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EXPENDITURE WHICH CAN BE CUT…
EXPENDITURE WHICH CAN BE CUT DOWN- AND EXPENDITURE WHICH MUST BE IN- CREASED. It ist6 be hoped that the Government will not misin- terpret the large majority by which the House of Commons has accepted. and stamped with its emphatic approval, the budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and suppose that either the Parliament or the country is in favour of a large and lavish military expenditure. The best and most logical speakers, while giving their support to the one, took care to separate it from the other. It may indeed be said that experience has shown us how unwise, and even how improvident, it is for a great nation like England, with complicated relations and numerous possessions all over the world, to be caught in a state of imperfect mili ary organisation and preparation. But if this be so, there are also two other points which experience has equally well shown. The first is, that it is not in propor- tion to the amount of money expended, or the large forces kept up during prace, that the efficiency of a military arm is secured that in point of fact great economy and great efficiency are not incompatible;—and the second is, that the military ardour and power of a country when an emergency arises, is great in proportion to the prosperity of the people, and their ability to bear the burdens of a war without inflicting too great a pressure upon their means and that this is best obtained by a wise prosecu- tion during peace of all those measures which are best calculated to promote the commerce of the country, and to secure a steady and profitable employment for the people. In this respect what a remarkable contrast did England exhibit in the late European struggle, to all the continental nations engaged in it. It is not too much to say that a pressure upon the resources of those countries and the apprehension of their further exhaustion, induced them to entertain proposals for a conclusion of the war, which could not be said to be sufficient to secure the objects of the war, while the buoyant resources of England enabled us to stand out for such terms as entirely fulfilled those conditions. We do not wish to underrate a perfect and efficient military organisation, but even that is but an indifferent security compared with the general prosperity of a nation which infuses a feeling of high and healthy courage through all its parts, and at the same time enables it without difficulty to bear the burdens necessary, for a great struggle when it arises. It was justly observed by Lord Palmerston that the efficiency of a peace military establishment did not consist in having a large force of men, but rather in a well-organised small force, and well-educated and disciplined officers who understood their business, and who knew how to apply their art upon an extended scale when necessity arose. The army and navy estimates of the present year show a large reduction upon those of the past year; but they still exceed bl 14,000,000 the expenditure of the last year of the peace-1853. It may be argued that the military establishments of the country were proved in 1854 to have been very defective iu 1853, and therefore that the scale of expenditure of that year ought not to be urged as a test. All will readily admit the defective condition of our military preparations, but not so readily that the cause was in any way attributable to a deficient expenditure the general opinion would rather seem to be that it was the system that was radically defective, and that no amount of expenditure would have made it better. The expe. rience of the war has pointed to the real character of the defects in our system, and has already led to an entire change which may be expected to do much to improve it. The concentration of all the war departments under one efficient and responsible head is the first great step :-an improved system and organisation through all grades in the army, by which it is rendered a real and serious pro- fession, and not a mere plaything and pastime, if followed out in the earnest spirit in which they have been begun, will change its whole character and add greatly to its efficiency. It is true that all these changes and new or- ganisations cannot be completed in a day; that some time must be required and that they can only be purchased at a considerable first cost, however much they may lead to real economy combined with true efficiency in the end. Although, therefore, the country may be well satisfied with the large reductions made in the expenditure of the present year, as an earnest of a determination to make reductions to the greatest extent that prudence will permit, it will be difficult to persuade the public that when all the new organisations arc completed, it will be deeirable to spend more upon a permanent peace establishment than waa found necessary io 1853. It may not be possible in the face of the changes now going on to come down to that amount at once, but public opinion will continue to point to it as an object that ought to be attained:— £ 16,000,000 well expended, under an improved and effective adminis- tration, is a good sum for a peace establishment. There is, however, another class of public expenditure, which it will be neither possible nor politic to limit either to the rate of 1853, or that of any past year :—we allude to several heads of our civil expenditure. In many re- spects the money expended by the nation for civil objects should be viewed rather as an investment, by which enor- mous amounts of wealth are created, than in any other light. Since 1853 it appears that the civil estimates have increased by about £ 1,700,000. In some respects, this as a national expenditure is rather apparent than real, inas- much as local charges have been transferred to the public exchequer,— a practice which cannot be too much dis- couraged. But the great increase of expenditure during that period has been, first, for increased facilities to trade and second, for increased facilities for obtaining cheap and ready justice, with increased security to property. The rapid expansion of our trade, which may be said to have doubled in ten years, has led to an increased public expenditure in many ways :-first, the great extension of our foreign trade has necessarily led to an augmentation of our Customs establishments, while the modern spirit evinced by the Government to extend to merchants every possible facility consistent with fair security to the revenue, has added still further to the cost of collecting the revenue. Next, our postal establishments are every year becoming more and more a mere publio service, and less and less a source of revenue. At home, within a short period upwards of seventeen hundred new post-offices have been added in the provinces: -abroad, new and expensive postal services have been established to all parts of the world. The packet-service, which but a few years ago cost about E400,000 a year, reaches in the present year very nearly to £ 1,000,000. In point of fact, the entire receipts of the Post-office, which may be com- puted at L3,000,000 may be said to be now expended upon additional facilities afforded to the public, and that the cost of the service, including the foreign packets, absorbs nearly the whole revenue. Next, and nearly akin to postal arrangements, there is a growing expendi- ture for electric telegraph communications, the importance and economy of which, both in a commercial and a political view cannot be over-estimated. There is another source of expenditure, the importance of which has hitherto not been sufficiently understoodwe allude to harbours, lighthouses, and other facilities for commerce upon our coasts. Hitherto these have been much neg- lected, although they are among the most legitimate ob- jects of public expenditure, and such too as cannot fail to lead to a profitable return. Again, there is much to be done in improving our consular establishments abroad, whereby every possible facility may be given to our rapidly extending commerce, while the just rights of our traders may be sure of being respected and main- tained in foreign ports. Under all these classes of expenditure, which tend to promote commerce, and iucrease the resources of our capitalists and industrial population, and which thus affords the best of all aecurities for the future, we believe that neither Parlia- ment nor the country will be unwilling to see a gradual extension, if only maintained at a rate commensurate with the great public objects to be attained. We entertain, therefore, no doubt, that in the just and wise determina- tion which public opinion begins to exhibit, to cut down the public expenditure to the narrowest dimensions con- sistent with efficiency, a careful and reasoning discrimina- tion will be shown between objects which can safely be dispensed with, and those which contribute to the develop- ment of our commerce and industry, which promote both wealth and civilisation, and which thus, more than anything else, tend really to strengthen the country against all future risks, whatever be their nature, or from whatever quarter they come.-Econotitist.
WHO WILL PAY THE ADDITIONAL…
WHO WILL PAY THE ADDITIONAL TEA-DUTY ? I The trade will pay the additional tea-duty. Sir George Lewis's deduction from the 6d. which was to have been relinquished in 1857'-8, will come out of the pockets of the great dealers and of those nearest them. It looks like a practical joke. The trade was speculating on large profits upon the great stocks in this country and the Chancellor of the Exchequer tells them, that as he is giving up so much of the Income-tax, he must partly compensate himself by a slice out of those profits. One can easily imagine the disappointment, and at the first blush there is a popular disposition to enjoy the joke. Sir Jobn Bowiing having got the tea trade into hot water, there was a fair excuse for raising prices; and although the dealers have on hand a stock of unprecedented mag- nitude, they were of course able to ask good prices, and to pocket the difference between the original and the new value; but now Sir George Lewis intimates that be intends to appropriate a part of that speculative earning for the public exchequer. Will not the consumer pay it ? Most likely not. On the strength of the war, prices would naturally have been run up to the highest point tolerated by the consumer; those prices would have been exacted at any rate, and more cannot be squeezed out because Sir George Lewis is laying a new burden upon the trade. The housewife will still economize at the same point, and the result will be that the dealer will only be able to put a smaller share in I his own pocket. Such is the abstract reasoning on the subject; and the course of the trade implies that their calculations confirm the reasoning. But is not the proposed tax an injustice ? Of this we are not so sure. The circumstances have altered since the ariangement which included a decline of the tea du- ties waa made* Th« wu txpwditve hu not abated canite so fast as some expected on the proclamation of peace it is not unreasonable that a portion of the war taxes should continue but why should they be thrown on the tea trade, when other trades are let off? The fact that accidents have placed the great tea merchants in a position to make larger profits, is scarcely an [excuse that will be admitted in a commercial country. When we hear a man has found a fortune by a lucky stroke, we do not allow the Govern- ment to send to him for a special seigniorage on his good luck. The arrangement for a descending scale appeared to be of a very formal and final character the trade, no doubt, had made its own arrangements on the strength of that financial arrangement, and the accident of Sir John Bowling's escapade has only added to the motives for the course taken by the trade. It is lucky for the consumer that we have such good stocks it is well for the good economy of consumption that the dealer should impose a high price. Should the Bowring war be brought to a close, the trade will be resumed, prices will fall to the old level, and the consumer will derive ample amends in the cheap sale of the stocks on hand. Should the war not be brought to an early close, the large stocks on hand will either bridge over a wide interval, or in gradually con- suming them we shall accustom ourselves reluctantly to do without tea. The ordinary policy of economy, there- fore, dictates high pric-s; ordinary faith affirms the principle that the merchant who is calculating the chances and incurring the risk should reap the premium. It is a question whether the compromise proposed by Lord John Russell, of Is. 4d. instead of the Is. 3d. origi- nally intended or the Is. 7d. asked by Ministers, would field enough to make good the revenue; but if it should not, there are two courses open to the Chancellor of the Exchequer,—either to cut his estimates according to his tea-duties, or to make other trades bear a portion of the continued war-taxes.-Speciator.
IPOSITION OF PARTIES.
POSITION OF PARTIES. The natural order of financial proceedings in Parliament has not been more disturbed than the marshalling of political parties. This has appeared equally in the debate and in the division. We have so long been accustomed to pattern arrangements, that there is something which startles, though it scarcely displeases, in the disarrange- ment. For the moment, we are in the stage of watching the figures in the political kaleidoscope as they fall to pieces; and we watch with interest for the new forms which they are to take, already perhaps in some degree discernible. The calculations of individuals, however, have been at fault. The Government has not been placed under the pressure intended for it by its formal adversa- ries, nor has the coalition" on the Opposition side been successful-it proved to be of a transitory character. This appeared even in the Income-tax debate. To win the support of Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Disraeli planned his cam- paign on the principle of 1853, and was thus led into refinements of prospective computation," as Mr. Glad- stone calls it, with reference to the intended solution of 1860; but the plain old English Tories could not follow him, and they found refuge in the amendment moved by Mr. Bentinck for adjourning the debate till after the Estimates could be scrutinized,—which afforded relief to men like Sir John Tyrrell and Mr. Liddell. Mr. Glad- stone's going ever from the Ministerial side to the Opposition occasioned some astonishment: it no doubt caused a feeling of satisfaction among those who were to be recruited by the accession of his wonderful talking power but his speech of Friday last, with its vehemence its surprising mistakes, and its recklessness, speedily destroyed the satisfaction, and obtained but a partial sup- port. Gladstone was among the party but not of it, and he abandoned one party without gaining the other. He is "strayed," but not stolen." The Coalition therefore was cancelled in the very moment that it was re- cognized. The ultra-refinements of the newly-sworn brothers in arms threw the Tory ranks into confusion, and exposed the strong personal repugnace which many an old English Tory avows for the leader whom no Buckingham- shire associations with Chandos or Hampden can na- turalize; but if the stout upholder of Church and Throne shrinks from the Veneto-Syriac genius, how much more intense the shrinking from the Oxford apostle, whose cloven tongue intrudes upon the constitutional Opposition with such provoking ambiguities As a mere matter of division, the Government gained not fewer supporters from the Tory side than it lost by Mr. Gladstone's example—if, indeed, it did lose the Cobdens and Milner Gibsons in that way. But the acces- sion of a Tyrell or a Spooner to the Ministerial side could be no real increase of strength it only proves the state of indiscipline to which both sides of the House of Com- mons are reduced. Government had a good majority, but some of its supporters defended it in a manner which underafoed confidence in it. The most eminent of these, Lord John Russell, defended the Government against unjust representations, most especially defended Sir George Cornewall Lewis against misconstruction; but dispensed his vindications with an air of conscious patron- age, and at the same time retained a separate position that enabled him to vindicate public interests even more than the Government, as though he were rendered de facto the arbiter for the country between contending factions. The derangement which we witnessed in the debate and division on Mr. Locke King's motion was even greater. All previous anticipations were completely baffled. Lord Palmerston retains his clear good sense in stparating humbug or fanaticism from earnestness and practical im- provement; as he showed in his excellent speech on Mr. Spooner's annual nuisance. It was to have been expected that he would leave to Mr. Locke King that freedom which is ordinarily granted to a private Member in laying before the House of Commons a measure relating to its own constitution and procedure The plea that the present session is likely to be too busy would scarcely hold, since the array of legislative measures in prospect is this year unusually scanty. It was a surprise for his friends that Lord Palmerston took up the stronger ground of objecting to the disturbance of the constitutional ar- f arangement. He assumed the abandoned part of the Conservative improver" as opposed to reformer" and he did so without waiting to see how parties would ar- range themselves in this first political debate of the session. Our readers remember the sequel—the combina- tion of Liberals in support of Mr. Locke King, the decla- ration of Lord John Russell, the following of Sir James Graham on the same side. In noticing the debate last week, we remarked that Lord Palmerston had gone into the lobby at the head of a Tory majority. It is possible that our expression may have been regarded as figurative, but it was nothing more or less than an exact description. The ordinary representatives of the Liberal party were to be found in the minority. Some undoubtedly strayed into the majority in obedience to Mr. Hayter; but Lord Pal- merston found himself walking into the same lobby with Mr. Disraeli, and in the midst of Members like Lord Bective, Mr. Deedes, Mr. William Mile Lord Naas, Major Sibthorp, Mr. Spooner, and Sir William Smijth. It was as if the Queen had sent for" the heads of the Tory party, those heads being Lord Palmerston and his col- leagues the Liberals, as a body, standing entirely sepa- rate, and following the lead of Mr. Locke King and Lord Robert Grosvenor. In that party we find not only the Milner Gibsons and the Cobdens, but the Russels, the Ellices-Wbigli and Radicals once more combined, and naturally asking each other in the lobby, Where is Palmerston ?" For there is a natural tendency to forget how it was Lord Palmerston came to be at the head of his party. Liberal in his feelings, identified with the progress of intellect, Lord Palmerston has been one of the most valuable accessions to the administrative strength of the Liberal party. He has been called to successive Govern- ments on the score of his intimate familiarity with certain branches of public business. When the war against -Russia was the paramount object, and unjust mistrust attended the administration of Ministers like Lord Aber- deen and the Duke of Newcastle, who had taken up the war with reluctance, Lord Palmerston, never reluctant when he has made up his mind to a course, was accepted on offering to be the War Minister. Peace brings back not only reduced estimates, but political questions as the foremost and most profoundly interesting, and political statesmen once more recover their quotation in the market. Lord Patmeraton's special vocation has passed from him and Mr. Locke King's motion brought out the fact that he had not yet made up his mind to a new campaign. He did not say, I will be your leader" with reference to this class of affairs. Some unwarranted calculations were made respecting the non-existent party nicknamed Peelite. It was sup- posed that they would be faithless to the principles of Peel, and, instead of accepting the practical dictate of the day, would fly off on abstractions. There were indeed reports that Mr. Gladstone would go into the Tory camp alone, and that Lord Palmerston's Peelite colleagues would stand by him through thick and thin in either House a surmise disproved by the fact. Mr. Sidney Herbert, indeed, has defended him with a speech that did twenty times as much damage as his single vote could do him good. We have already seen what Sir James Graham has done: he has not followed the wild-goose of Mr. Gladstone, he was with Lord John in the Locke King debate. With regard to Mr. Cardwell the expectations were even more precise. He was looked upon as almost a Government man, until he appeared in the Liberal minority of the Locke King division. It was then remem- bered that he had then obviously attached himself to the fortunes of Mr. Gladstone but in the second Budget debate be was seen by the side of Lord John Russell, defending the Chancellor of the Exchequer against party attack or personal crotchet. If we glance at the state of parties out of doors, the view is more vague, but it appears at present to be becom- ing closely analogous to the state of parties in the House of Commons. While Parliament is sitting, the advocates and agents of practical movements come up to town to push their projects, and wait upon the statesmen at the head of affairs or at the head of parties-the active or the closet statesmen. It is a question of extending a Scotch as well as an English franchise, the appeal is made of course to Lord Palmerston, but also to those statesmen who are likely to give it the best chance of success. If an important trade, like the tea-trade, is in trouble, it does not make the appeal with half the effect at Cambridge House that it does at Chesham Place. The tea-trade counts less, now, upon its influence at Tiverton than at Woborn. Mr. Gladstone had protested; but it is Lord John Raasell who fulfils the expectation, by standing for- ward as the proposer of a popular compromise of tea. It ¡ is the same even with reference to more distant affairs. t Those who U8 wawww tht IATANTTE of DPÛIà India calculate their hopes by the favour of the Minister who is no longer in office. On China the present Ministers of course defend Sir John Bowring the Opposition leader of course attacks the man that Ministers defend but we see what course Lord John takes. Mr. Gladstone is bitter in his allusion to Persia, and Ministers have their answer hut what does Lord John say ? Nobody would trust a Disraeli Cabinet with the conduct of our relations to Russia, to Austria, or to Italy: Mr. Disraeli himself has been a questionable visitor in Paris his subordinate, Mr. Baillie Cochrane, has been described by Lord Palmerston as the Member for Naples: but how are we to understand the position of that Government whose morning organ announces a coming movement in Italy, and at the same time testifies to the strict alliance between England and Austria ? And what says the author of the Reform Bill, the repealer of the Test and Corporation Acts, who has been studying Italian politics in the centre of Italy ? Thus, with reference both to domestic and foreign affairs speculation is afloat once more the recent party organiza- tions have ceased to be regarded as matters of course and, awakened from slumber, reflective English politicians are beginning to ask themselves, What is about to hap- pen ?-Ibid.
I POLITICAL MEETING AT LORD…
I POLITICAL MEETING AT LORD DERBY'S. I The Conservative members of the House of Commons assembled on Friday morning at the mansion of Lord Derby, in St. James's-square, to hear a statement from the noble earl on the present aspect of political offairs, and especially on the posision of the Conservative party. About 160 members of the House of Commons were pre- sent. The noble Earl commenced his andress by an allusion to the course which a few members of the Opposition had thought it consistent with their duty to adopt on the occa- sion of the recent division in the House of Commons upon the Budget. Lord Derby stated that the course pursued by Mr. Disraeli had been concerted with him, and had met with his entire approval. The Earl of Derby said he had heard it stated that the amendment moved by the hon. member for West Norfolk originated in a feeling of disapprobation at the report which had been circulated of a coalition between the party which the noble Earl was proud to lead, and the right honourable member for the University of Oxford. That report was totally false. He had never seen Mr. Glad- stone upon the subject, nor had he ever held the slightest communication with him upon it. But the noble Earl, in the most dignified and emphatic manner, declared that should any member of the Conservative connection ever attempt to dictate to him the course he should pursue with regard to any political personages whatever, he would regard such dictation as an insult, and no longer recognise that member as attached to his party. This declaration was received with long continued cheering. The noble Earl said that no one could be more opposed to coalitions effected in defiance of political principle than himself; but that when members from identity of sentiment were frequently drawn together to the same lobby, it was impossible to doubt that a bond of political union was established which no party could refuse to acknowledge. We pause here for a moment to say that no public man in our history has more unequivocally expressed his disapproval of factious coalitions than Lord Derby. The proof is before us in the volume of the late Sir Robert Peel's "Memoirs" just published. When requested by Sir Robert Peel to join his Administration in 1831, he replied The reputation of those who take a part in public affairs is a matter of national importance and confidence in public men has been more shaken by coalitions than by all the other acts of general misconduct taken together .1 Any reasons which may be urged in vindication of the present junction would be powerless as opposed to the public sentiment, which revolts against all political coalitions, especially when they are made the immediate stepping-stone to power." (Page 40.) This is the best answer to those insolent insinuations which suppose that Lord Derby would ever sanction any political combination which was not based upon principle, and dictated by the highest and purest regard for per- manent public interests. It is this honourable feeling among our great statesmen which has preserved England from those factious coalitions to overthrow existing Go- vernments which have constantly proved the ruin of constitutional freedom in other countries. To resume. Lord Derby said that an impression ap- peared to prevail in some quarters that the interests of Protestantism might suffer in his hands. The noble earl referred to his past career, no less than to his well-known principles, in refutation of such a supposition. A slight and graceful allusion to his devotion to the Established Church in these realms in times past was received with vehement plaudits. We (bust not omit to state that Lord Derby expressed high admiration of the talents and character Of MT. • Gladstone. He noticed emphatically the fact that the Conservative party was at present in a minority in the House of Commons, and insisted that nothing could pos- sibly be more unwise than to decline such accessions of strength as would place it in a position to undertake the government of the country In reference to the important subject then before the House of Commons, Lord Derby expressed his entire approval of the resolution moved by Mr. Cobden. It was substantially the same as the motion he had intro- duced in the House of Lords, and had supported with all the earnestness of conviction, and all the ability he possessed. It would be impossible to describe the enthusiasm with which this allusion to the speech delivered by the noble earl on Tuesday evening was received. That speech is in every circle the theme of admiration, and has produced, we believe, a more powerful impression on the mind of the country than any address delivered for, years past. After Lord Derby resumed his seat, the meeting was addressed by several representative men of the House of Commons. Mr. Spooner was received with the respect due to the consistency of his political career and the sin- cerity of his religious convictions. lIe spoke with gener- ous warmth, denouncing the pretended zeal of Lord Pal- merston for Protestantism, and expressing his entire confidence in Lord Derby as the head of the Conservative party. Mr. Newdegate expressed equally loyal senti- ments, and with equal warmth. Mr. March, as the head in the great house of Len nox, and a representative of the landed interest, was listened to with great atten tion., He declared that his confidence in Lord Derby was so ficomplete, that whatever course he might deem it expedient to pursue, would receive his cordial, earnest, and disinterested support. This declaration was received wijh rounds of cheering. Col. Gilpin, an independent member of the Opposition not only declared his entire confidence i. n Lord Derby, but expressed his high sense of the services of Mr. Disraeli as leader of the Opposition in the House ol Commons. The manner in which the right hon. gentleman s name was re- ceived must have been no less gratifyiug to him than to all the members present, as showing that the Opposition, notwithstanding all efforts to weaken it, and all rumours of division in its ranks, was never more cordially united in devotion to its leaders than at the present tirae.-Press. [From the Times ] I The long looked for Coalition has, it seems, at length taken place. It is no secret treaty, no convention for a limited or temporary object, but a real political combina- tion of the kind which England was declared not to love," duly announced by the leader himself on the eve of a great contest. We are informed by an Opposition print that the Conservative members of the House of Commons assembled on Friday at the house of Lord Derby to hear a statement on the present aspect of politi- cal affairs. On this occasion his Lordship indicated in no doubtful terms that an alliance with Mr. Gladstone had been concluded, and that the united forces of Conserva- tives and Peelites would act at once and with vigour against the Government. True, Lord Derby had never seen Mr. Gladstone on the subject," but it required little discernment in bis hearers to perceive that common sym- pathies and common policy would, in the opinion of their chief, unite the two sections on the coming events of the Session. Lord Derby passed an eulogium on the talents of Mr. Gladstone, and, observing that the Conservative party was at present in a minority in the House of Com- mons, insisted Chat uothing could possibly be more unwise than to decline such accessions of strength as would place it in a position to undertake the Government of the country." We cannot feel surprised at this new shift of the Oppo- sition leaders. It has been impending from the first night of the Session. It had, indeed, been long evident that the party headed by Lord Derby embodies no intelligible prin- ciple. Protection is dead, and the theories of the Liberal party have been adopted so universally as to seem mere commonplaces to all who do not remember how long and how bitterly they were opposed by one of the factions which now aspire to power. The Conservatives can only deal in vague generalities, such as their desire to uphold the Constitution in its integrity, to advance with caution, to remedy proved abuses while deprecating reckless legis- lation, and other phrases of the same kind. What their conduct in office would be we know from the experience of 1862. After a few hustings speeches about Protestantism and principle they would hurriedly throw away all their Conservatism and endeavour to win the popular favour by passing measures which their own opposition had prevented Liberal Governments from carrying through Parliament. All this has been for nearly five years so evident that both in the House of Commons and the country the efforts of the Tory chiefs have been productive of hardly any effect. When the Government of Lord Aberdeen fell there was no thought of placing them in power, and even their own supporters have not had sufficient confidence in them and and their principles to support them seriously in any attack on the Government. To the want of an intelligible principle must be added, as a cause of weakness, the want of a leader on whom they could all rely in the House of Commons. Mr. Disraeli has clung to his leadership with desperate tena- city, and his party, after in vain putttng up one scion of aristocracy after another as his rival, have acquiesced discontentedly in his pretensions. But they could not but feel how much they had lost by having alienated the .eelect bandana-abjured Protection in ooaipany with Sir Robert Peel. Mr. Disraeli had indeed, avenged the Pro- tection irta of theii enemy i bat, aa ia geaeiailj tba CM*f vengeance has brought retribution on itself. The Peelites, rejected and taunted, have been strong enough to prevent the triumph of their former friends and to bring discredit on the assailant of their former chief. When Mr. G!ad- stone overthrew the financial scheme of the Derby Cabinet Mr. Disraeli may have recognized the Nemesis of 1846. However, the Peelites, if they retaliated the injuries they had suffered, were not the less in an unhappy position. They were too much like the bats in the fable, hovering between Whigs and Tories, and trusted by neither. Their failure during the war went far to destroy the highest reputation they possessed, that of administrative capacity. It was also painfully evident that they were deficient in a certain strength of resolution which is requisite for statesmen, and above all for English statesmen. No genius or eloquence or logical subtlety can make people forget that in the crisis of the Russian war Mr. Glad- stone sounded a timid note. From that time to this the Peelites leaders have been uhder the cloud of unpopu- larity. However, it seems to be thought that a combination of weakness will make strength-that a Coalition of unpopu- lar factions will make a stable Government. Mr. Glad- stone and Mr. Disraeli, each unable to command the confidence of the House, are by their union to overthrow the Ministry which carried a great war to a successful conclusion, which has sustained the honour of the country in the Conferences which have followed, and under whose rule the nation has been restored to the high place in the eyes of Europe from which it had temporarily fallen. What success such a scheme will have remains to be seen. For our own part, we can only anticipate that the dictum which Mr. Disraeli once rendered popular will prove to be true in the present instance. If England does not love Coalitions," she will certainly have little affection for one which does not even claim to be founded on principle, and is only the last resource of two cliques of disappointed politicians. [From the Post.] The truth is now avowed. The time has come when, on the one hand, those who were ruined by the events of the last three years-and, on the other, those who acknow- ledged their incapacity for attempting the control of those events—are ready to band together to overthrow the Go- vernment which has proved itself competent to the times and satisfactory to the nation. Lord Derby has called together his somewhat straggling followers, and has en- deavoured to discipline them, much as General Yousof attempted to discipline the Bashi-Bazouks. He is shocked at the odd heads and odd tails which they display, and threatens, in despotic language, to lop off from his forces any offending members. He points out to them that, by united action, and a union with the Peelites, they can attain office, and what more can they wish ? For this object their opinions are to be weaved for them in the tangled skein of Disraeli's speeches. Their brains and their consciences are to lie dormant-as good country gentlemeu's brains and consciences should lie—and their votes are to be in the pocket of their leader. Why should they be scrupulous ? What matters it that the honour of England should be betrayed and her faithful agents sacri- ficed, so that they place their chiefs in power. As to coalitions, fie Lord Derby is incapable of such a thing. He and England don't love them. Between himself and Mr. Gladstone there exists no pact signed in their blood, and there is to be no coalition;" but he admires" Mr. Gladstone, and when that gentleman and his own flock are repeatedly drawn into the same lobby it establishes a bond of union which must be acknowledged." Besides, it should be remembered the Derby Government had little talent; and however wicked it may have been in 1852 for all the talents" to coalesce, nobody is to reproach him for wishing in 1857 to establish a bond of union with a 'few of the talents, without whom he really could not take office. So the conditions are to be-Gladstone and brains, Derby and votes, and down with Lord Palmerston at any price. But the day has gone by when such appeala to party were effective or were permissible. In the great times of the Catholic question, the Reform Bill, or Free Trade, parties held together the strictest bonds of discipline For one great object they sacrificed all minor considera- tios. Each individual's vote belonged on all questions to his chief; for the sake of the one great point, all means were used, and all weapons were lawful, to obtain victory. But Lord Derby has forgotten that his party has no leading principle, no great object for which to make the serious sacrifices which he so imperiously demands. They are split among themselves upon twenty minor questions, and there is no great point on which to rally them. To put Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli into office in conjunction with Mr. Gladstone, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Sidney Herbert is hardly a ground on which an honest country gentleman would consider himself justified in overlooking the claims of honour and patriotism. We are surprised Lord Derby does not see this. Yet he treats as renegades those gentle- men who have simply acted as their conscience dictated, | and, without the possibility of being accused of any other object, have recorded their votes as seemed best for the r good of the country. What a difference does this position of the professed leaders of the Tory party offer to that of the Premier! How opposite the public character of the political trades- men to that of the independent public servant Lord Palmerston commands no party and dictates no vote. He is ready to serve the country just so long as it shall ap- prove of his services and yield him its confidence. Those gentlemen who honour him with their votes and their sup- port do so because he has triumphantly maintained the interests and dignity of England, and they are anxious for a continuance of the success, the prosperity, and the honour which have waited upon his Administration:
THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH AND…
THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH AND LORD PALMERSTON'S GOVERNMENT. We stated on Monday in an article under the head The Impending Division," that the Marquis of Bland- ford, indignant at the affront offered to his independence of action as a free representative of the people, has told the Conservative leaders in either house to send him no more circulars." It has been matter of surprise to many to read the name of the Marquis's noble father, the Duke of Marlborough, in the list of those opposing the motion of Lord Derby, the other night. We learn, from an undoubted source, that his Grace disgusted with the factious attempt to oust Lord Palmerston from power, freely and in a most grace- ful manner sent his proxy to his Lordship by his son, the Marquis. The country, let us add, owes a great debt of gratitude to both these Noble Lords, for the spirited and patriotic manner in which, burying in the dust all party predilections, they have rushed to the rescue of Lord Pal- merston from one of the most nefarious and discreditable attempts to overthrow a popular Government, to be met with in the annals of political factions. Nor will the country ever fail to cherish a lively sense of its obliga- tions to his Grace of Marlborough, and to his son the Marquis of Blandford, for the generous and independent manner in which they have acted in this important crisis in England's history. -Moriting Advertiser.
LORD DERBY'S QUALIFIED CONTRADICTION…
LORD DERBY'S QUALIFIED CONTRADICTION OF THE REPORT IN THE PRESS. In the House of Lords on Monday, the Earl of Derby said,—My lords, I do not know that I should trouble you with a matter personal to myself, as, if there is any rule I have laid down, it is never to notice in one way or ano- ther any misstatements or misrepresentations in the public press with reference to my public conduct, but if I depart in the slightest from that rule on the present occasion it is in justice both to myself and to others. I wish ac- cordingly to refer to a report in the public papers which is wholly inaccurate, and which could only have been re- ceived surreptitiously, of a meeting said to have been held at my house on Friday, which was held on Friday, but not at my house. That report, though undoubtedly it bears on the face of it marks of having been furnished by some one who was present, or who had heard what had passed, is in many respects grossly inaccurate, and re- presents me as having said, not only the reverse of what I did say, but which, if I had said, would have been the reverse of the fact. I am not going to enter into -any de- tailed explanation, but I only beg that it may not be sup- posed hereafter, if reference ever be made to what occurred on that occasion, that I did make those statements, and that I may be permitted to avail myself of the protest which I now make against the accuracy of that report.
[No title]
MAYNOOTH COLLEGE.—The sum of E131,800 has been paid out of the consolidated fund during the last five years to the theological professors of the College of Maynooth in Ireland, being at the rate of E26,360 a year. GREAT BOON TO EXCISE OFFICERS.—By a general order of the Board of Inland Revenue, dated the 12th instant, the existing regulations under which excise officers were obliged every four or six years to change their residence have been rescinded, and the system of periodical removal is virtually abolished. The new chair- nian, Mr. Pressly, has thus inaugurated his administration by a graceful concession, and relieved the officers of the surveying department of the excise service of a harrassing, impoverishing, and unnecessary routine.-Civil Service Gazette. RICH MEN'S LUXURIES.—Wealth it is aid, can pur- chase many enjoyments and luxuries that poor men can never obtain but the price at which these are bought is sometimes rather exorbitant, for it is paid not in moneys but in disease and suffering. The gout has sometime been called a rich man's luxury and many aman of. fortune would give much to be free from the presence of this unwelcome visitor. Too often he has ttied all kinds of expensive and dangerous nostrums, or supposed speci- fics, while a simple, cheap, and safe remedy, though close, at hand, is neglected. Dr. de Jongh's Light-Brown Cod Liver Oil has been prescribed with the most satisfactory results when a severe attack of gout has come on, or for the purpose of preventing its dreaded recurrence, and it is asserted that, when taken for some time, it so alters the tendency of the system and the constitution, as to prevent entirely a return of the complaint. The celebrated Ger- man physician, Taufflieb, states that he has administered the Oil with success in a great many cases of chronic gout; and in two of these the functions of locomotion were so restrained by the swelling and stiffness of the joints, that for several years the patients had to be lifted from their beds. In a few mouths, motioii was lestored,- &ad in the and the power of walking with facility.
I MISCELLANEOUS INTELLIGENCE.
I MISCELLANEOUS INTELLIGENCE. Almaden, in Andalusia, has been put under martial law, owing to a report that an insurrection would take place on pretext of the dearness of food. Lady Franklin is undertaking, on her own resources, a new search for traces of her husband's expedition. It will proceed by way of Behring's Straits, the season being too far advanced to try the other route. The Siecle has received a warning for expressing a hope that the Corps Legislatif might be called upon to put the law relating to electoral bulletins on a more rational footing than it is left by the recent decision of the Court of Cassation, and also to abate the rigour of the degree of 1852, which now governs the press. A gang of thieves, all ticket-of-leave men, or persons who have been in trouble" before, have been committed to take trial for burglary at Leeds, on the evidence of an accomplice, who" split" upon them because he considers he did cot get his fair share of the proceeds. Le ivord positively contradicts the news given by the Morning Post that the Emperor Alexander has resolved to extend his journey to Paris. In the year ending 31st December last, the value of em- broidery and needlework imported was E70,371 in the preceding year it was E42,543. "I care not a rush, brother Thomas," recently said Lord Chief Justice Cockburn, reproving some licentiousness of the bar, what your instructions are, I won't have mis- constructions here." Mr. W. C. Pitman, conductor of the Ponobscot and Kennebeck railway train, was married the other day to Mi3s Frank Fuller, of Carnal, by the Rev. Mr. Allen, of Bangor, between Bangor and Waterville, in one of the railway cars. Thus they manage matters in the United States. A few days ago, a hunter called Rumination, the pro- perty of Mr. J. M. Browne, of Bromyard, cleared 35 feet 10 inches, over a five-barred gate, in a stiff clay soil, with dirt up to his fetlooks. A military officer, Lieutenant Bant, was garrotted in one of the streets of Chatham at an early hour on Thursday morning, and had his pockets rifled. He resisted, and notwithstanding that three men assailed him he secured one of them the other two were subsequently arrested. The King of Bavaria, who is a Roman Catholic in the strictest sense of the word, has just given a proof of his tolerant spirit by authorising the Protestant pastors in his kingdom to raise subscriptions for a monument which is about to be erected to the memory of Martin Luther, at Worms. It appears that the total amount of deposits in the joint- stock banks of London now exceeds £ 35,000,000 of which the London and Westminster alone has £ 11,438,000 being considerably more than those of the same character in the Bank of England. A proposal for life assurance was made a few days ago to the North of England Insurance Company, by a gentleman resident in London, whose mother is now alive, aged 100 years. The other members of the old lady's family reached the following extraordinary ages :-Her father and uncle lived to be 108 years each, three of their sisters died beyond that age, and one lived to be 130. It is announced that an agricultural commission is about to be appointed to devise a plan for increasing the breed of cattle in France. The prefects throughout the departments have long demanded such an inquiry, in order to check the daily increasing diminution of that great source of food for the population. The Leeds Meroury states that the organ in East-parade Chapel, Leeds, is now blown by means of a hydropneu- matic engine," patented by Mr. D. Joy, engineer, and Mr. W Holt, organ builder. Its object is to supersede manual labour and the more expensive steam power in blowing large organs in public edifices, and the pressure is very much more steady and continuous than can be attained by manual labour. At a meeting held at Sheffield, on Monday, and presided over by the mayor of that borough, it was resolved to erect by subscription a monument to perpetuate the memory of the Crimean heroes, natives of Sheffield and its neighbour- hood, who fell in the late Russian war. It appears that Sheffield contributed no fewer than 500 soldiers to the Crimean army, and of these the bodies of 100 lie moulder- ing before Sebastopol. The Spurgeon catastrophe was well nigh repeated on Sunday evening at the Oratory, Brompton, where 1,000 I people had assembled to hear Cardinal Wiseman. At the commencement of the sermon sonv person raised a cry of I fire at first there was great coniusioo, screaming, and Struggling but a priest having got up and assured the assembly there was no fire at all, order was gradually restored. These repeated attempts to alarm large audiences there can be no doubt, are the contrivances of the swell mob. The Pope has struck another blow at the independence of the Roman Catholic parish priests of Ireland by again ignoring their old right of electing a successor to a see when it becomes vacant by death or otherwise. This last instance of Papal domination occurred in the case of the bishopric of Galway. Three names were as usual forwarded to Rome, all of which have been passed over, and the mitre conferred upon the Rev. Mr. M'Evilly, an especial favourite of Archbishop M'Hale, and President of St. Jarlath's College. Letters-from Galway state that the decision of his Holiness has given general dissatisfaction to the clergy and laity. The Rev. Mr. Roach, who stood dignissimus on the list, is extramely popular in the town of Galway. At the Downpatrick quarter sessions, just terminated, Mr. James Neil, of Seaforde, was decreed in several sums, not exceeding E30 in all, at the suit of farmers who had purchased agricultural seeds, which failed. The seeds had been guaranteed to them as good. Thus the farmers are indemnified to the full value of the probable crop which would have grown had the seed been genuine. This should be a caution to vendors.- Dozv)zpatrick- Recorder. DECREASE OF PAUPERISM IN ENGLAND AND WALES. —It appears from a return just issued that the total num- ber of persons of all classes (including children) in receipt of relief on the 1st of January last, in 624 unions and parishes in England and Wales, was 843,430, being a de- crease of 33,225 on the numbers at the date of January 1, 1856. 139,130 adult ablebodied persons, male and female, exclusive of vagrants, were in receipt of relief on the 1st of last month, being a decrease of 13,044 on the numbers at the corresponding date in 1856. 50,362 of the persons relieved last month were widows. THE GREAT TOBACCO QUESTION.-The Lancet publishes replies from physicians, surgeons, and others, to Mr. Sol- ly's attack upon smoking. In answer to one remark from that gentleman, a correspondent says, I believe the pre- sent Emperor of the French is an ardent admirer of the habit and who will venture to assert that he lacks I high intellectual activity ?' Hobbes and Locke were smokers so were Byron, Moore, Shelley, Scott, and a host of others, whose names along the stream of time triumphantly come down to us; and they will bear comparison with those personages to whom Mr. Solly had adverted." 11 Clericiis Anglicanus" says, that some of the bishops are noted smokers. LIBEL CASE IN IRELAND.—On Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday week, the Court of Queen's Bench, Dublin, was engaged in trying a case in which Mr. Robert Lind- say, a member of the town council of Belfast prosecuted the Messrs. Finley, proprietors of the Belfast Northern Whig, for having published a letter in which the prosecu- tor was spoken of as belonging to a wretched clique," which had been engaged in jobbing" and in illegal acts," to the injury of the ratepayers. The counsel for the defenders were allowed to show the circumstances under which the words were used, and to exhibit the language which had been employed at various times against the newspaper by the defender and his friends. Our contem- porary thus states the result:—"We were prosecuted to deliver up the sum of £ 10,000. The damages awarded amount to sixpence and he is sentenced to pay what the law believes to be his own costs." ECCLESIASTICAL INTELLIGFNICE. The following pre- ferments and appointments have been recently made Rectories :—Hon. and Rev. D. Gordon to the rectory of Donaghedy, diocese of Derry Rev. G. W. R. Ireland, to the rectory of Sampford Peverel, Devon. Vicarage :—Rev. H. E. Tuckey, to the vicarage of Rodborne Cheney, Wilts. Curacies, &c.:—Rev. G. Ainslie, Emmanuel College, Cambridge, to be secretary to the Church Building Society Rev. D. Anderson, to the perpetual curacy of St. Mark's, Liverpool; Rev. W. W. Blandford, to the curacy of St. James's, Pentonville Rev. T. H. Burn, Trinity College, Cambridge, to be an assistant master in Marlborough College; Rev. J. Chalmers, to the perpetual curacy of Holy Trinity, Barnstaple, Devon Rev. R. W. Cornish, vicar of Coleridge, Devon, to be organising secretary to the National Society, diocese of Exeter; Rev G. E. L. Cotton, head master of Marlborough College, to be one of the ex- amining chaplains to the Lord Bishop of London Rev. J. H. Duck, to the perpetual curacy of Christ Church, Upper Tean, Staffordshire Rev. H. P. Ffoulkes, rector of Llan- dyssil, to be a surrogate for the diocese of St. Asaph Rev. T. Hawley, to the perpetual curacy of All Saints', Bishop's Wood, Herefordshire; Rev. W. J. H Le Fann, rector of St. Paul, Dublin, to be sub-dean of the Chapel Royal, Dublin; Rev. H. C. Minchin, to the perpetual curacy of High Cross, Herts; Rev. P. Meinah, to Drumurline, diocese of Kerry; Rev, E. W. Parry, to the perpetual curacy of Bickerton, Cheshire Rev. G. L. Roberts, to the curacy of St. Asaph Rev. H. Roberts, to Bedford Episco- pal Chapel; Rev. J. A. Thomas, to the curacy of Witton, Cheshire; Rev. J. N. Thompson, to the curacy of Carrick- fergus, diocese of Connor. HOLLOWAY'S PILLS the far-famed Remedy for various Cornplaints.-Ill all cases of deranged stomach, indiges- tion, bile, sick headache, liver complaint, or determina- tion of blood to the head, there is no medicine known equal to these wonderful Pills, they so quickly alleviate and cure persons suffering from the above class of disorders the peculiar properties they possess act on the very main springs of life, so that disease is sure to yield to their in- fluence therefore, those who are so predisposed should have recourse to Holloway's Pills, which will effectually ;Ohi«: every, symptomt and restore the patient to the sound- eat hadth.
I RAILWAY TIME TABLE,
I RAILWAY TIME TABLE, I SOUTH WALES RAILWAY. The Mail Trains run the same on Sundays as week day s DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. Starting 1,2,3 1,2,3 1.2,3 Exp. 1,2,3 Exp.! 1,2,3 Mail from class class I- 1 &2, class 1 & 2 class.  I & 2 a.m. a.m. a.m. a.m. a.m. p.m. p.m. p. m Paddington 6.0 9.40 6.50 4.50 12.50 Glo'ster de 7.0 10.35 1.0 3.0 8.30 6.5 2.15 Woolaston 7.46 11.39 4.2 7.7 Chepstow 7.56 11.55 1.47f 4.20 9.30 7.20 3.12 Portskewet 8.8 12.5 4.32 7.30 Magor 8.1712.15 4.43 7.40 Newport 8.4212.45 2.10 5.12 9.55 8.0 3.40 Marshfield 8.5212.55 5.27 8.10 Cardiff 9.6 1.15 2.31 ? 5.27 8.10 Cardiff 9.6 1.15 2.31 5.5010.15 8.35 4.4 Ely 9.12 1.23 5.55 f St. Fagans 9.17 1.3011 6.2  Llantrissant. 9.36 1.46 ? 6.17 9.0 4.27 Pencoed 9.51 1.58 6.25 S Bridgend. 9.56 2.8 3.0 6.40 'Q I 9.18 4.46 Pyle 10.12 2.23 6.53 Port Talbot. 10.25 2.35 3.18 7.9 9.43 S.l 2 Briton Ferry 10.34 2.45 7.19 -a N eth .ar 10.40 2.506 ? 7.27 § 6.58i 5.23 Ditto de 10.43 2.53 3.30 7.32 £ 10.0 5.25 Llansamlet 10.57 3.3 7.43 Landore 11.9 3.11 i.50? 7.54 Swansea ..? 11.14 3.20 3.55! 8.1.5 10.25 5.50 Ditto de 8.1511.20 f 3.40 7.40 i- 5.55 Landore 8.25 11.34 3.55 7.59 .? j' Gower Rd. 8.37 11.49 4.121 8.19 Loughor 8.42 11.54 4.19! 8.24 Llanelly 8.50 12.4 S 4.28: 8.34 j.25 Pembrey 9.0 12.14 j 4.38, 8.45 KidweHy. 9.1212.26? 4.50 8.56 6.45 Ferryside 9.22 12.36 5.0 9.8 Carmarthen.. 9.3512.50? J 5.15 9.23 C 7.15 St. Clears.. 1.8  5.29 2 I 7.28 Whitland. 1.23 ? 5.51'I ? | 7.40 Narberth Rd. 1.35 £ 6,6 ? 7.55 Clarb. Rd. 1.55 6.21 t?j 8.15 Haverfordwest 2.5 ? 6.36? §? 8.30 Johnston (for I Milford) 2.35 6.55: -1 S.*5 Neyland (for Pater. 2.45!17.15?i JJ_ 8.5 UP TRAINS. WEEK DAYS. Starting 1,2,3 1,2,3 Exp. 1,2,3 1, 2,3 1 & 2 Maii t 2?{ from. class class ) & 2 class class class jl & 2iclass a.m. a.m. a.m. a.m. noon.1 p.m. p.m. p.m. Neylan(I 8.0 11.30 ? f 4.7 Johnston. 8.16; 1 11.50 3 4.22 Haverfordwest 8.30 L20 ? 4.32 Clarb. Rd. j 8.50 I, £ 12.12  4i47 Narberth Rd 9.10 -? 12.42 ?? 5'2 Whitland 9.23 ?1.0 ? ) 5^7  St. Clears. 9.38 Fo' 1.16[15.29 Carmarthen. 6.55 If).0 g 1.40 p-T | 6.52 8.15 Ferryside 7.10 10-15 ? & 1.55 8.28 Kidwelly 7.2011026 ?4 2.7 6.17 838 Pembrey 7.30 10.38 ? 2.20 8J0 Llanelly 7.38 10.48 g. 2.31 6.37 9.0 Loughor 10.57 g> 2.40 9 9 Loughor i. *48 11.5 2.45 Gower Rd. 7.4811.5 2.45 Landore 8.0 11.25 t 3.7 4.34 Swansea ..ar 8.1011.40 J 3.25 7.7 9.39 Ditto.de 7.55 11.23 10.30 3.0 140 712 — Landore 8.5 11.33 10.45 3.20 1 *47 Llansamlet 8.15 10.55 3.27 1.55 Neath .ar 8.20 11.48 11.5 3.37 23 7.28 Ditto .? 8.25 11.50 11.7 342 2.5 7.30 Briton Ferry 8.33 11.16 3'50 212 Port Talbot. 8,4612.1 11.24 3.58 2.20 ?42 Pyle 9.5 11.39 4.18 235 Bridgend 9.25 12.23 11.53 4.35 2.50 8 7 Pencoed 9.34 12.13 4.45 3.0 Llantrissant 9.50 12.29 5.10 3.15 8.25 St. Fagans 10.5 12.44 5.25 3'30 Ely 10.'Ll 12.49 5.32 3 35 Cardiff i.10 1.0 1.101 5.44 3 *40 8 48 Marshfield 7.26 10.23 i.b 1.10 5.44 3.40 8.48 Marshfield 7.26 1.26 6.0 350 Newport 7.4410.50 1 21 1.44 6.20 3 55 9.15 Magor 8.4 1111.8 2.5 6 35 419 Portskewet 8.13 2.15 6.45 4 34 Chepstow. 8.26?11.27 1.46 2.29 6.57 4.46 9 45 Lidney 8.43?11.44 2.47 7.20 5:4 lo!o N ewnham 9ojl2.0 3.7 7.40 5.24 10.20 1 2el 1 2el Glo'ster 9.4?: 1..O 2.37 3.27 8.10 6.0 _111.0 Paddmgton 2.251 5..5 60 9.5 ?10.3-5 ? 11.40 SUNDAYS. | DOWN TRAINS, j SUNDAYS. UPTRAINS. St.artg.irom? 1,2,3 1,2,3 1,2,31._from 1,2,3| 1,2,3 1,2, 'I a. m" ao 1- P" m 3. m.ia. ,? L ni. Pa(ldington rt i\T e y I a n d 9.15 o- O Pd adudi- ngtt on 8.0 Neyland 9.15 3.0 Glo ster ar 2.-35 Johnston .1 9 35 3-^ Ditto.. de 3.0 H. West 9 45 3.30 Ditto de 4.15 Narb. Road 10.20 Chepstow 4.15 Narb. Road 10 20 —■— Newport.. 7.38 5.0 I. Whitland.10'35 •••• Cardiff 8.3 5.29 St. Clears. 10'50p.m- Neath ..ar 9.38 7.0 Carmarthen .1120 6.0. Ditto ..?f 9.50 7.10 Ferryside. 11 '35 6.15 Landore 10.10 7.35 Kidwelly n47 6.27 Swansea ?-10.15 7.40 .Jpembrey l9'o 6.40 Ditto ..?10.20 7.45 Llauelly ??I2'II 6.51 Landore 0.30 7.55 .[Landore 12 45 7.25 Llanelly ..10.55 8.22 Swansea ar ..Jl2'50 7.30 Pembrey 11.5 8.32 Ditto de 8.30! 1.10 7.35 Kidwelly 11.17 8.44 Landore 8.35! 1.18 7.43 Perryside 11.27 8.54 Neath ..ar 8.531 1.28 7.? Carmarthen 11.42 9.9 Ditto ..(?a.mj 1.30 8.0 St. Clears.. 9 29 Cardiff 11.15! 3.3 9.41 Wliitlaiid.. 9:46Newport ii.15 3. P? 9.41 Narb. Rd. 10.0 Chepstow 12291 4 10 Nar b Rd. 100 ..034 ? IPaddington 110.0 H. West 10.34 Glo'ster zi-I 1:381 5:161 Johnston 10.50 Ditto <? 525 1 Neyland 11.0 Paddington .100
I LLANELLY AND LLANDILO RAILWAY.
I LLANELLY AND LLANDILO RAILWAY. UP TRAINS. 1,2,3 f 1,2,3 Class ClassSUNDAYS Starting from ?-?- Z'Z P.M. Llanelly (S. W. R. St.) 9I0 i 0 I °0ck 9 14 5 4 1 ?? 922 5 12 .m Llangennech 9 28 5 18 ..? 1 ontardulais 9 3.5 5 25 Garnant ?<j!??. 9 10 5 0  Cross Ian ? .1 9 5.5 5 25 ?J Lrusslnn..?.,? 10 0 5? Garnant. 10 95 6 Df-ndebie ?Y!g? ?'"  Derwydd Road 10 10 6 0 Fairfach 10 20 j 010 Llaii(lilo 11110 0 220 5 G 100 l  DOWN TRAINS. 1,2t3 1,:¿,a SC'KD.Yt Class C"la' SUND,Y? Starting ?-OM A.M ?M r.4(' Llandtlo. 9 15 5 5 Fairfitch. 9 20 5 10 Derwydd Road. 9 30 5 15 ] Llandebi: Garnant.?a?M?. 9 10 5 0  Cross Inn 935 5 25 Crosslnn.. „ .93 5 525 GGaaTrnnaanntt.7.^ 77777777777777710 5 T55 10 25 6 2Q Pontarduiais.. 5 1 ? Llangennech 10 12 6 2 •• .?ynea 10 18 6 8 Dock .R. :illO 256 15 Llanelly (S. W. R. St.) 10 30 6 20 Garnant Passengers wlil be set down or aken?P?t Gen^idrim or Cross Keys. if required.
______VALE OF NEATH RAILWAY.———
VALE OF NEATH RAILWAY. ———   UP TRAINS WEEK DAYS. SUNP-^S. Starting From 12312312 3j 1231 2 ?2? Class Class I Cla 'las? I-I SOUTH WALES -t p.t.1 P.M. ;]\r. Swansea dep 7 55 1 40 3 50 7 12 830?3?. Llansamlet 8 15i 1 55 4 7 84.5?? Neath arr. 8 20! 2 3 4 15 7 28 853?8 VALE OF NEATH. 40 ? 2 10 7 45 901-5 Neath ?ep. 8 ^1 2 10 7 45 9 0 1"5 Neath.dep.S84405?22 1l0 a 7 50 9 5 2o Aberdylais. Resolven 8 57 2 25 8 0 9 15 3o Glyn-Neath 9 7 2 33 8 8 0 23 3, Hirwain arr. 992337, 1 3 2 5. 8 28 943,5 Hirwain d. for Aberdare 9 33 3 0 6 30 8 35 9 50 8 Aberdare Arrival 9 4-5 3 10 6 45 8 45 10 0 15 Hirwain d. for Merthyr 9 30 2 50 8 31 9 46' 5 Dwydeoed 9 37¡1 3 3 8 38 9 531 Llwydcoed 937 Oi 3 3 25? 9 0 1 10 15 8 Alertliyr Arrival 10 —— — — v DOWN TRAINS. WEEK DA Y9. SUN?'S  F iTT 1 2 3jl 2 3 1 2 3 f? ? ? parting IZ rorn Class Class.Class Class ClaAs8 VALE OF NEATH. A.M. P.M. p.MI- A.M.?' Merthyr dep. 9 0 1 35, 6 0 8?? LI wydcoed 9 17 1 52i 6 17 8 -1 Hirwain arr. 9 23 1 58; 6 23 8'?a Aberdare Departure 9 5 1 40: 6 5 8? 55 Hr\Va!n Arrival. 9 1 I 53! 6 18 83 8 Hirwain ..dep. 9 26 2 O? 6 25 8?15 Glyn-Neath 9 46 2 19l 6 44 90 34 Resolven 9 56 2 28 6 53 S643 Aberdylais 10 10 240 7 5 ?6 55 N..th.m.'1O 15 2 45 7 10 !70 1 SOUTH WTLES. I Neath dep. 10 431 2 53 7 32 7 10 f Llansamlet 10 57 3 3 7 43 1*- ,)0 Swansea arr. 11 14 320 8 15 17
Advertising
ADVERTISEMENTS AND OliDERS 1{ \-)&V BY THE FOLLOWING AGENTS:- LONDON: Mr. White, 33 Fleet-Street; lnlesgrwto and Co., Warwick-square Mr. Deacon, 15,dcn- hall-street; W. Dawson and Son, 74, Cann<'eet Mr. C. Mitchell, Red Lion Court, Fleet-streeessrs Hammond and Nephew, 27, Lombard-street; Jiarle3 Everett, Old Broad Street, London. THIS PAPER IS REGULARLY FILED by all abo" jt I agents, and also at Peel's-Coffee-House, Nol, lit; ) Fleet-Street. j Printed and Published in Red Lion Yard, in t'arisli >1 St. Peter, in the County of the Borough of Careen b) the Proprietor, JOSEPH HEGINBOTTOM, of Pict?rr)? )  afQred. [ i ipjjjguaroit" ien IFE»4T, JWua ? MM.