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HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MONDAY,…

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HOUSE OF COMMONS.âMONDAY, MARCH 30. Sir James Graham moved the first reading of the Irish Coercion Bill. It was discovered, however, that the sessional orders, which provide that the orders of the day shall take precedence of other business on Mon- days, Wednesdays, and Fridays, precluded the Right Hon Baronet from moving the first reading of his Bill, unless with the consent of the House. He accordingly moved the postponement of the orders of the day, in which the Cornlaw Bill stood the fourth on the list, in order to allow his motion to come on and Sir William Somerville having opposed this arrangement, a warm and animated debate ensued, in which the actual position of parties was rendered more striking than, perhaps, at any former period of the session. Mr. Smith O'Brien seconded the amendment of Sir William Somerville, and insisted that the Bill would not prevent assassination that Ministers had allowed some weeks to elapse after the Queen s speech before they introduced it into the House of Lords; it was only brought in on the 16th of February, passed the Lords on the 13th of March, and now we had arrived at the end of the month before any further step was taken when, if the Bill had been of the importance they attributed to it, not a day ought to have been lost in passing it through both houses. The effect of bringing it forward at this time, would be to play fast and loose by it, and hang it up" till the end of the session. The Irish Members had come to a resolution to oppose it by every means in their power, and to move adjournment after adjournment, if the measure were pressed forward whilst the other remedial measures to improve the condition of Ireland were kept back. Sir James Graham reiterated the assurances given of the sincerity of Ministers in wishing to pass the Corn Bill, but wished the Irish prevention of Assassination Bill to pass the first reading, in order to produce a moral effect in Ireland. Sir James Graham made no attempt to dissemble the fast accumulating difficulties of Ministers, but said that in their present adverse position it was their bounden duty to do everything in their power, which steadiness, perseverance, and judg- ment could effect for the public good. Mr. Shaw then rose, and in a speech abounding with the most personal invective against Sir James Graham, denied that anything the Government could do would have any moral weight in Ireland. Only seven Irish Members had voted with them on the late division, three of whom were officials, so that they could only expect four Irish Members to support them. Mr. Shaw insisted that the existing laws were sufficient, if pro- perly administered but that could scarcely be done by a Government which tamnered with the meanest of their politioal opponents, and abused the confidence and generosity of their own friends. The Honourable and Learned Member then, amidst the most tumultuous shouts of the Protectionist party, flatly denied that he had intrigued for the place of Chief Secretary of Ireland, or jobbed for any other preferment, as ascribed to him by Sir James Graham in a previous debate. He then related the details of certain interviews which took place ten years ago, about the Recordprship of Dublin, which he was willing to publish at every market cross in England. He said that the conduct of Sir James Graham was not only unworthy of a British Minister of the Crown, but unbecoming gentleman; and to dis- close the conversations which took place was equally unworthy of the minister and the man and he denied that there was a single word of truth in the statement made from beginning to end. He might be accused of picking a falling Governmentâyes, true they were falling in character and power-but Sir James Graham was the evil Genius of the Government and no Govern- ment could last of which he was a member. Sir James Graham defended himself against this violent attack, without losing his judicial temper he explained that the allusion to the Chief Secretaryship of Ireland was only made prospectively, presuming that the Protectionist party would come into power, and he repeated the circumstances of an application made by Mr. Shaw with reference to a snug job respecting the Recordership of Dublin. Mr. O'Connell said that the Ministers commenced their measure to abridge the liberties of Ireland, by trampling upon the sessional orders. Mr. C. Powell having appealed to Lord George Bentinck, for a declaration of his future principles respecting Ireland, his Lordship rose and disclaimed being the accredited leader of his party, but laid that his friends would never encourage midnight assassination, but would protect the loyal and the well- conducted in their lawful pursuits. He was ready to support Ministers to put down murder, and amidst the vociferous shouts of his party and cries of order, said that any blood shed in Ireland must be on the heads of Ministers and on the House. Whilst people were shot at in broad noonday, from behind a hedge, such cowardly assassination ought to be put a stop to, instead of tfevoting attention to a measure which would not come into operation for three years. Sir George Grey pointed out the effect of blinking the Corn Bill to urge forward the Irish Coercion Bill, and said he should support Sir Wm. Somerville's amendment. Mr. Henry Grattan and the Right Hon. Sidney Her- bert severally spoke. After which, Lord John Russell intimated, in a brief speech, his intention to oppose Ministers, pointing out the mischief which would arise by the exciting topics which would necessarily be agitated if the Coercion Bill were pressed. Sir Robert Peel, in an emphatic manner re asserted his previous declarations, that it was his desire to pass the Corn Bill without delay, and said that his conduct, in the event of the rejection, or the mutilation of the Bill in another place, would prove his sincerity. After a few words from Sir Robert Inglis, Lord Worsley, and Colonel Rawdon, and a long speech from Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Cobden forciblv described the fatal effect of introducing the Irish Bill at this inopportune moment; and although he did not give credit to the report that there was any actual compact between Ministers and the Protectionist part,, the conduct of Ministers was inexplicable, as by their present course they endangered both measures. The manufacturing interests were in a state of stagnation, and the agriculturists would rather have the question settled, than defer the matter indefinitely. The house then went to a division, when there ap- peared for the motion of Sir J. Graham- Ayes. 117 Noes. 108 I Majority in fayour of it. 39 Sir J. Gr. lm then proceeded to make a statement pf the reasons which induced him to move that the bill for the prese rvation of life and property in Ireland should now be read a first time. His task in bringing n the present measure was painful; but it was accom- r; by some topics of fonsolation. He had not to bring any charge against the people of Ireland generally âhe had only to expose the outrages which had oc- curred within certain localities. Ministers had now conducted the Government during difficult times for five years, and had discharged the ardous duties of their position without applying to Parliament for any extra- ordinary or unconstitutional power. They had also propo- sedand carried within that time various measures concei- ved in a spirit not unfriendly to the people of Ireland. With reference to the present measure, painful and un- constitutional as it must appear to all to be, he could not reconcile it to himself to be a party to proposing it, without having previously made provisions to relieve the physical wants of the people of Ireland, aggravated as they were by the failure of the potato-crop. Time was necessary for the full development of the other re- medies proposed by Government for the distresses of Ireland but no time ought to be lost in applying the present remedy to the evils of Ireland. In 32 counties of Ireland it would be found that life and property were as secure as they are in any county of Great Britain; and in 18 of them, crime, instead of increasing, was actually diminishing. If it were not for the con- dition of five counties in Ireland, he should have had no occasion to bring forward a measure like the present. Those five counties were the counties of Tipperary, Clare, Roscommon, Limerick, and Leitrim. The popu- lation of Ireland consisted of 8,175,124 souls, and that of these five counties consisted of 1,412,000. After reading an account of the number of homicides, and other greivous crimes committed in Ireland, he showed that while in the whole of that country the number of homicides did not, in the year 1845, exceed 92, the number in those five counties amounted to 47, and the like proportion was visible in the relative amount of other crimes, with this exception, that the nightly firing into dwelling-houses in those five counties amounted to 7-10ths of all that species of crime com- mitted in Ireland. He then proceeded to classify the different species of crime committed in that country, and to bring specific instances of them under the notice of the house. It was some satisfaction to be able to state that these crimes were neither of a sectarian nor a political character, but were perpetrated indiscriminately on the Orangeman and the Catholic, on the Whig or the Tory. He then read a frightful catalogue of mur- ders committed in noon day, upon persons who had either taken or refused to give up portions of land, upon magistrates who had given offence by the vigo- rous execution of their magisterial functions, and upon witnesses who had given evidence in courts of justice. He showed that the parties who perpetrated these offences interfered in the most extraordinary manner. He contended, that unless such interference were pro- hibited, the influx of capital into Ireland would remain for ever unchanged. The interposition of the Legislature had become indispensably necessary; and a memorial calling for it had been presented to the Lord- Lieutenant by the magistrates and grand jurors of the five counties to which he had already referred. He then proceeded to describe the heads of the bill sent down from the House of Lords for the repression of these out- rages, and observed that as he should have another opportunity of defending their policy, he would not enter at all into that subject at present. After dwelling with great emphasis on the recent murder of Mr. Carrick, and reading the able letter addressed by Mr. Ryan to Mr. O'Connell, calling upon that gentleman to give up his agitation against this measure, he implored hon. members not to refuse a reading to this bill, if they loved Ireland, abhorred injustice, and detested murder. He then moved that the bill be read a first time. Mr. D. Browne moved that the debate be adjourned, on the ground that it was now late, and that Mr. O'Connell could not explain the grounds for his amend- ment in a speech of less than two hours' duration. Great repugnance to this proposition was exhibited on the Ministerial benches, especially by Lord Claude Hamilton, who amused the house by declaring that no Irishman who loved his country could think of going to bed at half-past 11 o'clock. The motion for adjourn- ment was, however, supported by Mr. S. O'Brien, Mr. O'Connell, Colonel Rawdon, and Lord J. Russell, and opposed by Sir R. Peel. Ultimately a division took place upon it, when there were for the adjournment, 32, against it 68. The motion was, therefore, lost by a majority of 36. The opponents of the adjournment, however, sub. sequently gave way, and the debate was then adjourned to Tuesday. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned. TUESDAY, MARCH 31. There being only thirty-one Members present at four o'clock, the House adjourned. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 1. The Speaker took the chair at 12 o'clock. Messengers from the Lords brought down the Mutiny Bill and the Marine Mutiny Bill, which their lordships had agreed to without any amendments. A number of petitions in favour of and against rail- way bills were presented. A new writ was ordered for the Borough of Richmond, Yorkshire, in the room of the Hon. Mr. Ridley Colborne, deceased. Mr. Denistoun presented a petition from the mer- chants and bankers of Glasgow, which stated that the petitioners were of opinion that unless the legislature interfered the sum of money required for constructing railroads would be highly inj urious and detrimental to the money market and to the public at large. Mr. W. S. O'Brien gave notice, that to-morrow he should move an address to her Majesty, praying that she would be graciously pleased to order a return to be laid on the table of the number of ejectments of tenants in the county of Galway, and on Tuesday next he should ask leave to bring in a bill to amend the grand jury laws u."au.. THE WAR IX INDIA. I On the motion for the dropped orders being read, Sir IL Peel said that he had already given notice for to.morrow of moving the thanks of the house to Sir Harry Smith and the army under his command in India. Since then the accounts had been received of another most glorious victory, not more glorious than that achieved by Sir H. Smith and those under his command, but more important in its results. He should, therefore, to- morrow propose the thanks of the house to the Governor General, the Commander in Chief, and the Indian army, which he thought probably was now within a few miles of Lahore (hear.) The vote to Sir Harry Smith would be taken as a separate vote. I THE IRISH COERCION BILL. Mr. W. S. O'Brien trusted that the government would not persist with the bill entitled" A Bill for the Pro- tection of Life and Property in Ireland." It was quite clear, from the division which took place the other even- ing, that at least three-fourths of the Irish members were opposed to the measure, and, therefore, it was thought to be unnecessary. Sir It. Peel said that the division did not take place on the merits. He wished to take the sense of the house on the bill itself at the first possible opportunity, and proceed with its future stages as soon as business would admit. Sir J. Graham said he should postpone the further consideration of the bill, which stood on the paper to-day, until to-morrow. Some discussion took place, in the course of which Sir R. Peel said, that hon. members, by voting for the first reading of the bill, did not pledge themselves to support it in the future stages. Mr. II. Grattan said he opposed the bill altogether, and denied that it would afford any additional protection to life and property in Ireland. 'The honourable mem- ber in strong terms deprecated the late execution in that country. Sir R. Peel expresse d a strong hope that Irish mem- bers would allow the bill to be read a first time without opposition. Mr. O'Connell said he felt grateful for what the right hon. baronet had done, but he considered this bill an in- fringement o:, the constitution, and therefore he shouid feel bound to oppose it in every stage (cheers.) Would the right hon. baronet have any objection to lay on the table the evidence on which the bill was founded ? Sir J. Graham had no objection to lay the evidence on the table. The debate was then adjourned until to-morrow. In answer to a question by an hon. member, Sir It. Peel said he could not state exactly the time the house would adjourn for the Easter recess: but this he could state, that the adjournment certainly would not be longer than Monday, the lath inst. I LICHFIELD TREE SCHOOL. I Lord Ingestre moved for a copy of the memorial pre- sented to the Treasury in the case of Mi. Thomas Wood, who had been indicted for a libel inserted in the Wol- verhampton Chronicle," of which paper he was tfle pro- prietor. Mr. Cardwell opposed the motion. The case had undergone public inquiry, and he thought there was no reason for the house to interfere. A judicial investiga- tion had taken place, and further inquiry rendered unne- cessary. The Attorney General, entered into an explanation of the circumstances attending the case, which were not of public interest. Mr. Christie said he thought it was a bad law which made a newspaper proprietor responsible for copying into his paper an official document; and which ought to be altered. Lord Sandon thought the case was one which called for inquiry by the house. Mr. Muntz said he was the last man to inter- fere with the liberty of the press, but he must say, from a knowledge of the fact, that the editor of the newspaper, after copying the document, remarked upon it in the strongest terms possible. A discussion ensued, in which Sir Robert Inglis, Mr. Ewart, Sir James Graham, and other members took part. Lord Ingestre withdrew the motion. RAILWAY DEPOSITS BILL. Mr. Moffatt moved the second reading of the bill. The hon. member shortly repeated what he had stated on former ocasions relating to the payment of railway deposits, but in so low a tone that he was very indistinctly heard in the gallery. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he would not object to the second reading, as he understood the hon. member for Dartmouth would agree to certain amend- ments being made in committee. After a few observations from Mr. W. Collett, the bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to- morrow. I DESTITUTE POOR (IRELAND) RILL I On the order of the day being moved for the second reading of the Destitute Poor (Ireland) Bill. Mr. P. Scrops said his obj ect in bringing forward this bill was to alleviate the distress which now existed amongst the destitute poor in Ireland. The hon. mem- ber addressed the house at a very great length, and read a number of accounts showing the extent of distress in various parts of Ireland. He considered the measure that he brought forward ought to be entitled a bill for the protection of life in Ireland, as it would afford em- ployment for the able-bodied poor. It would also be a great relief to landlords and cultivators of the soil. Sir James Graham exceedingly regretted that a subject of such great importance should be discussed in so thin a house (not more than from 40 to 50 members were present.) The right hon. baronet said he was of opinion that if the bill proposed by the hon. member was agreed to, it would materially aggravate the distress which now unfortunately existed In Ireland. He trusted the house would act with caution on this important subject.âThe right hon. baronet then went into a long statement, and read several documents relating to the present condition of the poor in Ireland. He thought discussing the subject on the present occasion was ill-timed, and if the doctrines of the hon. gent. were agreed to, they would prove most injurious to the best interests of Ireland. It would produce the greatest confusion in that country, and cause the greatest discontent. The hon. member stated that there were 2,300,000 paupers in Ireland. If that was the case it would be impossible to tax the land to a sufficient amount for their maintenance. He could not consent to the present measure, as lie con- sidered it was a complete departure from the present law, and would lead to the most dangerous consequences in Ireland. He therefore moved, as an amendment, that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Mr. S. O'Brien, at length, strongly supported a measure, the object of which was to give out-door relief to the poor, without subjecting them to the test of a workhouse. The hon. member, in conclusion, said he should give his most cordial support tothe second reading. After a few words from Sir J. Graham, Lord J. Russell entered into a brief explanation of his conduct during the time he was in office, in relation to the introduction of a poor law bill into Ireland and stated that his opinions on the subject were not changed. He was anxious to contribute by legislative enactment every provision possible for the poor in Ireland, but he must object to the second reading of the present bill, as he thought it would not be of any advantage or benefit to the people of Ireland. The O'Connor Don opposed the second reading. Mr. Wakley supported the bill. He trusted the right hon. baronet would consent to the second reading. After'a few observations from Lord C. Hamilton and other members, Mr P. Scrope said he should not give the house the trouble of dividing. He would withdraw his motion for the second reading of the bill. The second reading was then negatived without a di- vision. The County Elections Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed on Tuesday next. On the motion of Lord Mahon the Insolvent Debtors (India) Bill was read a first time and ordered to be read a second time on Monday. Sir R. Inglis and other members presented petitions in favour of the Ten Hours Factory Bill. Petitions were also presented against the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor. The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the house adjourned at a quarter to six o'clock. 0 ââââââ THE AMERICAN* QUESTIox.-The Journal des Debate has the following sensible remarks on the long-pending Oregon dispute It is not easy to form an idea of the object which President Polk and his councillors propose to themselves. On one side, they reject arbitration on the other, they adopt in their arguments such premises as render it no longer possible to negotiate; for the President always sets out from this idea, that the whole of the territory reverts to the Union, and that England has no right to retain the smallest portion of it. Now, to propose to a Power purely and simply to abandon a territory that it now occupies by common consent, is to tell it that no negotiation will be entered into. To speak of one's love for peace whilst putting forward such pre- tensions, is like talking nonsense. The despatches of Mr. Buchanan will be quite unintelligible to European diplomatists. In order to possess a key to this mystery, to try and measure the exact bearing of what President Polk is doing, the best way is to go back to his inaugu- ration message.' In that document was produced with eclat the doctrine that Europe has nothing to do with the affairs Qf America, and that no new European esta- blishment can be tolerated on the new continent, espe- cially in North America. The president, no doubt, con- siders that, in the present state of things, under the system of joint-occupation, England has, strictly speak- ing, no establishment in Oregon. There exists in that territory, in fact, neither town nor fortress. All is reduced to a hunt for peltries, organized on a large scale, under the direction of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany, and a few posts for the purpose of trafficking with the savages. The moment, on the contrary, the English were placed in exclusive possession of a por- tion of the Oregon they would found a colony there-a political and commercial centre of action: that is to say, just what the first magistrate of the Union has declared intolerable. Consequently, the Oregon must wholly re- vert to the Union. Such appears to be the object of his dforts-the tendency of his arguments. This is what he will have, no matter at what price, without being stopped by the news communicated to his Government by the American Envoy in London (Mr. M'Lane), that the English Government is perfectly prepared to make war immediately upon the United States, and to strike great blows at the first outbreak of hostilities and that it is impossible not to perceive that the immense maritime preparations of Great Britain have at least an indirect relation to the chances of rupture between that Power and the American (Jninn Tf snrh h,, Vrp"ir1pnt Pnl1. idea, will the American people fill it up ? Every day informs us that the most eminent men are making manifestations in favour of the cause of peace. The last arrival brought two documents, one by Mr. Rives, for- merly ambassador at Paris, who has long represented the State of Virginia in the Federal Senate with much distinction the other by Mr. Gallatin, an illustrious veteran, who has resumed his pen at the age of 85, and descended into the arena to implore his fellow-citizens not to precipitate themselves into the abyss that is being dug beneath their feet. The very amount of the majority that voted the resolution' of the House of Repre- sentatives seems of a nature to give every security. This majority, nevertheless, includes a considerable number of orators, who have claimed for the United States the whole of the Oregon territory, and the excel- lent paper of Mr. Gallatin appears to us to demonstrate very clearly that the single act of the denunciation of the convention of 1827 would render the maintenance of peace extremely problematical; and, in fact, the moment the United States have put a period to the jQint occu- pation, during which every permanent establishment is prohibited and impassable, they will plant their standard in all points where American citizens are to I9 found, that is, every where. They will execute justice, they will organize a government, they will levy customs' duties, they will perform acts of exclusive sovereignty-they will do it a thousand times for one. They will thus reduce England to the alternative of evacuating the Oregon altogether, or making war for the maintenance of her rights in that quarter; and, after the vast pre- parations that she is making, and which Mr. M'Lane has sufficiently characterized, would England take the first part or the second ? Thus, the vote of the House of of Representatives is, at bottom, an offensive one, and if it were thought that the Senate would adopt the same measure, war must be expected. We persevere in hoping that the Senate will resist the fatal impulse to which the House of Representatives has yielded, more perhaps than it itself imagines and all the acts WhiC s hitherto performed confirm us in that hope." THE PUNJAUB TERRITORY.âIt may P-dt'be generally known, but it was in this very district that Alexander the Great, two thousand one hundred and seventy years ago, achieved his most celebrated feat of personal valour. It was in his attack upon the ancient capital of this country (situate probably somewhat to the south west of Lahore) that Alexander in person led a storming party in the face of the fiercest enemy whom he had ever encountered. He was first to scale the wall, when, finding himself to be a mark for showers of deadly missiles, he boldly leaped down among the enemy, and in an instant laid their Chief dead at his feet. The effect upon both armies was electrical the town was taken, and the whole country eventually submitted. In this Alexander was severely, and, as it was supposed mortally wounded. He appears to have traversed the entire Punjaub entering at Attock on the Indus, and pushing his conquests to the Sutlej. This river therefore that marks the commencement of our operations, indi- cated the exact boundary of his eastern progress. CONFESSION OF A MURDERER.âIn September, 1842, a farmer was found dead by the side of a public road, in Oxfordshire, and up to the present time the cause of death has remained a mystery; but now it appears, from a confession which has been made, that he was mur- dered. A travelling tinker, of the name of Isaac Skerry, who has been confined in Banbury gaol, has confessed that he was a party to the murder of the above indi- vidual, Mr. George Mobbs, of Dean-hill Farm, North Aston, who on the 29th of September, 1842, was found dead by the side of the road leading from the Fox at" North Aston to Dunstew. Skerry says that Isaac Sherriff and James Biddle assisted in the murder, and the police have succeeded in apprehending them. On the 28th of September, Mr. Mobbs went to a sale at Staple Aston, a friend went with him part of the way home, and left him at about 11 o'clock at night, at a lane near to the Fox Inn. The friend's road then lay in a somewhat different direction, and he heard Mr. Mobbs' horse go steadily along the lane, towards deceased's home. On the following morning Mr. Mobbs was found dead, and lying on a heap of stones in Dunstew-lane, in a contrary direction to his house. His collar-bone was broken, he had received severe injuries on the head, and a large quantity of blood had lfown from him. The horse was found in one of deceased's fields. RAILWAY CO'i P,t N I ES.-IT has been rumoured in the Stock-Exchange, where the subject has been dis- cussed with the greatest interest, that Mr. Hudson. about to bring before the notice of the Legislature a measure that shall so far comply with the present itfttjt of public opinion as to put a limit to the deluge of tjfeVr railway schemes with which the country is now threat- ened. All is of course mere conjecture, but as far as we can gather the substance of the measure from persons having no immediate authority, the plan is to give the shareholders the power of winding project in all cases were three-fifths of the body shall be opposed to the continuance of the scheme, and also of bringing the provisional committeemen to an immediate settlement of accounts. As to the principle of this measure, that of giving the shareholders a new capacity to protect them- selves and the country generally from the furtherance of schemes which must end in general distress, there is but one opinion and that is, that it is perfectly sound. People, however, think differently with regard to the conditions upon which this principle is to be brought into active operation. Considering the large interest which the directors in an undertaking can command, many are of opinion that it is too much to require three- fifths of a body to be opposed to a scheme before its abandonment is allowed, and that a mere majority ought at least to be sufficient. But, in whatever this proposition may result, the shareholders cannot be too strongly exhor- ted not to wait for any general measure on the part of the Legislature, but to take the matter into their own hands and endeavour to arrest the progress of those Bills that immediately concern them. They may then hope to stay the evil, whether Parliament come. forward with any Genei-al laiv or not.- Times.

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