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EXPENDITURE WHICH CAN BE CUT…

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EXPENDITURE WHICH CAN BE CUT DOWN- AND EXPENDITURE WHICH MUST BE IN- CREASED. It ist6 be hoped that the Government will not misin- terpret the large majority by which the House of Commons has accepted. and stamped with its emphatic approval, the budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and suppose that either the Parliament or the country is in favour of a large and lavish military expenditure. The best and most logical speakers, while giving their support to the one, took care to separate it from the other. It may indeed be said that experience has shown us how unwise, and even how improvident, it is for a great nation like England, with complicated relations and numerous possessions all over the world, to be caught in a state of imperfect mili ary organisation and preparation. But if this be so, there are also two other points which experience has equally well shown. The first is, that it is not in propor- tion to the amount of money expended, or the large forces kept up during prace, that the efficiency of a military arm is secured that in point of fact great economy and great efficiency are not incompatible;—and the second is, that the military ardour and power of a country when an emergency arises, is great in proportion to the prosperity of the people, and their ability to bear the burdens of a war without inflicting too great a pressure upon their means and that this is best obtained by a wise prosecu- tion during peace of all those measures which are best calculated to promote the commerce of the country, and to secure a steady and profitable employment for the people. In this respect what a remarkable contrast did England exhibit in the late European struggle, to all the continental nations engaged in it. It is not too much to say that a pressure upon the resources of those countries and the apprehension of their further exhaustion, induced them to entertain proposals for a conclusion of the war, which could not be said to be sufficient to secure the objects of the war, while the buoyant resources of England enabled us to stand out for such terms as entirely fulfilled those conditions. We do not wish to underrate a perfect and efficient military organisation, but even that is but an indifferent security compared with the general prosperity of a nation which infuses a feeling of high and healthy courage through all its parts, and at the same time enables it without difficulty to bear the burdens necessary, for a great struggle when it arises. It was justly observed by Lord Palmerston that the efficiency of a peace military establishment did not consist in having a large force of men, but rather in a well-organised small force, and well-educated and disciplined officers who understood their business, and who knew how to apply their art upon an extended scale when necessity arose. The army and navy estimates of the present year show a large reduction upon those of the past year; but they still exceed bl 14,000,000 the expenditure of the last year of the peace-1853. It may be argued that the military establishments of the country were proved in 1854 to have been very defective iu 1853, and therefore that the scale of expenditure of that year ought not to be urged as a test. All will readily admit the defective condition of our military preparations, but not so readily that the cause was in any way attributable to a deficient expenditure the general opinion would rather seem to be that it was the system that was radically defective, and that no amount of expenditure would have made it better. The expe. rience of the war has pointed to the real character of the defects in our system, and has already led to an entire change which may be expected to do much to improve it. The concentration of all the war departments under one efficient and responsible head is the first great step :-an improved system and organisation through all grades in the army, by which it is rendered a real and serious pro- fession, and not a mere plaything and pastime, if followed out in the earnest spirit in which they have been begun, will change its whole character and add greatly to its efficiency. It is true that all these changes and new or- ganisations cannot be completed in a day; that some time must be required and that they can only be purchased at a considerable first cost, however much they may lead to real economy combined with true efficiency in the end. Although, therefore, the country may be well satisfied with the large reductions made in the expenditure of the present year, as an earnest of a determination to make reductions to the greatest extent that prudence will permit, it will be difficult to persuade the public that when all the new organisations arc completed, it will be deeirable to spend more upon a permanent peace establishment than waa found necessary io 1853. It may not be possible in the face of the changes now going on to come down to that amount at once, but public opinion will continue to point to it as an object that ought to be attained:— £ 16,000,000 well expended, under an improved and effective adminis- tration, is a good sum for a peace establishment. There is, however, another class of public expenditure, which it will be neither possible nor politic to limit either to the rate of 1853, or that of any past year :—we allude to several heads of our civil expenditure. In many re- spects the money expended by the nation for civil objects should be viewed rather as an investment, by which enor- mous amounts of wealth are created, than in any other light. Since 1853 it appears that the civil estimates have increased by about £ 1,700,000. In some respects, this as a national expenditure is rather apparent than real, inas- much as local charges have been transferred to the public exchequer,— a practice which cannot be too much dis- couraged. But the great increase of expenditure during that period has been, first, for increased facilities to trade and second, for increased facilities for obtaining cheap and ready justice, with increased security to property. The rapid expansion of our trade, which may be said to have doubled in ten years, has led to an increased public expenditure in many ways :-first, the great extension of our foreign trade has necessarily led to an augmentation of our Customs establishments, while the modern spirit evinced by the Government to extend to merchants every possible facility consistent with fair security to the revenue, has added still further to the cost of collecting the revenue. Next, our postal establishments are every year becoming more and more a mere publio service, and less and less a source of revenue. At home, within a short period upwards of seventeen hundred new post-offices have been added in the provinces: -abroad, new and expensive postal services have been established to all parts of the world. The packet-service, which but a few years ago cost about E400,000 a year, reaches in the present year very nearly to £ 1,000,000. In point of fact, the entire receipts of the Post-office, which may be com- puted at L3,000,000 may be said to be now expended upon additional facilities afforded to the public, and that the cost of the service, including the foreign packets, absorbs nearly the whole revenue. Next, and nearly akin to postal arrangements, there is a growing expendi- ture for electric telegraph communications, the importance and economy of which, both in a commercial and a political view cannot be over-estimated. There is another source of expenditure, the importance of which has hitherto not been sufficiently understoodwe allude to harbours, lighthouses, and other facilities for commerce upon our coasts. Hitherto these have been much neg- lected, although they are among the most legitimate ob- jects of public expenditure, and such too as cannot fail to lead to a profitable return. Again, there is much to be done in improving our consular establishments abroad, whereby every possible facility may be given to our rapidly extending commerce, while the just rights of our traders may be sure of being respected and main- tained in foreign ports. Under all these classes of expenditure, which tend to promote commerce, and iucrease the resources of our capitalists and industrial population, and which thus affords the best of all aecurities for the future, we believe that neither Parlia- ment nor the country will be unwilling to see a gradual extension, if only maintained at a rate commensurate with the great public objects to be attained. We entertain, therefore, no doubt, that in the just and wise determina- tion which public opinion begins to exhibit, to cut down the public expenditure to the narrowest dimensions con- sistent with efficiency, a careful and reasoning discrimina- tion will be shown between objects which can safely be dispensed with, and those which contribute to the develop- ment of our commerce and industry, which promote both wealth and civilisation, and which thus, more than anything else, tend really to strengthen the country against all future risks, whatever be their nature, or from whatever quarter they come.-Econotitist.

WHO WILL PAY THE ADDITIONAL…

IPOSITION OF PARTIES.

I POLITICAL MEETING AT LORD…

THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH AND…

LORD DERBY'S QUALIFIED CONTRADICTION…

[No title]

I MISCELLANEOUS INTELLIGENCE.

I RAILWAY TIME TABLE,

I LLANELLY AND LLANDILO RAILWAY.

______VALE OF NEATH RAILWAY.———

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