The Welshman

Sophistications employed on articles of food, to give attractive appearance and pass off inferior commodities at increased prices, are admitted to have become alarmingly common and the consumer is thus often made to partake of that which is injurious to health when taken into the system Tea for instance is much tampered with, for although the Chinese use it pure themselves, they cover with colour most sent to England, purposely to enable the withered to be substituted for the best, as the powdered colour gives to both qualities the same appearance. In consequence of this IIORNIMAN & Co., LONDON, im- port none but PURE TEA, the leaf Mo< covered with colour, thus is secured Rich and Full Flavoured Tea of unusual strength, as it prevents the brown worthier Autumn leaves, so fatal to good navour, being passed off for the best. AGENTS for this neighbourhood are adver- tised in our columns. A DOMESTIC NovELTY.—We have heard a good deal about the American Washing Machine The latest novelty of the kind is, however, an Englishman's invention. The machine we speak of, not only washes in a superior manner and with the smallest amount of labour, but also wrings tb< clothes and mangles them in the most highly finished style. !ta construction is so extremely simple that it cannot possibly tear or injure the most delicate fabrics, and may be worked by a child. The manufacturers, Messrs. Wm, Dray and Co., of Swan-lane, Upper Thames-street, London, forward illustrated and descriptive cataloguM trea on SPPUCA&IQA.

THE CHINESE DEBATE AND ITS ISSUE. I [From the Ecottomist-I Few topics have been more thoroughly winnowed and sifted than the origin and details of our pieaent quarrel with China. The debates continued for two nights in the Lords and for four nights in the Commons, and nearly every speaker of eminence in each branch of the LeRisIa- ture, and many who were in neither, took part in the discussion. It may be presumed that every point contained in the papers laid before Parliament, and every piece of information possessed by the public, was thoroughly well examined and brought to bear on the decision;—but whether all these papers and all this in- formation combined were sumeient either in clearness or in fullness to warrant any confident decision at all, is a very different question. Aud, looking at the matter actually as well as constitutionally, it cannot be said that T/tg N(diol has arrived at any definite or nxcd conclusion. The House of Lords has expressed one opinion the House of Commons has expressed an opposite opinion ;-and the people of England, the court of ultimate resort is about to be appealed to as umpire between these conflicting verdicts. We frankly and unre!uetant!y admit both the difficulty of the dilemma in which Parliament was placed, and the unsatisfactory character of the facts and material of the special case before it. It was almost impossible to debate the matter without doing harm and incurring serious dangers. It was equally impossible to avoid debating it without a dereliction of one of the most obvious duties of a controlling and governing assembly. Ministers,, on whom devolved the heavy responsibilities of action, and independent and conscientious Members of Parliament, who could not but look at the actual or apparent merits of the case, were alike in a position of grave perplexity. If Ministers blamed and deserted their representatives in China for acting In a manner which they themselves, if consulted, never would have sanctioned, and which, judging by the facts as partia!ly known to us, seemed open to serious question, they might possibly be in error; and at all events would greatly embarrass and com- plicate the crisis at Canton, and by discouraging the English and encouraging the Chinese, might bring the most formidable dangers on those who looked to them for protection, and who at the very moment might be strug- gling for their lives. If, on the other hand, they resolved to assume the responsibility of what had become a f(tit acconipit, and to justify and endorse proceedings which their instructions had not warranted, and which undeniabty, as far as yet appears, were not free from flaw or doubt (to say the least), they placed themselves in the awkward and painful predicament of having to defend what it was clear they could not heartily approve,—and thus gave a great and manifest advantage to their rivals and antagonists at home. Again honest senators felt that Sir John Bow- ring and Consul Parkes appeared to have acted hastily and harshly and, however just their chronic grounds of quarrel with the Chinese, to have chosen an unlucky and defective case for bringing that quarrel to an issue;—thus placing themselves and their country in the wrong by a mistake, though there might be no mistake at all as to the substan- tial merits of the cause. Yet to condemn these omeials for what they had done, would not only be to hazard actual and serious mischief by playing the game of our enemies, but would, before the world at large, where the niceties of a question are always overlooked-be equivalent to confessing that, in the quarrel with the Chinese authori- ties (not about this miserable lorcha but about their whole conduct towards us), they are right and we are wrong,— which every one believes or knows to be the very re- verse of the truth. It is not surprising, therefore, that there should never have been a discussion in which sincere men and wise men felt so entirely puzzled as to the language they ought to hold and the vote they ought to give. We are not about to drag our readers through any portion of the debate on this subject-of which they must already have had more than enough. We wish merely to remind them of a few considerations which seem to have been unduly overlooked and hidden In the dust raised by mere party strife, but which the nation, as a nation, should seriously lay to heart. There can be no doubt that our diplomatic representatives abroad ought to be chosen with the utmost care and from the most pure and single-minded motives. They should be selected from the most nrm, temperate, prudent, courageous and conciliatory men the country can afford. The more distant the station and the more peculiar the people in question, the more anxiously conscientious should be the selection, -since greater qualiSeations are required and wider latitude of discretion must be given. There can be no doubt, unfortunately, that this rule has not always—nor generally—been fol- lowed. Further, it is true that our usual wise and chivalrous custom of backing the remonstrances and ratifying the proceedings of our representatives in all quarters of the wold, may occasionally induce these gentlemen to act with undue perem;.toriness and precipi- tation, and virtually bestow upon them a power of getting us into disputes and keeping us in hot water, which, rightly and constitutionally, should be vested in the de. liberate decision of the Home Government alone. But after allowing the fullest weight to these pleas, it still remains undeniable that the disavowal or the discoun- tenancing of our diplomatic representatives in remote places (whether they be naval men or civilians) is a practice fraught with danger of the gravest nature, and should only be done in the rarest cases and on the clearest grounds. They cannot demand, remonstrate, or menace with effect, unless both they, and the authorities of the nation to which they are accredited, feel that they speak in the n&me and wield the force of the nation which sent them forth. The mere suspicion-if based upon any antecedent experience-that they will be disapproved, deprives their representations of half their weight, and reduces them virtually to the condition and influence of mere private individuals. Yet on the weight which their representations and remonstrances carry with them may at any moment depend the lives and property of British citizens and the honour of the British flag and name. We do not say that rash and headstrong envoys-if any such have been, unhappily sent out-should in all cases be sustained and backed but we do say that before we decide upon such a questionable and perilous proceeding as dis- claiming and recalling them, the evidence of their injustice and indiscretion should be very clear, very strong, and indisputably complete. We should be very certain that we have all the facts before us, and that farther informa- tion may not lead us to reverse our decision. Whether the House of Commons had these ample materials for a con- fident and condemnatory decision, it is for the country now to determine. A second consideration, which has not received the attention it deserves is this:—Whatever may be the reality or the importance of the na'v in our case relating to the lorcha which Sir John Bowring made the immediate occasion of the rupture, there can be no doubt that it was only the occasion, and not the real cause. One undoubted fact-at least we believe it to be undoubted—is, that every individual acquainted with the Chinese or resident in China, whether merchant, naval omcer, diplomatist, or missionary, whether Englishman or foreigner, is of the same opinion in this matter. All deplore the decision of the House of Commons, and all concur In the absolute necessity of chastising the persistent faithlessness, the in- cessant aggressions, and the systematic affronts of the Chinese. It is very possible that in the matter of the lorcha we may have been in error as to fact-it is pro- bable, even, that in point of law we were in error. It Is too probabie, also, that asregards the illicit trade carried on in the Canton waters our hands are not clean. But we must not overlook the consentaneous testimony of nearly every person whose knowledge of China entitles him to be listened to on such a subject. All declare that satis- factory, safe, and dignified intercourse with those arrogant and cruel people is impossible till they have met with severe chastisement, and hare been forced to respect our superior power and their own solemn engagements. A long course of insults, not only to us, but to other foreigners, had been gradually reaching its climax; further endurance and forbeara.nce had become impossible every- thing was ripe for a quarrel and it seems to have been determined that the next insult to the British should be peremptorily dealt with, when the Arrow was boarded. At the very time this happened, we were in consultation with the French and Americans, in order to devise some plan for placing our common relations with the Cantonese upon a more satisfactory footing, and bringing that igno- rant and overbearing people to a sense of their true position with regard to European Powers. Now we do say, that the unanimous feeling of all most qualified to judge, as to the necessity of taking a high ground with China and of prosecuting with energy and resolution, our substantially just quarrel-just in its essential, though erroneous in its accidental circumstances-ought not to be tightly put aside. The debates in Parliament and the decision of the House of Commons—even if reversed by the country on appeal—will render the further action of our Government in this matter full of diBSeuhies, and embarrass not a little the proceedings of the Commander-in-Chief or Plenipotentiary we may send out to prosecute or teraiinae the quarrel. We do not apprehend, as many do, that either the adverse vote or the strong and reckless language held by many members of the Opposition wiU really im. peril the lives of the Europeans in those parts; for the same mail that carries out this news will carry out also such reinforcements as will place opposition and danger at defiance. By the last accounts it appeared that the hoa- tility and exasperation of the Chinese both at Canton and Hong Kong (and some say at Singapore likewise), had reached its height, and had led to the most outrageous and barbarous proceedings—to assassination, poisoning, and incendiarism. Of course our countrymen were on the alert, and long before the events of this week here can be known there, the crisis will have passed, and the blow will have fallen or been averted. Ere now the Chinese will have done their worst but savage and unscrupulous as they are, and few in numbers as are the Europeans in com- parison, we do not feel any great apprehensions as to the result. Of course there will be a deplorable loss of pro- perty, and we fear many lives on both sides will be lost before a final adjustment of the quarre); but now that it has begun—-and sooner or later it must have come—we trust that it will be so conducted and so ended as to pre- clude the necessity for ever again resorting to the ultimate arbiter of all disputes. [From the Titnes.] We presume that by this time the Uoauuon is oegmmng I to ha'e & foretaste of tth?t ?tf?ita it in the ft.tthcu<M)n? t tt<ctMM. Fi?e ?y< Jtm?< bMety pM<e4 amce the ?ete c< Wednesday morning became known, and already the answer of the country is one about which there can be no mistake. We were hardly prepared for results so imme- diate and conclusive. It would seem as if the national judgment and the national feeling have been of late to keep pace with the speed of material communica- tion. There is no longer an)' necessity to appeal to the country in the sense of issuin expla-iatory addrEsse or making statements at public meetings. The late vote was a surprise, or the popular voice would have been sc'iner heard. Mr. Cobden's resolutions were not considered of serious importance by the country in general, and it is barley a since people were roused to the that it was intended to turn a humanitarian motion into a regular party attack on the Government. First Incredulity, then surprise, then widespread indignation, have been the result. Men of every stmie of politics have been cqmity scandalized by so audacious a As to the great mercantile communities in London and the provinces, we believe there is but one opinion among them. Every man conneted with our E, astern commerce, every man acquainted with the barbarous race with whom we are brought into contact, is convinced that the Government had no choice but to uphold its representatives in China. The public in general has taken the same view. Even those who are most opposed to war and conquest feel that here there was no alternative; and, what is more, they are conscious that this Chinese discussion has only been used as an opportunity for carrying into effect a concerted plan for the overthrow of the Government. The nation has therefore pronounced judgment at once. We that two of the chiefs who were ranged against the Govern- ment last week will have the discretion to seek oihcr constituencies Mr. Cobden will nr't face the electors of the West Riding, but will, we are told, appeal to the comparatively insignineant constituency of Bolton. Lord John Russell closes his connexion with the City of London. after ha'ing been one of its four representatives for nearly 16 years. We cannot but regret that the course which this once respected statesman has taken during the last ttvo years has been such as justly to alienatè from him the confidence of the first constituency in the kingdom. Lord John Russell might have played a dignified part in the late transactions, but his peevish impatience for omse has led him into displays of factiousness towards a Government of his own political views which have seriously impaired his political reputation. He will, we believe, take refuge at Tavistock, a pocket borough of the house of Bedford. Not a few of the more prominent of the Opposition members will probably share the fate of Mr. Cobden and Lord John Russell. Indeed, we firmly believe that scarcely a Derbyite or Peelite will be elected by any of the large commercial cons ti t-ae iicies of the country. The agricultural counties and the smaller boroughs will, of course, return in many cases their former members and thus, and thus only, will the Opposition be able to preserve a decent show of strength in the new House of Commons. Yet even in their chief strongholds they are likely to be attacked by Liberal candidates. The last General Election took place under the influence of Lr)rd Derby's Govern- ment. The Whigs had shown signs of feebleness from ¡ their accession to power six years before, and after the death of Sir Robert Feel the declining influence of Lord John Russell had become painfully apparent. There was, consequently, throughout the country something of a Conservative reaction, which might have lasted and strengthened had it not been for the gross incapacity of the new Cabinet, and the questionable proceedings of some of their subordinates. Amid this last flickering of the Conservative flame the present Parliament was chosen, and not a few seats were thus gained to the party which follows Lord Derby. But the situation is now changed. The failure of 1852, the sudden abandonment of opinions held for years, and the air of charlatanism which attaches to one or two of the Conservative leaders, have alienated numbers of those who so voted five years ago, and very much cooled the remainder. All classes and corporations, landlords, farmers, the Church, the Universities, confsss now to being somewhat Liberal. We .may predict, that among the constituencies now represcnted by so-called Conservatives there are thousands of voters who would be ready to accept a Ministerial candidate, and that those who remain faithful to the Opposition cause will give their votes with little enthusiasm and feel hardly any concern at an ad verse result. There is, we believe, a deep feeling that the political confusion of the last few years ought to be brought to air end by the establishment of a strong national Govern- ment. The House of Commons cannot always remain a chaos of discordant and obstructive factions. The old cliques and their watchwords are thoroughly worn out. The Legislature had a busy and very usaful session be- fore it, but just as we had finished a great war, and were turning our attention again to peaceful, practical reforms, we have the whole process interrupted and the session lost, because three or four sets of discredited politicians choose to begin declaiming in cOllventional rhetnric about inhumanity and aggression, well knowing that they th?m selves, had they been in office, would have done exactly what they revile the Minister for doing. Of this kind of thing every one feels that we have had enough. If the country is to have any position abroad-if Parliament is to pass any serviceable measures at home, it is necessary to support a Government against this eternal obstructive- ness. The country is accordingly speaking out with all the warmth of indignation. Lord Palmerston has been asked to stand for London and Manchester, and we verily believe he would be returned by half the constituencies in the kingdom. There can be no doubt that the supporters of the Government will be in a large majority in the new House. The constitueneiea only want suitable men to offer themselves, and they will do their duty. It is not without much satisfaction that we have observed the sound judgment and accurate moral sense of the public. Let no set of professional politicians henceforth pretend to tead the country. Political knowledge is generally at too high a level for any man to overtop very far the under- standing of his countrymen. In this matter no one can fail to see that the country has taken a broader view than the political sections of the House thought possible. While the various chiefs of the new league were congratulating themselves on their management of the details of the Can- ton dispute the nation was already looking at the Minis- terial question as a whole, and had resolved not to con- fine the discussion to a single issue. The results of this better judgment will be found in the increased security of our position both at home and abroad Those who wish to measure the national loss which would have followed the fall of Lord Palmerston on such a question should observe the spirit in which the news of his defeat has been received on some parts of the Continent. It is keenly felt in more than one foreign Court that the present Go- vernment has upheld the honour of this country, and consequently the satisfaction at the supposed advent of a victorious Coalition has not been concealed. Howevpr, such hopes are destined to wittier speedily. The people feel too well that the state of things which grew out of the Russian war has not yet passed a.vay, that the earth still trembles with the after-shocks of that gres.t convulsion, and that a clear head and a strong hand are still necessary to guide the destinies of England. (From the Morning Post.) In the City of London, on Thursday, at the Common Council, there was a strong expression of opinion in favour of the Government. A requisition from the Stock Ex- change, signed by five hundred members, has been presented to Viscount Falmerston, asking his Lordship to stand for the City. Whilst in Marytebone, St. Pancras, Finsbury, the Tower Hamlets, Greenwich, and the other metropo- litan boroughs, the voters, to a man, are for Palmerston and his Chinese policy, and against the Yeh-GIadstone and Derby-Dizzy combinations. Indeed, as Mr. Duncombe remat ked on Thursday night, fourteen out of the si&teen metropolitan members voted in the minority, and one of the defaulters, Viscount Ebrington, is absent in My from i)l health. This is a plain proof that in the most populous constituencies the proceedings of the past week are vigo- roualy condemned. The popular metropolitan voice in this case is not only essentially and politically right, but it is in harmony with the views of the two powerful and civi- lised Governments with which we are in alliance, namely, the Governments of France and America and in harmony with the voice of the commercial and manufacturing classes throughout the country. Liverpool, which is more in- terested in the China trade than any of the outports, pre- sented an address to Viscount Palmerston yesterday, signed by upwards of ona thousand one hundred bankers, merchants, and shipowners, expressing their warm appro- bation of the conduct of the Premier and his Government on the Chinese question. Manchester is unanimously" with him. Oxford has also pronounced; so has Derby, Newcastie. Nottingham, Bristol, Plymouth, Edinburgh, Gtasgow, Doneaster, and many other cities, towns, and boroughs which we do not deem it necessary to enumerate. In fact, we have not the slightest doubt that each day w!H add to the indignation which is fett at the Jesuitism or Mr. Gladstone, the reckless unscrupuiousness of Lord Derby, and the shallow and vulgar cant of Mr. Cobden. The Nord of Brussels is quite right in saying that the motion of the preseld member for the West Riding (as Mr. Duncombe significantly caited him) is the pretext, and not the cause, of the vote of want of coifidence- This is proved to demonstration by the s'.tdden affection which has grown up between the aristocratic member for South Wttts (Mr. Sidney Herbert) and the democratic proposer of the Chinese resolution. Pro-Russian sympathy is the bond of union between two men who have no one other feeling or sentiment in common, It is pleasant, and iudeed reviving, after the nonsensical MtStprtMs and sessions law hashes and réchaujf';s we have had for the last ten days, to turn to the broad European view of the question taken by the French press. Even the Ultramontane Univers, founded by the Abbe Migne, and conducted by Louis Veuillot and Julea Gondoc, hating as it does, the political and religious systems of England, inquires who can seriously question the right possessed by Christian Powers to call the barbarian nations to account for treaties perpetually violated and Christian blood con- stantly shed? How. it asks-as we have ourselves asked balf.a-dozen timf-s—can the law of nations be invoked in favour of a population which systematically violates atl the laws of humanity and justice? The Siiele, the journal of the moderate Republicans, and the Patrie, a paper to which some distinguished political economists contribute, take an equally broad and general view and )he Patrie goes further, and advocates the energetic prosecution of the war. These latter views are plainly in harmony with those entertained in the highest places, for the French Goveruuaeiit has &lre&dy given otdeta fo. a supplementary naval foKe to procOC4 immo&tely to the ChiMM waters. In fact,probably the next accounts we shall hn."e from China will be to the effect that the insolence and brutality of Yeh, his murders and his poisoning's, and the barbarities and savage cruelties of the Cantonese, have been sum- marily chastised and fully avenged by the united flags of England, France, and America—in other words, by the co-operation of the tricolour and the stars and stripes with the roynt uag of oid Engiand. This, we doubt not, %,Pill be the European and American ans'-ver to the de- ge:;et'&tc, unworthy, and factious Englishmen who %-louid condone and countenance the poisonings, incendiarism, and assassination of a cruel and perfidious enemy. [From the Exaiiiiiie?-.] I TheYehshaveit. The Ayes, who are identical with the Yehs, have carried by a majority of sixteen Mr. Cob- den's resolutivn c(,¡¡demuing the taken against the Ciiiiiese, ivitiout cuiisi-leriii6, the provocation. Thus, uponthcmotionof"theleade[SofthePeacepafty,"the Houge of has performed the kotoo, and struck its head sixteen tifnes against the njor in token of sub- mission to the Brother of the Smn. When the joyful tiding9 arrive in China proclamations will be published setting forth that the foreign devil:} were seized with trembtini; when they heard of the audacious steps taken at Cauton against the authority of the wise and virtuous Yfh, and that they immediately confessed the fault, and humbly endeavoured to propitiate the wrath of the Celestial Em- pire. before which they kne'v it was impossible to stand. Never was there a more motley majority than that of the Yehs on Mr. Cobden'a motion. Black spirits and white, blue spirits and grey, spirits of every hue of the rainbow,mingled together in the oddest confusion, or fusion, that ever astonished and disgusted tha public. It was but a fe.v nights ago that Mr. Sydney Herbert voted Ir. Locke !\1o!íõn for the extension of the frianciiise, not lie was reforn, to which he was so friendly, indeed, that he had been a party when in power to L')rd John Rusaell'a Reform Bill, but because he be]d it to be a paramount obligation to look to the state of par tics, and not place Lord Palmerston's Administration indirHculty, much less danger. These considerations have, however, all vanished, and Mr. Sydney Herbert's tender regards are all transferred from the Premier to Commis- sioner Yeh. Since 1831 we have not observed so strong a feeling of public displeasure at an attempt to overthrow a Ministry as has been manifested upon the present occasion. The judgment has been all but unanimous out of Parliament, and Lord Patmerston has good grounds for asserting that he has lIot lost the confidence of the country. We will not evade the truth-the Chinese affair was not liked, for it is not every one who understands the character of that singular people, and the only means of dealing with them but the public had soon the wit to perceive that the ques- tion was not discussed on the merits, but was merely wielded as an instrument for a deadly blow to the Admi- nistration. What's Hecuba to him, or he to Hecuba ?" asked the public of Mr. Gladstone and other similar extra- vagancies. Tears in his eyes, distraction in 's aspect, A broken voice, and his whole function suiting, With forms to his conceit, and all for nothing For Yeh The current word for the thing has been hum- bug, every one knowing that the Opposition, if sides were changed, would chastise the Chinese miscreant in authority at Canton with a will not a j,)t less hearty than that of the present Government. Nay, more; if Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury had been in power, they would have approved all tba.t had been done, as surely as a Liberal Opposition would have pursued the other course. Men never will learn how much their views are influenced by the position whence taken-in or out. [From the SI)eetator.] Dissolution-not resignation—19 the alternative which Lord Palmers ton has chosen as the sequel to a defeat in the House of Commons on the China question and by the end of the present month the country will be deep in the preparations for a general election. About three weeks, it is expected, will be occupied in winding up the indispensable business. The one essential act necessary to maintain discipline in the English Army, the Mutiny Act, could of course be passed through Parlia- ment in a day. With respect to the Income-tax, even if Pa.riiiuneut wore dissolved leaving the law as it is, there could be no practical embarrassment for although it would still remain the law that we should be subject to an assessment of 16d. in the pound, the collection would not take place tilt the autumn, and Parliament on reassembling could pass an act remittin!; the amount leviable by law. Tue propose) to reduce the tax to 7d. for one year is more likely to be carried. The tea and sugar duties present greater ditlicultif/s, because if they were permitted to de- scend to the level assigned to them by the existing la-.v, it would be impossible for any Chancellor of the Exchequer to lift. them up ag,in. On such occasions it is not usual to ti.ro'.v digiculties in the way of a Minister who is appeal- ing to the country but, irritated at some ultra-oScinl Insinuations against their purity, several members seem disposed to give trouble. The ordinary labours of legis- lation, of course, will easily t:i.e way. The dissolution will not be delayed for Sir Stafford Northcote's bil), excel- lent as it is, to provide industrial schools for YOU114 and other youth who have renderell themselves amenable to the law" nor will the two Houses a'.vait the Lord Chancellor's law reforms, which have been slowly wenJing their way to frustration. But Lord Shaftesbury opens the que3tioii of the opium-trade and its legality Oil Monday next; and in both Houses they persist in ashing what Ministers mean to do with Sir John Bearing ? The three weeks may still have events in store, and It would not occasioll surprise if Lord Palmerston were to take a ftvo-arable opportunity for a new division, less liable to a cross" than the China debate, and more accurately dividing the House of Commons according to the normal state of parties. The effect of this would be to reconcile the classification of accorùing to their reill sympathies, and the Minister and the would go to the country with a popular understanding as to their mutual relations. The remark especially applies to the forty Liberal Members who divided against Lord P.tlmer- ston in the China debate. Many of them, like the one who expressed a dissentient opinion at the meeting oil Mondty, differ less with Lord Pat.ncrston than they do with the Ministers aspirant: accident placed them in the same with political opponents, but they had practically nothing whatever to do with the coalition" and It is not for the Minister's interest, any more than is their wish, to leave confusion upon the subject in the public mind. Lord Palmerston's luck docs not desert him even ia ad- versity what are misehancm b ordinary men to him become opportunities, and his friends speak with increasing confidence, real or assumed. It is a public mischance that an appeal to the country should be made on this China question, into the real merit-, of which the country is as iittle inclined as it is fitted to enter. It draws upon us a general election without a general But this serious deficiency in such an appeal will be felt more by every political section than by that of which Lord Palmerston is for the time the head. His dif&culties, indeed, are serious. He has not yet been able to explain his Estimates, and he threatens us with a continuance of large expenditure, attended by an iaoo.ne- tax higher than that promised by the Tory-patronized budget of 1S53. Worse than that, has he not torn down the last remaining rag of the old Heform. banner"; stands he not confessed as no longer belonging by his acts to the orthodox Liberal party; and has he not reminded us that this was his original character ? Lord Palmerston has occasionally taken a distinguished part in conflicts arranged by others, but home affairs have not been his metier. Domestic questions are treated by statesmen of the haute poHfique" only as instruments to attain special objects. Palmereton h'.s troubled hunsalf less with the votes of parties than the votes of states; but he kno'-va that states are to be governed throne their weaknesses, whether the weakness be in favour of Free trade, a Zollverein, or a Sclavonic frontier arrangement; and he is as much a Free- trader on the Exe as he is a Disunionist on the Danube. His want of a vocation for questions of domestic politics leaves a void in his round of qualities, which, with unusual indiscretion, ho exposed in bis wanton declaration on Mr. Locke King's County Franchise motion, If the session had continued, the pubUu might have found that the Premier for Foreign Affairs, left without a war or a congress on hand, had no function in Parliament; and the legislative barrenness of the session must have provoked a settled discontent. The result of the China debate enables him to go to the country before he has completely uncovered <the political nakedness of the Cabinet. Wrong as Sir John Dowring was, probabiy in strict law, undoubtedly in discre- tion and broad policy, there are some, and they are influen- tial, who resent the betuing of Lord Palmerston's opponents in favour of the Chinese and against our own merchants. Palmerston is faithful to the rule ascribed to him of standing by a subordinate; and an English public sympathizes with ¡- that attitude of generous manliness. The Chinese massacres orovoke a sense of irritation at the alliance of a Cobden or a Gladstone with the new cives Romani," as if they were retained advocates for the ugly barbarians against There his been a" ful to English brave and successful ister, champion of right, cqualiy against Czar, Mandarin, Disraeli, and Gladstone. Nothing has been more evident in the debates of this session than the growing mistrust of the country gentlemen 111 their present leader, and their growing inetination to Lord Palmerston, as English," liberal, yet practically conservative, himself the very bed specimen of a country gentleman—so far as they can see. He may profit somewhat by this awakened at the com.ino' trial. The circumstances enable Lord Palmerston to ride to the hustings on the British Lion and in default of political questIOn he can go to the country upon the question of himself. Wellington advised Sir Robert Peel, contemplating retirement at the close of his great work in 1846, that he should go to the country on no other question but Peel" and the injured Premier of 18o7 needs no other than the question of Palmcrstoa." The Opposition ascertains its defeat on the very thresh- old of its supposed victory. Just as Mr. Disraeti tried to make a position for himself by demanding the reduction of the Income-tax, which the Government spontaneously re- duced, so Lord Derby opens his ranks for the Coalition on'.y to nud that it won't do. It might be got up «,qainst Pal- merston, it would not serve for any positive purpose. The Tories and Peelites may acree to dislike the present Govern- ment, but what could they agree to flo, worth talking about ? Nor is it easy to see how the men could really come together. Sir James Graham helS already anticipated the opinion that he eould not join the Tories, and has declared himself con- tent with his independent seat, though he has an eye to possible combinations in the paulo-post-futurum. Mr. Card'.vetl does not seem much incUned to speculate in a consolidated stock. That Mr. Gladstone, with his strong almost fanaticut notions on the subject of peace, his m)s- trust of democratic changes, his parental parnahty for the budget of 18.53, should labour in a chronic fever of excite- ment against Ministers, is ititelligible but he would be no- thing more gained to the Toties than a new persona." A general election will most certainly thin the scanty ranks of the Peelites—the lost seats are already named. The Coali- tion iit a. faiimc cvcu aL till: mumeut. wheu Lord D<:tby, in j fie wOOQd. U U¡o mp- tation were strong enough. He will have to preserve his virtue and remain single. But we ha.vo already known what a Derby C-ibinet is, even with a We saw that it could only enter office on the credit of im- agined improvements in its policy, such as its educational desi,,ns-to stop all action of that kind. The general election w:I! not reiieve us of the present House of Commons before we have become familiar with its inferior character and its thoroughly disorganized condition. There was more than one cause for its degeneracy, but the conspicuous eanse was that the Government which appealed to the country in 18;5:2 did so upon a false issue. The im- mediate consequence was, that Conservatives were c!ected who were unscrupulous enough or stu pi¿ enoug-h to tbe issue it men who did not or did not understand the po!icy of their leaders; and those leaders have been pUn'ahed by that blundennu; mutinous desertion on "l'rot'sLull" gr<lunùs Wllich led their into Lord Paha' Eton's camp. Will the new House of Commons be any better in these respects ?-V,e have no assurance that it win. TIie tone of commercial and political [norats has not yet so far recovered as to exercise a very stringent influence over the excesses of a general election. No issue will be presentable to the country, and it wiil be a House of Commons elected without a purj'ose. The sort of men sent down to the country to be returned, where the constituencies are not already provided with settled convic- tions and tried candidates, wi)i be such as would accept no i-,sue, or any and the Liberals," in whose name the next House will be begotten, will probably have to bear the re- tribution for the sins of Its birth in some such undutiful behaviour as the Tories experionoed. Hut it win serve the appeilant Premier for the dav: English" feeling will rally round the conqueror of the Crimea, the denouneer of Naples, the protector of an absent public servant; and lie is not the man to take a lower posi- tion on the reassembling of Parliament. The Persian dim- culty is already settled, by the signing of the treaty with Ferukh Khan in Paris, and on terms that will deprive Mr, Disraeliofthat"cry,"evenat the hustings. Some high. personage is to be sent out to Canton, with a sufficient force and mil powers to settle everything,—thus superseding the Bowring difficulty without directly recalling the man. Then. according to the hoi-oseope of the hopeful Mini stc-ri alist s, will the issue of the appeal to the country be announced, and the buoyant Member for Tiverton be seen walking up to the Treasury-bench amid the cheers of an exulting majority. At least, Palmer.ton win be ab!e to make the first brief summer session of the new Parliament the euthanasia of his political career. But beyond that first night—on the further side of that personal success—v.hat ties there ? Ask Zadkiel. Much will depend upon the conduct of the Liberals properly so called. The present is a trial for them, which may be most wholesome in its enccts. Much will depend upon their acceptance of the modest opportunity now open to them. There arc no brilliant sallies to be performed, but there are public interest to be serve,] and if Liberals be cuntent to agree upon what they may and can do for the satisfaction of public opinion, the party will de facto arise once more in. action. Lancashire may clamour for "retrenchment," and ask, like Mr. Cobden, for a cheap Premier; but. without thus selling a sound national policy to the blind Jaco- of 1816, most Liherals can agree upon a course of reform which would swallow up the narrow sh<-pkecping policy. They can demand such a revision of our services, civil and military, as would abuses like the Lucan and Cardigan preferment, or the M'XeiU and Tulloch neglect, and would secure more efficient service for the money. They can demand that our foreign relations shall be not only honest but above board and consistent with English opinion. They can demand such a return to pro- gressive reforms as sha!l be dictated by taking counsel with public opinion. And in the spontaneous acceptance of these watchwords, the Liberal party would oace more ad- vertise its existence aud win its way to public confidence. (From the Adoe)-ti.3er.) Every day brings new illustrations of the direful and disgraceful consequences which would have followed the overthrowofthePaImerston Government. The accounts which have come to hand horn abroad, within the last few hours, are pregnant with meaning. During the first two or three 'lays after intelligence had reached the despotic Courts of the Continent, of the defeat which Lord had sustained, therc was universal and bound- less joy at the event, because, though the full bearings of the Chinese question were not comprehended, there was not an Absolute crowned head in Europe, however brain- less it might otherwise be, that did not discern a vast significance in the great fact that Lord Palmerstou had been defeated. And with that discomntUtC they one and all, fro'.n tho Chief of the Tuilcriej down to Homba of Naples, associa- ted theexpulsiOtiuf the Ptemier frompo.ver. All, there- fore, was exultation in every resort of Absolutism on the Continent, for the first forty-eight hours after tho telegraph had flashed the news of Wednesday morning's division. But we live in a world of vicissitude, and crowned tyrants are not exempt, any more than the humblest of the race, from those alternations of joy and grief-of exultation and depression, which are inevitably incidental to humanity. The rfj()icin of these Continental despots was but of brief duration. It was soon changed into profound sorrow. The news of Lord Palmerston's discomfiture was foHowed in due time by the news üf a J.i5soluLÍon of Parliament. There is not a Royal tyrant from one extremity of the Continent to another, that did not fully con.prehend what thatmeant. It was one of those facts which make them- selves felt. It was a fact which forced its way, with the rapidity of thought, through even the densest of Absolutist craniums. It was at once seen that it implied the retention of power by Lord Palmerston, and that he felt confident that he had the people with him. That was a sad sttoke for lmperi- at l'aris or at St. Petersburg. It a heavy blow and great discouragement to tyranny every- where because the traditional foe of foreign oppression had evidently received the support of his Sovereign, as well as the moral force which the unanimous voice of the people could not fail to bring him. There was, therefore, asudden transition from the heights of joy to the depths of grief among the crowned heads of the Continent, when the mortifying and disastrous intelligence was wafted to them. There is something very instructive in the sympathy which thus subsists between the despots abroad and the abettors of despotism at home. Louis Napoleun and Count Walewski in Paris Alexander and his Ministers in St. Petersburg; Eomba in Naples,—all nnite together, In edifying harmony, in mingling their tears at the triumph of Lord Palmerston, \\ith those of Lord Derby, Mr. Disraeti, Mr. Gladstone, Lord John Kussell, Mr. Cobden, [r. Roebuck, It lVould not be easy to determine whether the crowned despots, or their satellites at home, be the more sincere In their sorrow. One thing is certain,—that Louis Napoleon is not the most moderate in his disappointment. He has always felt that Lord L'ahnerston is the only man in Europe that Celli successfully him. Lord ralmertun has him on the Dolgradaud Besiarib",in questions, ani he wit! prove more than:match for him in i-lie question of the union of thePrincipalities. This is mortifying intheextre'ne to a man who has hitherto had his own way and, therefore, we need not be surprised that the l'i¡¡¡cs raris Correspondent, in the second edition of that journal yesterday,should point in language not to be mistaken, thuugh not meant, for political to be ovec to the bitterness of the disappointment which the occupant of the Tuileries feels, at the circumstance of Lord Pal- merston not only surviving the att-teli made him by a comhination of all that is worth- less, but of his coming out of the conflict, stronger ani more buoyant than ever. It would be impossible to over-estimate the importance to the cause of foreign freedom, of Lord Palmerston's retention of oSiee. There is not a victim of political oppression in Europe, that h.s not a personal interest in keeping him where lie is. But for him, bad as matters are in various parts of the Continent, they would be much worse. And worst of ali, the last ray of hope for the future would IIope, tbat cometh to all, would no longer como to the down-trodden nationalities, were Lord Palmerston compelled to retire into private life. The noble Lord, owing to adverse circumstances which he cannot control, has not done all for the cause of Continental liberty which he has fe]t disposed to do: yet it is on him that all enslaved peoples fix their hopes. They look forward to the near advent of a brighter and better day. They believe, or at least they try to persuade themselves, that Providence will not always permit such monstrous injustice to be com- mitted such intolerable oppression to be p:actised as that of which they are the victims and they regard Lord Palmerston as the man through whom the merciful pur- poses of the Supreme Being towards the nations in degra- dation and political death on the Confluent, will be carried intoefFee:. It wili, therefore, not cause the slightest surprise whe'nwe inform our readers,that in the inverse ratio of the sorrow in Absolutist Continental Cnurts at the proud and powerful position which Lord Palmerston still occupies-one even more proud and powerful than before his recent defeat is the measure of exultation which fills the bosoms of the people in every despotic country In Europe.

THE DISSOLUTION.—The Royal proclamation for the dis- solution of the present Parliament, and the calling of another, is expected to be issued about the 2.5th of this month.— Obsc?,vc; TuR'-friKE TRUSTS.—The total receipts of the tm'npiko trusts of England and Wates for the year 18.54 are reported to have amounted to .61,127,438, and the total expenditure to -EI,168,283. There wM a bonded debt of ;So,.505,641. and arrears of interest amounting to £SH,376. Of the toil in- come in 18a4 (JE1,OC1.046), the sum of jE611,231 was applied to repairs, JE106,669 to salaries and law charges, and E312,913 to payment of debt and interest. FACTION FiGIITS IX PARLIAMENT. Z(! F'f't'i'C (Paris paper), after referring to the recent debate on China, makes the following pointed comments This slight glance at the intrigues of English members of Parliament and the II political conduct of Lord John Russelt can only inspire ns with one thought—namely that it is with the Parliament of England as it was formerly with the French Chambers, where the aSairs of the country, the most important interests of the community, were relegated to the second rank, in order to give place to the play of persona! vanity and ambition. The coalition of parties in the House of Commons forces one of its principal members, find d011btless many others with him, to vote sometimes in one way, and some- times in another, according to the exigencies of personal interest, and not with regard to the interests of the State. Who will be Minister after Lord Palmerston ? The Whiga or the Tories,ore'.scone of those thousand shades which at this moment compose the infinitely divided opinions of the English Parliament ? Such is the question in agitation, and the serious questions on which the debate hinges will be resolved according to the chances of such or such a candidate for ofrice, and not according to a true and right regard for the interests of the country, and in conformity with the eternal laws of justice and political morality. This is a sad spectacle this ia, indeed, the dark side of the Parliamentary system of Government—speechifying preferred to business, and the country sacrificed to petty personal ambition. Such is the moral to be deduced from the debates in Parliament, and we really think we have reason to congratulate ourselves that we have not to suffer the 6Mae inCOIlVC@ im FtMMe."