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HOUSE OF LORDS, THURSDAY,…
HOUSE OF LORDS, THURSDAY, APRIL 14. Lord Derby, in moving that a vote of thanks be given to the Governor General of India, the Commander-in Chief, and the other officers civil and military, and to the nor commillsioneri officers and men, both European and native, of the Indian Aimy, said he rejoiced to inform the House that the rebellion was completely crushed and the time had now come to thank those who under Providence hn j contributed to this result The first person to whom h, would propose a vote of thanks was the Governor-General Lord Canning. After recounting the manifold difficulties whioh Lord Canning had encountered and overcome, he eulogized in the highest terms the ability and enerqv which he had displayed during the late emergency. Calm, persistent, and resolute, Lord Canning had pursued a course in which he had shown the spirit of an English gentleman combined with the sagacity of a profound statesman. In consideration of his distinguished ser- vices, her Majesty had conferred on Lord Canning the dignity of a British Earl. Lord Derby proceeded to toX- plain why the names of Sir Patrick Grant and of the Governor of Madras had been omitted, and then went on to eulogize the services of Lord Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay, as only second to those of Lord Canning. He expressed his admiration of the courage, dauntless resolution, and firmness with which Sir J. Lawrence had suppressed revolt in a newly-conquered country, and Had sent assistance to the central Government. To Mr. Frere, Mr. Robert Montgomery, and Sir R. Hamilton, for their administration of extensive provinces and their conciliatory policy, he also thought the thanks of the House were due. In passing to the second resolution, he paid a touching tribute to the memory of Sir W. Peel and lamented the premature loss of Colonel Jacob and Major Hodson. Turning to the more grateful task of thanking those who survived, he said of Ljrd Clyde that he was cool and cautious in coming to his determination, always eager to spare his men, but reckless of his own life and labours; slow in his plans, but sagacious in combination, he knew when to strike, and those whom he met felt he knew how to strike. After sketching the principal features of the campaign, he recounted briefly and eulogistically the services of Major-General Mansfield, the Chief of the staff, of Sir J Olltram. Sir T. H. Franks, Sir A. Wilson, Sir. R. Napier, Sir E Lugard, Sir Hope Grant, Brigadier- General Walpole, Sir Hugh Rose, Major-General Roberts, Major»General Whitlock, and Sir J. Michel He also called on the House for a vote of thanks to the officers and men of the Indian army, with whom he joined the names of the seamen and Marines. In conclusion, he again congra- tulated the House on the restoration of tranquillity, and declared that in Oude alone we had captured and destroyed 1,000 forts, and that 480 cannon and a million stand of arms had been taken. As far as military operations were concerned, we had accomplished our task, but a far more formidable one awaited us. It was now our duty to sub- jugate the hearts and atlections, as well as the persons, of the people of India, to restore to them the blessings of good government, to seek their moral and social progress, to develope the resources of the country, to administer justly, fairly and temperately, and to satisfy the natives that it is not only their fate but their interest to remain true to their allegiance. Lord Granville expressed the satisfaction which Lord Derby's full and accurate statement had afforded him. With singular pleasure he had heard the just and accurate compliment to the Governor-General of India, a compli- ment which buried in oblivion all the former discussion on Lord Canning's conduct in the late terrible crisis. The conduct of the Governor of Bombay, Lord Elphinstone was beyond all praise in the fearlessness with which he had assumed the heavy responsibility of denuding himself of troops in order to supply the more pressing exigencies of other parts of India. After high praise of the Com- mander in-Chief and his lieutenants, whose names had become household words in every cottage, he expressed his regret that was impossible, from the the precedents of the House, to include the names of those whom death had removed in the present motion. He, of course, alluded to such names as Havelock, Neill, Peel, aad Henry Lawrence. He considered that the sanguine reiws which he had ever held as to the suppression of the rebillion had been confirmed by the statement of Lord Derby as to the tranquillity of India. And, if such was the case, it was now our duty to look to the social improvement of the country which bad been reconquered by our efforts. He cordially supported the motion of Lord Derby. The Duke of Cambridge, though it would be almost invidious where all had done so well to bring particular names prominently forward, could not help thinking that the various brigadiers at the head of small calulIJns had deserved well of their country; and could not forbear expressing the high sense which he entertained of the services of Brigadiers Jones, Walpole, Ilorsford, Bar ker, Shower, Hope, and many others It would be superfluous and preposterous for him to sing the praises of Lord Cil-de, whose deeds were known not only in this country but over the whole continent Never bad a compaign carried on by small moveable columns been so ably conducted. He expressed a high opinion of the abilities of Sir W. Mans- Pld, the determination of Sir Hugh Rose, and J. Michel. Tt'?, native troops, as well as the Europeans, had nobly don e ??'' duty, nor could he pass over in silence the e'noency of the Commissariat. In speaking of the very great services of Sir John Lawrence, he could not omit the narne of Sir Sydney Cotton, of whom he spoke most favour- ably. In reducing the number of troops in India he trusted there would be no undue haste, but that due care would be taken for tbe exigencies of the public service. Lord Ellenborough protested against the clubbing toge- ther the name of thoGovernor-General of India with those of his subordinates, although they might be even Governors of Provinces. As the whole resposibility is with the Governor- General, if he fail, so he should hare his full meed of praise if he succeed; and it was his opinion that the merits of the Governor-General should be specified in a distinct ote. He found the same objection with the military vote, and thought that a distinction should have been made between Lord Clyde and his lieutenants. His object in addressing the House was to call attention to the merits of the troops, for the Generals could not have done what they had done with troops of inferior merit. In the highest terms he praised the British soldiers, and declared that be knew of no war in which troops bad displayed so much perseverance, pertinacity, and fortitude under suf- eririgs .nd unparalleled difficulties. In such a time as the present he thanked God we had such troops, and wished that 10,000 of them were at present at Aldershott. In such a case the Foreign Secretary might speak with less anxiety. Expatiating on the art of war, and the appliances of science for warlike purposes which these troops had learnt, and which perhaps they might have to teach to European armies, he said that their battles were battles of giants, not armed with brute forca, but as if they had stolen fire from Heaven. He begged the House to remem- ber that these noble troops were our countrymen, upon whom we might have to depend for the safety of the country. Lord Gough and Lord Albemable both cordially agreed to the motion. Lord Derby asked permission to insert in the resolution the names of the Naval Brigade and Captain Sotheby. In reply to Lord Ellenborough, he stated at first he had intended to pursue the course of giving a distinct vote of thanks to Lord Canning and to Lord Clyde, but that he had been guided by the precedent of last year. He assured him that he had no intention to depreciate the bravery and discipline of the gallant troops who had so nobly done their duty. The motion was then agreed to. FRIDAY, APRIL 15. The Duke of Argyll called attention to a letter from the Earl of Ellenborough, when President of the Board of Control, to the chairman and deputy-chairman of the Est India Company, dated 28th April, 1858, and moved for a copy of the regulations and conditions under which grants in aid of schools were afforded by the Government of ia together with other returns connected with the same BlftJjeet. The Earl of Ellenborough expressed a hope that the Government of India would adhere to the policy adopted for aRe, past in that country, and observe the strictest neutrality between the people and their religions. He had no objections to grants in aid of education, except where missionaries were connected with the schools which received assistance. The Duke of Marlborough thought that nothing would conduce so much to the happiness of the people of India as the extension of the Christian religion, and that per- fect neutrality was impossible. The Earl of Derby explained that no special instructions had been sent out to tha Government of India on this sub- ject, but that a general request had been made to economise as much as possible the expenses in every department. He assured the noble duke every information with regard to education in India would be freely given by the Govern- ment. The motion, with some alterations in its forms, was then agreed to. MONDAY, APRIL 18. The Earl of Malmesbury called the attention of their lordships to the present state of Europe. The noble earl while congratulating the house on the satisfactory position of this country with the other great Powers, stated that it was well known for some time past that the relations of France, Austria, and Sardinia had not been on an equally satisfactory footing, aud a part had been taken by the ruler of a great country which had not lessened the diffi- culty. Affairs had daily grown worse, until at the end of February it was thought desirable to send Lord Cowley to Vienna. Their lordships already knew that nobleman had been in negotiation with the Austrian Minister as a per- sonal friend. Besides these negotiations Russia had proposed a Congress, and he had thought that he should not be justified in refusing to accede to that proceeding. Assent was given to this, and on the 22nd of March Barnn Br-unow brought the official proposition He (Earl of Malmesbury) then drew up four preliminary points for consideration. The first was, what measures should be taken to preserve, for the present, the peace between A'tri" and Sardinia the second related to the t-t ",PI!r.s of promoting the evacuation of the Roman States by the French troops the third was, whether and, if any, what reforms should be introduced for the internal administra- tion of the Roman and Italian States and the fourth related to the substitution for the treaties between Austria and the Duohies of a confederation of the union of the Italian States for their mutual protection and benefit. Then there was a variety of questions of details, I as to the assemblillg of tile Cilngress. One of the great difficulties was the question of disarmament, for it was always considered desirable that, in order to have calm deliberation, the means of violence should be removed ¡ Austria wished a general disarmament. France proposed that disarmament should be a question for the conside- ration of the Congress while he proposed the question should be refrred to a number of military officers. The ) whole of the Powers were agreed except upon one point, and that point was the precise time at which the dis- armament should take place. That was the existing state of the negotiations, the result of which he regretted was not more satisfactory. The Earl of Clarendon was not surprised that the Go- vernment, having such an unsatisfactory statement to make, should have delayed it until the hst moment, iy the hope that they might be able to allay the anxiety which must naturally be felt on the eve of a dissolution of Par- liament. If all the parties to this contest had been; sincere in their professions of anxiety for peace, there could have been no difficulty in settling the questions at issue; but, by the course actually taken, the inherent j difficulties had been greatly increased. He was glad to learn, however, that the idea of a Congress was not altogether abandoned, and at some length explained his views as to the questions which that Congress might deliberate upon. The Earl of Derby congratulated the noble lord on the ( conciliatory tone which pervaded his speech, and belie fed that a generai concurrence of opinion among their lord- ships would have the effect of lessening the difficulties that now prevailed. Her Majesty's Government had, in the first instance, insisted that in case the Congress assembled, no question of territorial arrangement was to be brought under discussion, and that the treaty of 1815 should be strictly maintained. England was now making a last effort to prevent the calamities of war from being spread over Europe; and if they were not successful, it would not, in his opinion, bs conducive either to her. dignity or honour that she should continue to prosecute | any further negotiation. Ile believed that if a war, commenced it would not be confined to Italy, but would  involve Europe in a conflagration, and, under cueh cir- cumstances they would be compelled to maintain an aimed neutrality to protect their interests in the Medi- J terranean and Adriatic seas, If the dreadful evils j attendant upon war desolate Europe, let the responsi- bility lie on the heads of those whose ambition brought about so much calamity. TUESDAY, APRIL 19. > The Ivoyal Assent was given to several Bi!)a by a ) Royal Commission, composed of the Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Exeter, the Marquis of Salisbury, the Earl of Hardwicke, the Earl of De La Warr.
I HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY,…
I HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, APRIL 7. Lord Stanley rose to move the thanks of the House to Lord Canning, Lord Elphinstone, Sir J. L. M. Lawrence, Sir R. N. C. Hamilton, Mr. Frere, and Mr. Montgomery for their ability in the employment of the resources at their disposal for the re establishment of peace in India to Lord Clyde, Sir J Outram, Sir H. Rose, Major Gpneral Roberts, Major-General Whitlock, Major-Gene ral Sir A Wilson, Major-General Sir J. H. Grant, Major-General Sir W. R Mansfield, Major-General Sir T. H. Franks, Major-General Sir E Lugard, Major-General Sir J. Michel, Brigadier-General Walpole, and Brigadier-General Sir R. Napier, for the eminprit skill, courage, and per- severance displayed by them during the military operations and to the other gallant officers of Her Majesty's Army and Navy, and of Her Indian forces, for their intrepidity, eeal, and endurance and that the House highly approved and acknowledged the valour, self-demotion, and brilliant services of the non commissioned officers and private soldiers, both European and native, who have taken part in the suppression of the recent disturbances in India. He prefaced the motion by remarking that, order having been restored in India, and British accendancy completely re- established at the cost of many thousand English lives, the augmentation of the debt and burdens of India, and under extraordinary difficulties, leaving the impression upon the Asiatic mind of the unconquerable energy and indomitable perseverance of the British soldier deeper than at any former period, it was not premature to offer the thanks of that House to those by whose skill and courage this state of things had been brought about. He then proceeded to notice the services and the merits of the prominent actors in the two years' struggle, paying a warm tribute to Lord Canning, whose labour, anxiety, and responsibility, in the most difficult circumstances, he observed, had been great, and whose policy, whatever differences of opinion might exist on isolated points, as a whole, had been temperate, humane, and wise. He explained the reasons why Lord Harris, the Governor of Madras, had been oromitted from the vote, the omission being no slight offfred to him, and bestowing a passing eulogiurii upon the late Sir Henry Lawrence he revi wed the military operations. He gave unqualified praise to Lord Clyde, to whom, he gRid, not a single mistake or error in judgment had been attributed, and whose appointment to the chief command in India was ar, honour to the Ministry that had selected him, and he brought out into strong relief the most conspicuous inci- dents in the services of the General officers named in the vote, and some of their most strikiig exploits. After briefly explaining the principle upon which the names had been selected, which had been necessarily that sanctioned by precedent, to the exclusion of ,some he would otherwise have gladly inc,luded,-tnen t ion ing the name of Sir Patrick Grant,—he called upon tie House to recognize the services of the dead and he pronounced a touching panegyric upon two of the fallen-Major Hodson, of the Guides, and Sir William Peel. Lord Palmerston, in seconding the motion, said, he could add nothing to the glowing and heartfelt tribute which Lord Stanley had bestowed upon the distinguished men, civil military and naval, named in the vote; but he asked permission to join in that tribute and he drew the attention of the House to the conduct of the great number of civilians scattered over India, who had been exposed to the greatest perils, and whose heroic acts had, he said, been an honour to the country to which they belonged. Lord J. Russell obsevred that, in the aggregate, there never had been a greater service performed than by the civil and military officers, who had met an uuprecedented danger with complete success, a buccess more wonderful than our former triumphs in India. Mr. Y. Smith warmly rulogized the conduct and servicss of Lord Canning, Lord Elphinstone, Sir John Lawrence, the late Sir Henry Lawrence, and Mr, Frere. Colonel North said, he had intended to move, as an amendment to the vote, to add the name of Sir Patrick Grant, but, not wishing to disturb the unanimity, be aban- doned his designed. Mr. W. Vansittart noticed with commendation the conduct of the present Pasha of Egypt. SirW Codrinaton spoke in vindication of Major-General Johnston and Major General Windham, upon whom blame he said had been unjustly thrown. Colonel Sykes wished that there had been specific men. tion in the vote of the native troops of Madras and Bombay, composed, of high-caste men, whose fidelity and loyalty to the British Government had been conspicuous. The motion was agreed to lIcm con. The Exchequer Bills Bill was read a third time and passed. Sir H. Willoughby asked for an explanation regarding the last vote of credit of £ 2,000,000. Sir S. Northcote gave details of its application. fhe Bill "as read a third time and passed, as well as the Convict Prisons Abroad Bill. The Lords' Amendments of the Manslaughter Bill and the Recreation Grounds Bill were considered. Mr. Walpole called attention to the report of the Select Committee on the Jews Act, and moved the resolution recommended therein-namely, that on the meeting of a new Parliament no resolution, in pursuance of the Act, to admit Jews to the oath, omitting thewords"onthetrue faith of a Christian," be taken into consideration till 12 o'clock on the fourth day of the House meeting for the purpose, of taking oaths appointed by law. Mr. Newdegate made a kind of protest against the de- cision of the Committee. The motion, after a short discussion, was agreed to, and the resolution was ordered to be made a standing order of the House. -p FRIDAY, APRII. 15. On the motion for the adjournment of the House at its I rising until Monday, Mr. T. Duncombe asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department the names of the person or persons who, contrary to the wihh of the municipal body of Newbury, urged upon the Lord Chancellor the appointment of five additional magistrates for that borough ? The Secretary for the Home Department said the person on whose application the magistrates were added to the commission was no other than the recorder of the borough Two were Liberals and three Conservatives, and before appointing them the Lord Chancellor consulted the quar- ter sessions for the county and some of the neig- hbouring magistrates. Colonel Clifford asked the right hon. gentleman whether any subsequent information obtained by him would enable him to qualify his statement as to a public meeting al- leged to have been held in Hereford previously to the recent appointment of magistrates in that city, and, if not, whether he would state his authority for the same ? The Secretary for the Home Department read a letter addressed to the Secretary of the Lord Chancellor, stating that two meet:ngs were held in Hereford previous to the appointments-one in April, 1858. consisting of 20 persons, of whom seven were town councillors, and another on the 13th of the same month, at which several councillors were also present. He did not think he had anything to qualify, but if it were found that he had incorrectly used the wotds I- public meeting, he would be perfectly ready to acknow- ledge his error. Lord W. Graham contended that a necessitv had arisen for the appointment of these magistrates. J Mr. Clive denied that any additional magistrates were required for the borough, and believed that the appoint- ments were made solely for political purposes, Mr. Newdegate deprecated these discussions, and snid if 'hey were persevered in they would lead to members on his side of the House, if they ever became the Opposition, retaliating by making similar complaints. He could con- ceive nothing more mischievous than such attacks upon the Government, and they could only tend to one result- namely, to the appointment of stipendiary magistrates I throughout England. I Alr. Bouverie believed that, if the appointments of magis- trates continued to be influenced by poktical considerations, the patronage must be taken a«'»y from the Lord Chan-  cellor and enforred upon some impartial authority. Mr. De Vcre inquired if one of the magistrates recently appointed at Hereford was not an uncertified bankrupt ? The First Bommissioner of Works said he was a bank rupt 32 years ago in consequence of the failure of his brother, but he had ever since that period been largEly } engaged in business. ) Mr Henry Berkeley observed that when the Whigs were in office the magistrates for Bristol were appointed without reference to party considerations, but the reverse had i been the case since the present Government had been in j power. The subject then dropped. Mr. Hadfield asked the Secretary of State for India whether it was contemplated to impose any and what duty on hardware under the new tariff in India ? The Secretary for India said the duty had been increased from five to ten per cent., and that the Legislative Council of India were empowered to make alterations in the tariif without reference to this country. Mr. W. Williams asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, according to his promise, he had obtained the opinion of the Attorney-General respecting the legality of the Earl of Malmesbury refusing to pay the £ 200 stamp duty required by the Act 55 Geo. 3, c. 184 to be paid on the patent of appointment to the office of Secretary of State ? The Chancellor of the Exchequer said the Attorney- General, to whom the matter had been submitted, agreed with him in opinion that the Earl of Malmesbury w&s liable to the charge, and he had directed the hon. and learned gentleman to enforce the paymen' of it, not only from his noble friend, but also from some of his predeces- sors at the Foreign-office. Sir De Lacy E'ans submitted that in the present aspect of continental affiirs, no diminution of the effective mili- tary forces in the United Kingdom ought to take place and that it would be inexpedient to detach a corps of artil- lery to augment the British army in India, which had already proved sufficient to quell completely the mutiny in I Bengal, and which unnecessary augmentation of that army could but serve to increase the financial embarrassment of the Indian Government. The Secretary for India said it was not the intention of the Government to take the course suggested by the question. The decision had not been come to without deliberation, and thc reasons for it were entirely of a pro- fessional and technical nature. Mr. M'Mahon aske d the Attorney-General for Ireland whether he could give any explanation relative to the setting aside of jurors on the late trials for Ribbonism at Belfast, and state the names of the jurors set aside, and the cause for which each juror was set aside ? The Attorney-General for Ireland said there was no occasion within the last 26 years when, in a case of such a nature, the prorogative of the Crown to set aside jurors had been used more sparingly than at the trial in question. The Crown solicitor, who conducted the trial, denied that any jurors had been set aside because they were Roman Catholics, and said that in what he had done he had only carried out the instructions he had received from successive law officers of the Crown during the 30 years he had held his present oiffce. In reply to Mr. Gilpin, The Chancellor of the Exchequer said the Jamaica Immigration Act had been confirmed by her Majesty in Council. Lord Palmerston asked the Government whether they had yet come to any decision as to the day on which the dissolution would take place, and if so whether the writs would be issued on that or on what subsequent day ? The Chancellor of the Exchquer said all he could state at present was that the Government would advise her Majesty to prorogue and dissolve Parliament during Pas- sion Week, and, as far as they could calculate, the new Parliament would assemble on the 31st of May. He could not now fix the precise day for the prorogation or dissolu- tion, but on Monday he might be able to give a definite answer to the noble lord's question. MONDAY, APRIL 18. Colonel Sykes, at the request of Mr. S Estcourt, con- sented to postpone his motion respecting the Aberdeen Universities and Colleges, on the understanding that no action would be taken on the report of the commissioners until the new Parliament met. In answer to a question from Mr. T. Duncombe, General Peel said he had no intention of recommend- ing the reinstatement of Colonel Dickson in his command. Sir J. Pakington, in reply to a question from S. Edward Grogan, said an order in Council would be issued on Saturday or Monday next, placing naval medical oiffcers on the same footing as gentlemen of the same profession employed in the army. The Chancellor of the Exchequer then rose, in pur- suance of his pledge, to make a statement respecting our foreign relations. Last year (he said) her Majesty's Government had been made aware of some misunderstand- ings between France and Austria, but on the 1st of January an event occutred which made them a matter of public notoriety. Our Ambassador at Paris and-cur Mi. nister at Vienna were instructed to inform themselves of the views of France and Austria respecting the Italian question-the subject of difference-and Lord Cowley in his communications with both Courts, was eminently and almost completely successful in carrying out the peaceful views of Europe. But Russia in the meantime interfered, and recommended a Congress of the five great powers and as the recommendation had been accepted by the Emperor of the French, her Majesty's Government to save time, which was precious, consented, provided the Congress did not interfere with the settlement of 181 5, and certain conditions were named as necessary to be agreed upon. The conditions were,-the evacuation of the Roman States by foreign troops, the reform of the Admi. nistration of the Roman States, the preventing of war between Austria and Sardinia, and the providing of a substitute for the separate treaties concluded between Austria and the Central States of Italy who haveenteied into them. Austria n.ade a fifth condition, but that was really only its interpretation of the third. Jt Was to the effect that Sardinia should disarm. Her Majesty's Govern- ment, however, would consent to no course by which Sardinia might be humiliated, and this proposition was at length waived by Austria. After detailing various inter- mediate negotiations which then ensued, the right hon. gentleman stated that Austria had proposed a general disarmament, to which proposition France and England had acceeded, and as regarded France it was only a qurs- tion whether the disarmament should take place before Congress, or that it should be thE first question discussed at the Congress. Sardinia, unfortunately, refused the proposition, no doubt because she had not been invited to attend the Congress. In his opinion, Sardinia was well entitled to a placp in the Congress, but there was difficul- ties in the way of her appearing there as a secondary Power, and a great Power she was not. The right, bon. gentleman concluded by mentioning that the Marquis d'Azeglio had that morning arrived in this country, on a mission from the Sardinian Government, and he aigued from that and other circumstances a peaceful solution of the difficutie8. Lord Palmerston applauded the conduct of the Govern- ment in the negotiations they had set on foot, and urged ti e expediency of a speedy meeting of the Congress. Sardinia not being one of the great Powers, ought, perhaps, not to be admitted to the Congress but then, if she were not admitted, she ought not to be called upon to disarm. She had been admit:ed into the Congress after the Russian war only because she was a belligerent in that war. Mr. T. Dancombe contended that Sardinia ought to be admitted, as she was the Power in which the people of Italy had confidence; and her Majesty's Govci ument ought to make repersentation to that effect. Mr. Gladstone res'rettcd the tone adopted by Mr. Duncombe, called attention also to some i xpressions used by Mr Disraeli which were capable of an injurious con- struction. The Italian question was surrounded with difficulties such as no Congress could by any one mea sure remove, and he believed that if peace were to be maintained, it might be done by some arrangement which would tend to mitigate the evils afflicting the Italian peninsula. Mr Coningham expressed dissatisfaction at the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer's statement. Lord John Russell concurred completely in everything that had fallen from Lord Palmerston. Mr. M. Milnes contended that any Congress to be useful and productive of public good, must proceed with a deter- mination to ameliorate, in some degree, the degraded condition of Italy. He considered that the best course which Austria could pursue in order to insure peace, would be to govern the Italian States which were subject to her in a spirit of fairness. General Thompson was of opinion that Sardinia had a perfect right to be admitted to the Congress, and that it was unjust and unfair to call upon her to disarm other- wise. Sir John Walsh had listened with great satisfaction to the statement of the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and thought that hon. member would do well to abstain from saying anything that might have a tendency at the present noment to disturb the efforts which were being made to effect an amicable adjustment of the matters in dispute. Sir H. Vernev considered it would be absurd to call upon Sirdinia to disarm unless she were admitted to the Congress. Sir II. Willoughby said that it was quite clear that, of the Powers which were to assemble in Congress, England and France would be in favour of Piedmont; but if war broke out, the consequences would be disastrous to the tinances of Sardinia. The bouse then proceeded to the orders of the day. On the motion of Sir S. Northcote leave was given to bring in a bill to enable her Majesty to acquire certain pro- perty at Manchester for the purpose of erecting a post- office, and for other purposes. Sir C, Lewis rose to move, that it was not competent for the Secretary of State for India to send instructions through the Secret Committee to the Governments and Presiden- cies of India, when an hon. member moved that the house be counted, and there being only thirty-eight members I' l present, the house stood adjourned at a quarter past seven o'clock.
PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.
PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT. On Tuesday afternoon, at t,o o'clock, Parliament was prorogued. The Lords Commissioners read the ROYAL SPEECH. I MY LORDS AND GEXTLEMEX, | We are commanded by Her Majesty to inform you that it is her Majesty's intention forthwith to dissolve the pre. sent Parliament, with a view to enablr her people to express, in the mode prescribed by the Constitution, their opinion on the state of public affairs GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, We are commanded by her Majesty to thank you for the wise liberality with which you have granted the necessary supplies for the military and naval defences of the country and for the provision which you have made for the exigen. cies of the other branches of the public service during the interval which must elapse before the estimate for the year can be considered by the new Parliament, which her Ma- jesty will direct to be immediately called. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, Her Majesty commands us to inform you that the appeal which she is about to make to her people has been ren- dered necessary by the difficulties experienced in carrying on the public business of the country, as indicated by the fact, that within little more than a year two successive Administrations have failed to retain the confidence of the House of Commons; and her Majesty prays that, under the blessing of Divine Providence, the step which she is atout to take may have the effect of facilitating the dis- charge of her high functions, and of enabling her to con- duct the government of the country under the advice of a Ministry possessed of the confidence of her Parliament and her people.
I - THE EAUL OF CLARENDON.j…
THE EAUL OF CLARENDON. j I Thus it will be seen that when Mr. Villiers was sent as Ambassador to Madrid, he went to that country with a large stock of commercial knowledge already laid up, and with faculties exercised in political life. His services there obtained him the Cross of the Bath; and on his succession to his uncle's title he became a member of the Whig Cabinet of Lord Melbourne in his declining days. In 1S47, on the death of Lord Besborough, his knowledge of Ireland (and I have indicated some of its early sources) obtained bis appointment to the Viceroyalty; -and rarely before was Viceroyalty so marked by strange political v>cci3situues and curious political incidents. Like everything appertaining to Ireland, his government has been made the subject of indiscriminate eulogy and indiscriminate invective. The most opposite charges have been brought against him from Irish partisans and Orangemen and Obscurantists have viecd with each other in assailing him. Under the Aberdeen Coalition habitual "drifting" marked our interference in the affairs of Europe. It might be difficult to determine exactly how much of that fluctua- ting conduct was to be attributed to the ostensible Foreign Minister the Earl of Clarendon. It is only fair to presume that some of his colleagues in the Cabinet exercised a con- I siderable Influence in e"ery step taken upon the Eastern question. The pccniiarrela'ions of Lords Aberdeen and Palmerston to each other, and of Lord John Russell to both must have often seriously embarrassed a politician like Lord Clarendon, of an excessively nervous temperament, an undecided cast of thought, and delicately situated in his own personal connection with the Old WThigs," by many of whom the noble lord was looked on as a merely professional statesman. At a time when boldness was em- phatically required, it was to be regretted that a Minister with more ascendancy of will than could be expected from the dangerously ductile nature of Lord Clarendon did not preside over the Foreign Policy of England. Seen in society or in the senate, Lord Clarendon cannot fail to arrest attention. That tall attenuated form with the stooped shoulders and mingled appearance of feeble- ness and grace, might of itself suggest an inquiry as to who was that elegant invalid, so frail in body and so fashionable in appearance. The haggard, worn face, still retaining the handsome traces of the Mr. George Vil- liers" of thirty years ago; the smile still sweet and winning; the voice in conversation so pleasingly modu- lated the forehead high but narrow, suggesting acute intellect without massiveness- combine to interest, and even prepossesses an observer. The bright, vivid look, with its airy and animated glance, at once records the presence of mental life, even though the rapidly succeed- ing air of exhaustion reveals that we were not looking upon a man of dominating force, and that however inte- resting in appearance, or accomplished in qualities, the slender personage before us was never meant by nature for one of the rulera of men. Experience has proved that in spite of his courtly graces, his skill in modern tongues, and bis undoubted knowledge of political economy, the Earl of Clarendon is not equal to originating a policy or f deciding great events. In saying this we are far from undervaluing the per- sonal pretensions of Lord Clarendon He is beyond question a highly intellectual man, and as President of I¡he Board of Trade would probably reach bis appropriate office. Beginning life as a Commissioner of Customs at Dublin; and afterwards Ambassador at Madrid, he has seen the world underWarious aspects, and learned much of that social actuality on which the condition of countries so much depends. But it is the habit of such minds to distrust the existence of national passions The mere economist believes that mankind can be mastered by budgets and tariffs. The pride of dynasties, the traditions of empire, and even the passions born of religicus subtle- ties, are entirely beyond the appreciation of a nature like that of Lord Clarendon, which can most readily compre- hend the tangible and obvious It is also characteristic of such minds, that when they are compelled to become diplomatic they exaggerate the parts of astute intriguers. They would govern )ittle Pedlington with the elaborate statecraft of a Richelieu. Much of this weakness is visible in Lord Clarendon. Artful in petty matters, he is really without adroitness in great exigencies Either on his legs in the House of Peers, or at his desk in his office, there are no traits in Lord Clarendon of a ruling intellect, no evidences of the qualities that stamp a Minister's character and conduct with the impress of the great. In debate, he tries to achieve his object by courtes) to his antagonist, and by the assumption of an air of fascinating frankness to hide his painful nervousness. Even on the gravest subject he stands up to address the Peers with a simpering smile, and, with a graceful appeal to Lord Derby, deprecates any decided hostility. He then tells us in many words what every one knew before, and so highly toes he appreciate thoughts that are obvious, that he'repeats them again and again with complacent smiles. His diction is meagre, his arrangement without the arts of rhetoric, and he cannot address the emotions. Pleasing in conversation, his voice has not the depth for a debater but the graces of his manner to some extent counteract the hesitation of his delivery. Lord Jeffrey in his letters alludes to "those bright Clarendons," and the word II bright" describes the nature of Lord Clarendon's mind. It is keen, animated, and full of intelligence. It does not soar or sparkle; it has little sympathy with the deeper or graver emotions; nor does it incline to originality of speculation. He is an accnm- i plished mixture of a bureaucrat and a diplomatist; but he has no appreciation either of the passions of a party or of a nation he implicitly believes in the arts of office, and hence he failed so lamentably in Dot coming up to the national requirements of England in the transactions with France at the commencement of 1848. The Liberal Party, while Lord Palmerston was in office, used to speak of him as the next Premier, but he never could discharge with effect the post of a First Minister. He is too official. ised, and he wants some of the instincts of an English statesman. But his rank in politics, and his very consideiable suc- cesees have been gained by his own industry and by his own talents. He was not born amongst the Whigs, nor is he one of their connection, titulo matrimonii. His knowledge of commerce, and his complete acquaintance with the master springs of British trade are invaluable attainments to a Cabinet Minister. Not deeply connected in party politics, Lord Clarendon could render effectual services to his Sovereign, under different connections. At a great English crisis, he could not be relied on as the man, and he rather wants weight with the aristocracy but in the second order of Cabinet Ministers, he would be found most useful; with his many private virtues, his sustained faculty for labour, and his great stock of useful knowledge, he worthily wears bis distinguished title, and must be admitted to be an ornament to his order. -.Alad- dyn', Chiefs of Parties.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL. Lord Brougham denounced (but whom did be not denounce ?) the Cabinet of Lord John Russell as one under which affairs "were administered with feebleness, inca- pacity, vacillation, and imbecility, in which measures were feebly proposed, tremulously supported, and weakly a bon- doned. In 1851 the Cabinet broke down, and again in 1852, and in order to drive the Derby Cabinet from power in 1852 it was necessary to have a coalition. The bare statement of such facts records the mal-administration of the Liberal Party. He sported with the Protestant feelings of England in first stimulating a cry against the insolent and insidious advance of the Papal power, and in afterwards succumbing to Lord Aberdeen and the aiders and abettors of Cardinal Wiseman. When during the Coalition Lord John Russell made certain declarations about the rights of Protestantism, Mr. John Sadlier (then Lord of the Treasury) took umbrage, and indignantly resigned, along with two of his (political) associates. Lord Aberdeen told Mr. Sadlier, that "the opinions of the majority of the Cabinet did not agree with Lord John Russell," and after that humiliating episode, Lord John Russell tried, as Leader in the Commons, to look the Opposition boldly in the face. o He deservedly lost ground in public estimation at that time by consenting to hold the Leadership after the policy of bis Durham Letter had been contemptuously repuaiated by his own colleagues, and after Lord Aberdeen bad super- ciliously disavowed his views of Protestantism. It was a I painfulepectacle to see the once potent debater, who had 80 often conducted his followers to triumph, browbeaten by the smallest of the subordinates of the Cabinet in which he ser- ved. Lord Aberdeen preferred that Lord John Russell should be disparaged, rather than that the Sadteir connection should be discontented vet Lord John Russell continued to sit in tile seat, but not in the station, of the Leader of thu House of Commons. But he could not act a hypocrite's part | Nature was to strong for him. He had been mortiSfd and derided by his Aberdeenite colleagues. He owed them nothing they owed him much. He had lent his name to their crude combination, and to their false pretences of administrative abilities. When England was agonised by the horrible and heart-rending accounts" from the Crimea, Lord John Russell brooded ovei the situation of the country. of the army, and—of himself. His part was taken. His colleagues had affected to disdain him he retaliated by ex- ploding them. They had lowered him, and he hurled them from power. The national honour was in jeopardy; but his colleagues had been appointed with the connivance of Lord John Russell. He bad even thought that their ambition was commendable." The public mind heaved with anger, and a strom was approaching. Without a word of notice either to the Prime Minister, under whom he served, or to his Whig eolleagueF, Lord Lansdowne, or Lord Palmerston, or Lord Clarendon, the noble Lord, on Mr. Roebuck holding up his finger, ran from office and left the Sovereign to find a Cabinet! Was that old English" policy ? Did he act rightly in doing so ? What precedents arc there in the annals of Party for such conduct ? He never should have joined the Coalition at all; hr never should have played second to the Earl of Aberdeen. but once that he had done so, deference to the Queen, and to what the Queen's flag represents, demanded another style of conduct. If matters had stopped there, Englishmen, with their readiness to make allowance for the rights of self-assertion, would not much censure Lord J. Russell. But, unfortunately, he inflicted further damages on his character by his subse- quent conduct. Lord John Russell well knew that Viscount Palmerston was no proper Chief for the Liberal connection. He consented to abdicate the Leadership of the Liberals in favour of an ambiguous politician; and he then completed his mischief to himself by making that warlike declaration which amazed people after the diplomatic transactions at Vienna were revealed, He says himself, and so say hi, friends, that this most equivocal passage in his career can be explained. As in a revolution, so in a negotiation for peace (it might be argued) dates are of great importance; days and weeks at a crisis are fraught with the eventualities of years. It is not improbable that the conduct of the noble lord at that time will yet be explainfd by him more fully than heretofore. It is certain, however, that the conduct of the noble lord, as still understood, has considerably injured his fair fame.—Maddyn's Chief of Parties.
THE DEBATE ON ITALY. i .......-…
THE DEBATE ON ITALY. TT By the explanations of Ministers to ttie two nouses o: Parliament, last night, we have a connected narrative n, the progress of the negociations on the Austro-Sardmi?n question, the present state of these negociations, and something more, which deeply concerns the people of this country. Lord Malmesbury began by describing the manner in which Austria has undertaken to play the police- man in Italy, while Sardinia has forgotten what appeared to be her missinii-tbat of peaceably serving as a model and pattern to other States. "France, in her policy, has seen fit to unite herself completely with the cause of Sar- dinia," and to interfere in what she regards as the en- croachment, both moral and material, of the Austrian empire her faithful ally, Great Britain, seeing this inter- ference "only with regret." It was under this state of things, daily growing worse, that Lord Cowley was sent to Vienna. Before he went, he came to a perfect under- standing with the Court of France as to their ideas re- specting the Italian difficulty." He was received with all the welcome of political alliance and personal friendship; but when he returned to Paris, on the 16th of March, he found that communications had been going on between Russia and France, the result of which was that Russia had proposed a Congress of the Five Powers. Lord Mal- mesbury thought it would have been better if Lord Cowley had been permitted to pursue his meditation, but he could not take the responsibility of refusing the Russian invita- i tion. He judged it better, however, "to anticipate" the offer by submitting a basis for the Congress on the four or five points which have already been substantially repeated. They included a distinct understanding that no attempt should be made to disturb the territorial position of Italy, or the articles of the Treaty of 1815. There are, however, two collateral questions—the previous disarmament of all the Powers, and the composition of a Congress. With regard to the disarmament, Austria proposed that it should take place previously, a proposal of which the British Go- vernment approved; and Austria also invited Sardinia to disarm previously. Iu the meanwhile, a discussion had arisen as to who should appear at the Congress. Russia only contemplated the Five Powers; Lord Malmesbury thought that Sardinia might appear, on the precedents of the Conference of London, before which Belgium and Holland appeared, though they did not sit there as prin. cipals and the Congress of Laybach, in 1821, where Russia, Prussia, and Austria formed the nucleus, and then invited the Italian States to sit with them and share the discussion. But Sardinia objected, that if she were not admitted to the Congress she could not be called upon to disarm. The parallel statement was made in the House of Commons by Mr. Disraeli, who expressed a stronger hope than Lord Malmesbury, or, as he said, more than my hope, my belief, that with firmness and conciliation the f peace of the world may be maintained." Thus far we have an account of the state of affairs, and of the share which her Majesty's Ministers have taken in it. r But, we say, tbe debate brings out something more Lord Palmerston's view of the complications in Europe stands in perfect contrast to that of Mr. Disraeli or Lord Malmesbury, and it will certainly be much more widely shared by the people of this country. It is not that he takes sides more earnestly with one party or the other; on the contrary, he is more impartial. It is not that he pro- poses any crusade in the name of liberty; on the con- trary, as Mr. Gladstone said, the great merit of his re- marks lay in the sedulous avoidence of whatever could tend to irrelevant, and iu the strict adherence to the im- mediate, matter in debate." It was strictly a matter of-fact speech. Its greatest merit of all lies in accepting facts as they are, viewing them impartially, and handling them practically. Lord Palmerston refused to blame Russia for having intervened with her proposal of a Con- gress. If the mediation had been conducted singly by Great Britisn, Russia could have had no part in it; and the mode of proceeding by Congress gave her her proper part in the negociations. And he indicated a better precedent than those of London or Laybach-in the Conference of 1856: to that Council Sardina was admitted as a belligerent, and at present she is virtually, although not actually, a belligerent. Although Lord Palmerston distinctly, abstained from obtruding any opinion of his own as to the course which ought to have been pursued, it is easy to gather from his remarks the course which he would have pursued. He would have accepted the facts, accepted the Congress, repelled petty perplexities, scouted obstruc- tive refinements; and thus, by dealing with questions on their merits, he would have thrown upon all the parties to the present dispute, not a technical, but a clear moral and substantial responsibility for any ulterior disorders-a re- sponsibility not to be enforced like that which Lord Malmes- bury or Mr. Disraeli invokes, by fate or fortune, but enforced by the balance of the Powers who, once assembled in con- sultation, would have joined to control any impracticable member who thought fit to go off on his own hook." The debate which followed gives us additional and most important information of the view taken by the House of Commons. Until called up by something like a direct challenge, Lord John Russell remained silent, because he had concurred so completely in Lord Palmerston's obser- vations that he did not wish to trouble the House with any statement, which would have been a mere repetition of the observations of the noble lord." Lord John's position in the British Parliament, his position in the Liberal party, and his known opinions on the subject of Italy, impart great value to this expression of concurrence. Iu pur- suance of Lord Palmeiston's idea, that war must be pre- vented, by a policy founded on the facts and challenging the acceptance of the Powers. Mr. Gladstone exhorted Government not to be kept back from the commencement of negociations by any difficulty of a formal or ceremonial character." Mr. Duncombe may have intimated opinions which, as the saying is, "go far-her" than Lord Palmer- ston but it is patent from the debate that the policy of the noble Viscount, a firmer, bolder, more hopeful, and more generous policy than that of the Government, had the united assent not only of known Anglo-Italians like Sir Harry Verney, but of Whigs, Radicals, and Pee lites. The latest intelligence shows that the opportunity is still open, and her Majesty's Ministers may possibly prove all the wiser for having consulted the statesmen whose half approval they received so deferentially and so thankfully.—Globe.
THE ASPECT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.…
THE ASPECT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Malmesbury and the Millennium" is certainly a cry for the hustings, such as Tadpole might have suggested and Taper approved, but the public wants faith, and is ready to credit false reports of war, even while there is the security for the world's peace at the Foreign Office. For more than forty-eight hours it was believed, and in well- informed quarters too, that hostilities had actually com- menced between Austria and Piedmont. And though that alarm has passed away, and affairs .ook less serious, the feeling is rather of fear deferred than of hope. It seems that the Powers have gone too far to recede without loss of the prestige they value. Napoleon III. has made his army too hot to hold. Something he must do with it, or some- thing it will do with him. Perhaps, for the interests of England, it might not be amiss for him to run his head against the Austrian barrier. A continental war would of course be injurious to our commerce, but it would be pre- ferable to one directed against oua own shores; and Napo- leon III. is now very much in the position of his uncle before the Russian invasion, unable to rest, and having only the coup de repos out of his power. To -compare great with small, he is like Peter Simple bringing up his prize in the bay of Gibraltar. His anchors he had let go by the run, and his only expedient for bringing up his ship was to fall foul of some vessel at moorings, so he selects a fat transport that looks softest, and goes ramstam end on into her midships. Austria is not at all what one would choose for a collision, for she will give more hard knocks than booty but England is supposed to be safer and better I game. It is a great mistake, but what would not be found out till the mistake was committed, and England had shown in the defence of her own soil the energies, resources, and devotion her sons have displayed in India. Certain it is that the French ruler has two strings to b" bow, and and what the second string is can hardly be u t u seeing that the powerful fleet of France cannot be pre- pared against Austria. Trite is the remark that mfn know not what to desire, and that the gods punish them by granting their wishes, and so our efforts to preserve peace in the south of Europe may only end in bringing the storm on our own country. We do not believe that the interfenlion of England can do much for peace. The Powers concerned will be moved and ruled by other considerations than diplomatic preach- ing but we do apprehend that olir intermeddlisg or media- tion may be attended with the uual fate of those who ia quarrels interpose. And this we say without any special reference to Lord Malmesbury, for we should have the same fear if auy liberal Minister ..ere at the head of Fo. reign Affairs, for it is the office of mediation which is dangerous, and generally requited with more enmity than it has appeased, if not with the ill-will of both parties. The great business of English statesmen, be they who they may, should be to keep the country out of war, and this end would probably be best attained by having little as possible to do with the present embroilment. 10 the event of a war between France and Italy and Germany, we cannot conceive any turn of things that could justify a j deviation from strict neutrality on the part of the Govern- ment of this country. If the two great despotisms chooae to ruin each other it is their affair, and England has only to look on, and do as prudent spectators of other fights do, take care of her pockets. We shall be told this is very low language, and that the dignity of a great nation re- quires it to act a part in a great conflict. But dignity may be too dear, and it is enough for the present and some years I to come to have the oosts of the Indian mutiny to provide for, and the embarrassments of Indian finance. We are fairly bound over to keep the peace unless actual aggression I puts us on our defence.—Examiner.
I-' ! THE APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY.
THE APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY. Ministers are about to go to the country in an inex. tricable dilemma. There are two great questions at issue- their Diplomacy and their Reform measure. On one or other, if not on both, they must incur an inevitable con- demnation. If peace be secured to the Continent, then the cause of domestic reform will assume still greater magnitude, and will attract still more general attention. If war be yet destined to result, then what becomes of their cry, Malmesbury and peace?" Whatever be the result, they anger the country to which they appeal by a poor attempt at Parliamentary Reform, and if Europe should be thrown into such a convulsion as for a moment to render the public mind somewhat less tenacious of domestic changes, then thp mischievous diplomacy of the Government wiii become more apparent than ever. The alternative is not enviable. Whatever be the issue of negotiation the public have now made up their minds on the subject of Lord Maimesburj's foreign policy. It it of course quite possible that a temporary arrangement may yet be made, and that the Italian question may be patched up for a year or two. But we very much question whether such a result would materially affect the popular judgment of the foreign policy of the present Government. The French people, more volatile than ourselves, commonly judge from results. The English, more discriminating and analytical, judge commonly from attendant circum- stances. Thus we very much fear there is not much chance of excuse for the Cabinet. But supposing that if signs of temporary concord should reappear, the con- stituencies should be thrown into such a fit of good humour as to let bygones be bygones, what becomes of the Government on the Reform question, which they have obviously abandoned, and which the addresses of Ministers in the Hnuse of Commons to their re-pective constituents do not deign so much as to allude to? Lord Malmesbury appears to be held by his colleagues to impersonate Lethe. His impolicy is supposed to diffuse oblivion in regard to all the pledges and antecedents of the Adminis- tration. Let us take the more charitable alternative Mal. mesbury and peace" sound* better than 41 War and no Reform," for the latter result would be condemned by all. Suppose for the moment the country ready to condone the errors, and shortcomings of the Foreign-office in considera- tion of a result as yet by no means secure, what will be the practical or prospective question at issue ? Plainly and incontestably Parliamentary Rc-form. This, moreover, as we have repeatedly shown, is the definite question raiaed by Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli themselves, inasmuch as they dissolved Parliament, not on any expression of want of confidence in our present foreign policy, but on the distinct questions of the disfranchisement of freeholders, and on the assimilation of the country and borough qualifi. cations for the suffrage. If the Government really auppose what they profess to think, that a wider issue has been raised, and that Lord John Russell's resolution is to be construed as condemnatory of their general policy, we can only say that a more tortuous and unnatural hypothesis was never suggested by self-convicted political sinners. As men conscious of crimes are inordinately sensitive on the subject of them, and imagine a reference to them in everything that they hear, so Administrations eonseioas of blunders in every department under their management may perhaps ascribe a general foree to be designedly special condemnat. It is high time, however, that Lord Derby and Mr. DisraeH should be rescued from this illusive hopothesis. The question at issue between the Administration and the House of Commons is distinctly and immediately that of Parliamentary Reform. Whether or not a double condemnation shall fall on them for their foreign policy depends on the degree in which the fortune of continental diplomacy may retrieve their blunders in negotiation. Among the constituencies the Government appear to stand between two fires; with this prospect, that in this case the convergence of both upon them appears certain and inevitable. They have roused the indignation of the borough freeholders to a man. Here, then, is a body of constituents in every country constituency whom no artifioe and no representation can possibly conciliate. In this respect they are worse off in the counties than in the general election of 1857; and yet during that election Liberal candidates were frequently returned in spite of the hostility of the largest Tory landowners. Then, if we turn to the boroughs, we shall find them exasperated on two grounds. Like all classes of a definite number in the enjoyment of certain privileges, they have no notion of allowing the borough freeholders to be thrown among them and a new element thus to be introduced into the own body. And, again, they see in the proposed equalisation of the borough and county suffrage the first step to the destruc- tion of their borough rights for all men are agreed that this equalisation must subvert the fundamental principle of distinct borough and county constituencies, and tend to the merging of their rights in equal eleetorial districts. Besides all this, there are very many whose hostility this Government has equally provoked by the refusal of any concessions to the growth of intelligence in the boroughs. The Government thus have put their Reform policy and their Foreign policy in two scales of a balance. The more the one rises, the more the other must sink; and either on the one question or the other the Parliament they are about to convoke most record its definitive judg. ment upon them.—Morning Post.
iTHE VOTE OF THANKS TO THE…
THE VOTE OF THANKS TO THE PACIFICATORS OF INDIA. The proceedings of Thursday night in both House of Parliament are interesting and satisfactory in every point of v iew, but chiefly as the first public and authoritative announcement that the pacification of India has been accomplished. 41 I rejoice," said the Prime Minister, in the opening of his speech, to believe, not only from the intelligence which reaches us through the medium of the public press, but also from private sources of information which confirm that intelligence, that the period has arrived at which we may say the rebellion is altogether extinguished." Lord Derby did not ask the House to take his own word for a fact so momentous and gratifying. He rested it upon the very best authorities, the statements of the Commander- in-Chief and the acts of the Governor-Genersl I am happy," says Lord Clyde in one of his latest despatches, 44 to say that the tranquillity of the country is every day becoming more and more restored; in my experience I have never known India more quiet than it is now." The public would have required no stronger testimony, but the Earl of Derby had stronger in reserve. The evidence of fact," he went on to say, is better than that of words; and I am further able to state that Lord Can- ning has felt himself justified in sending home a very can- siderable portion of the troops sent out from England." This is a result highly satisfactory in itself, indepen- dently of the crowning proof it affords that the tempest of war has entirely subsided. It will be universally acknow- ledged that, allowing for the difference in oratorical ability, the tributes to our conquering statesmen and soldiers were ably as well as impartially pronounced by the Premier in the Upper House. and by the Secretary of State for Indie in the Lower. Lord Derby is eminently successful in thiat field of eloquence, which, if it does not call forth his rare debating powers, has the advantage of affording no ecope or temptation to the display of qualities which toe often diminish our admiration of them. His subject on Thucs- day was only capable of just and magnanimous treatment, and it received it at his hands. It was, of course, only with regard to Lord Canning that the previous conduct of the Governmeat had been calculated to make the task of panegyric in any respect difficult or irksome. No trace, however, of any such difficulty, of any relactanoe whAWTer to do the Governor-General justice, and do it UbertMy and cordially, is discovered in Lord Derby's 8peeob. Lord Granville was not slow to acknowledge ihe *"?*?' generosity of the Prime MiDi.ter'tat88l." e.. described as singularly just and accurate ,a" saw  M had listened to it with heartfelt pleasure and satisftietion. And, added Lord Granville, I h?W *V that tae act which we are consummating this enDing  aUt?h. b)' .on and lDen 0 a parUe. discussions of last year in oblivion, and «en»'»llpm,e« have the pleasure of agreeing unanimousl?y m th.e ?prep?d vote. "-Exa-tner-
[No title]
I VOTING IN NEW SOUTH WALES.—Mr. H. Berkeley has obtained a return of the act passed by tbe legislature of New South Wales, authorising the use of the ballot at elections. The system there adopted ia as followsA. large box is prepared with a slit in the lid, and this if left open on a table in the polling booth for the inspection of the candidates and the scrutineers whom they may appoio*- When the hour for the election arrives the box is locked and the key entrusted to the returning officer. Each elector then comes singly into the room and is supplied with a voting paper, on which are the names el-all tbe candidates. This he takes into a compartment partitioned off from the room, and strikes out the names of tbe candi- dates for whom he does not wish to vote. He thpu fold up the paper and drops it into the box. if he cannot read, the returning officer may, on his request, 'tr!?'' noB the names to which he objects, and 'ote for him. If thert should be any suspicion of bribery, he is required solemnly to affirm that he does not recfi?e any eoMidfrat'on, e? pressed, implied, or understood," for gi"c? h.. the election.