, commission agent, Rhymney, Breconshire.—Jr Scott, fruiterer, Nowcastle- npun-Tync.

AGRICULTURE, MARKETS, &C. (From the Mark Lane Express" of Monday). vy tIlC omcial account just published it appears that 89,416 qrs. of wheat, and 182,890 cwts. of flour, were im- ported into Great Britain during the month ending 5th mst.; and that duty was paid within the period named on 1,813 qrs, of the former, and 21,775 cwts, of the latter article. The same statement gives the stocks in bond on the 5th March these were—wheat 1,138,950 qrs., & flour 837,3.55 cwts. Of the wheat 5,594 qrs., and flour 65,446 cwts., were the produce of British colonies. The total stock reckoning 31 cwts. of flour to the qr. of wheat- was, therefore, on the 5th inst., about 1,370,000 qrs. This is certainly a large quantity, but it must be remembered that there is little or no free Foreign in the country and if our own crop of 1845 was as defective as represented at the time of harvest, a million and a quarter of wheat is no great quantity to make good the deficiency, particularly as there can be no question that the consumption of bread must have been unusually great during the last six months, owing to the dearness and the inferior quality of potatoes. No material alteration has taken place in the position of the trade since our last; the tendency has been rather upwards at several of the provincial markets, though the amount of business done has been unimpor- tant. The arrivals of wheat coastwise into London have been moderate, only [.,676 qrs. Flour has moved off freely but the heat of competition lately carried on by some of the town millers having slightly abated, prices have become more steady. The market was sparingly sup- plied with barley. Malt has hung heavily on hand; sellers have, nevertheless, remained firm, and in no instance have lower prices been taken for the finer sorts. The total arrival of oats has consisted of 9,188 qrs,, viz., 2,784 qrs, from our own coast, 6,396 qrs. from Ireland, and 8 qrs. from abroad. The trade has, throughout the week, maintained a firm tone and an advance of 6d. per qr. has been paid for fine corn. s. 8. 1 g, s. Wheat, Engl., red 50 to 58 Oats, English feed 2 3 — 2.5 White 55 — 66 Potatoe.. 28—30 New, red 48 —57 Youghall Black. 21 — 24 Do white 55 — 63 Scotch feed 26 — 28 Barley, Malting 32 — 34 Irish Galway. 21—23 Chevalier. 34—37 Dublin. 24- 26 Grinding 23 2.3 Londonderry 24 — 26 Irish 27-28 Waterford white 21 26 Scotch 25 — 26 Cloiimel 4-26 Beans, Tick new.. 25s. Harrov. 32-36 Irish -1. -1. per last Peas, Boiling 39-40 Linseed, Baltic. 40-44 White. 39 40 Odessa 45-47 Blue, 47-57 Mustard, white. 10-12 Maple. 32 35 Brownn per bush. Malt, Brown 46-49 Flour, Town-made Chevalier. 59-62 and best country Kingston & Ware. 56 — 59 marks. 47-53 Suffolk & Norfolk 51—52 Stockton 3; -39 Rye, new 31-33 Norf. & Suffolk.. 39 -41 Indian Corn 31 Irisli 41-46 GENERAL AVERAGE PRICE OF CORN. Week ending March 27.-Imperial-General Weekly Average,—Wheat, 55s. Od; Barley, 29s. lOd; Oats, 22s. Od; Rye, 33s. lOd Beans, 34s. 4d Peas, 33s. 4d. Aggregate Average of six weeks which governs Duty. —Wheat, 54s. 9d.; Barley, 29s. 9d. Oats, 21s. 9d. Rye, 33s. 4d. Beans, 34s. 8d.; Peas, 34s. 5d. Duty on Foreign Corn.—Wheat, 18s. Od; Barley, 9s Od; Oats, 6s. Od; Rye, 9s. 6d; Beans, 8s. 6d; Peas 811.6d. LONDON AVERAGES. i E s.  f s. d. Wheat. ?3,3b?6 '4 18 ? Rye. 95 qr? 15 2 Barky. 3,6 1 11 5 Beans.. 1,290 1 14 0 Wheat 4,381 qrs.2 1 13 1 5 8 I.Peas 604 1 15 1 Oats .13,?4 1 38 PcM 604 1 15 1 PRICE OF BREAD. The prices of wheaten Bread in the metropolis are from 9d. to 9d.; of household ditto, 7d. to Sid. per 4lbs. loaf. I SMITHFIELD MARKET. i ne imports of live stock from abroad for our market, during the past week, have been on the increase, they having amounted to 320 Oxen and Cows, 400 Sheep, and 6 Calves from Rotterdam, Schiedam, and Harlinaen; while at Hull about 100 Beasts and Sheep have been re- ceived from Holland. To-day we had on sale 270 Oxen and Cows, together with 300 Sheep, derived from the above ports, in, generally speaking, good condition. As was the case last week, the demand for the foreign stock was in a very inactive state, and prices had, in most instances, a downward tendency. Notwith- standing that the attendance of buyers was large, the Beef trade was very dull at a decline in the prices ob- tained on this day se'nnight of 2d. per SIbs., and a total clearance was not effected. Although the numbers of Sheep were not quite equal to those exhibited at the cor- responding market-day in 1845, the actual weight of Mutton was on the increase; owing to which, the trade was in a depressed state, and the currencies declined quite 2d. per BIbs., the highest figure for the best old Downs being 5s. 4d., and which was not obtained without the greatest difficulty. From the Isle of Wight, 60 Lambs and 40 Sheep came to hand. The Lamb trade was heavy, at barely stationary prices. Calves were in short supply, and heavy inquiry, i at Friday's depression of from 6d. to 8d. per 81bs. In Pigs very little was doing, and the currencies had a downward tendency. A STATEMENT and COMPARISON of the PRICES of FAT STOCK, exhibited and sold in SMITHFIBLD' CATTLE MARKET, on Monday, March 31, 1815, and Monday, March :30, 1846. Per 81bs. to sink the offal. March 31,1845. March 30, 1846 8. d. a. d. a. d. 8. d. Coarse & i. nferior Beasts. 2 6to2 8..2 8 to 3 2 oecona quality do 2 10 3 0..3 4 3 Prime large Oxen 3 2 3 6.. 3 8 3 10 Prime Scots, &c 384 0 4 0 4 2 Coarse & inferior Sheep.. 28 3 2.. 3 6 40 Second quality do.. 343 6 4 2 44 Prime coarse woolled do.. 38 4 0 4 6 4 10 Prime Southdown do 424 4..50 54 Large coarse Calves 3 4 4 2..4 4 4 10 Prime small do 444 8.. 5 0 54 Large Hogs. 2 6 3 0..3 6 4 6 Neat small Porkers 324 0..4 8 50 BUTTER, BACON, CHEESE, AND HAMS. fInshButter.n?wcwt.s s, Cheese, per cwt. s. Car!ow, 94 Double Gloucester., 62 64 Sligo 64 — Single ditto 48 52 Banbridge 64 Cheshire. 56 76 Cork, 1st. 80 — Derby 56 60 Waterford 70 American. 50 66 English Butter, Foreign ditto. 46 Dorset, per firkin.. 58 — Bacon, new 51 54 Foreign Butter, cwt Middle Prime Fnestand.112 — Hams, Irish. 64 68 Do. Kiel 90 — Westmorland.66 Fresh Butter, 16s per doz. York 66 70 PRICE OF TALLOW, &c. 1842. 1843. 1844. 1845. 1846. Stock this day 26,288..18,289..22,378..21,437..15,582 Price of Y.C.. 46s.3d.. 4313. Od..40s.6d..38s.8d..42s.6d. to to to to to 46s.6d.s.0d..41s.0d.s.0d..439.0d. Deliver.last week 1,582.. 864.. 1,026.. 904.. 1,789 Do.from 1st June90,103..81,903..75,420..75,156..78,25« Arriv. last week 533.. 8.. 1,065.. 483.. 419 Do.from 1st June98,263..80,942..78,708..77,602..78,041 Price of Town. 48s.Od-45s.Od-43s.6d-41s.Od-45s.6d. METALS. .t s. d. £ s. d. IIwx-bar Wales per ton 8 15 Oto 9 0 0 London 0 0 0 to 9 15 0 Nail rods 0 0 0 to 10 10 0 Hoops (Staf.). 1115 0 to 12 0 0 Sheets. 12 15 0 to 13 0 0 Bars 0 0 0 to 11 0 0 Welsh cold-blast foundry pig 5 0 0 to 5 1.5 0 Scotch pi, Clyde. 3 10 0 to 3 12 6 Russian, c, mom. 0 0 0 to 0 0 0 r R i. 0 0 Oto 000 rsr.t 0 0 0 to 0 0 0 Goitrief 0 0 0 to 14 10 0 Archangel. 0 0 Oto 13 12 6 Swedish, onthespot. 11 10 0 to 11 li 0 Steel, fagt 0 0 0 to 16 5 0 kegs 0 0 0 to 15 0 0 OPPER-Tile. 0 0 0 to 92 0 0 Toul2;h cake. 0 0 0 to 93 0 0 Best selected. 0 0 0 to 96 0 0 Ordinary Sheets .lb. 0 0 0 to 0 0 104 bottoms. 0 0 0 to 0 0 lIt Trx-Com. blocks ewt 0 0 Oto 5 0 0 bars 0 0 0 to 5 1 0 Refined 0 0 Oto 5 2 0 Straits 0 0 0 to 4 5 0 Banca 0 0 0 to 4 8 0 TrN- PY,,kTES-Cb., IC. box 1 10 Oto 1 12 0 ix 1 16 Oto 1 18 0 Coke, IC 1 6 6 to I 7 0 IX. 1 12 6 to 1 13 0 LEAD-Sheet. ,ton 0 0 0 to 20 10 0 Pig refined 0 0 0 to 21 10 0 common. 0 0 0 to 19 10 0 Spanish, in bd 1M 15 0 to 19 0 0 American 0 0 Oto 0 0 0 T'EUER.-(Cake) 19 10 0 to 19 12 6 QUICKSILVER lb 0 0 0 to 0 4 6 REFINED METAL ton 0 0 Oto 0 0 0

ADVERTISEMENTS AND ORDERS RECEIVED BY THE FOLLOWING AGENTS LONDON Mr. Barker, 33, Fleet-street,; Messrs New- ton & Co., Warwick-square Mr. G. Reynell, 42, Chan- ccrv-lane; Mr. Deacon, 3, IValbrook, near the Mansion House; Mr. Hammond, 27, Lombard-street; W. Daw- son and Son, 74, Cannon-street; Mr. C Mitchell, Red Lion Court, Fleet-street: Messrs. Lewis and Lowe, 3, Castle-Court, Cornhill, London. AHERYSTWYTII •. • .Mr. Jenkins, Printer, Great Dark- Gate Street. ABURGAVENNY .Mr. C. R. Phillips, Auctioneer. BRECON .M. r. William Evans, Ship-street. BRIDGEND .Mr. David Jenkins. BRISTOL Messrs. Philp&Evans,29,Clarc-st CARDIFF .Mr. Bird, Post Office. CARDIGAN .A. lr. Isaac Thomas, Printer. DUIILIN J. K. Johnstone &- Co., Eden Qult!r HAVERFORDWEST Mr. Henry Davies, Victoria Place. LLANDTT.O .NTr. D. M. Thomas, Printer, &c. LAMPETER Mr. Rees, Druggist. LLANELLY .Mr. Gawler. MILFORD Mr. Gwyther, Custom-House. MEUTHYR Mr. William Morris. NEWCA.STLE-EMLYN Mr. William Jones, Printer. SWANSEA Mr. Grove, Stationer, Wind-st. TExny .Mr. Walkinton, Chemist. And all Postmasters and Clerks of the roads. THIS PAPER IS REGULARLY FILED by all the above agents and also in London, at Peel's Coffee-House, No- 177, and 178, Fleet-street.—Deacon's Coffce-Hous, 'Val- brook, and the Auction Mart. Printed and Published in Guildhall Square, in the Parish of St. Peter, in the County of the Borough of Carmarthen, ■ the Proprietor, JOSEPH HEOINBOTTOM, of Picton Terra » in Carmarthen aforesaid. FRIDAY, APRII. 3, 1846.