The Welshman

LONG LIVERS.- [WILITTE-N IN 1833.] Human life is not so short but that very distant ages, or ages at least very different in character from each other, are sometimes strangely connected by the exis- tence of an individual of the species. The progress of civilization, and the improvement of all the arts of life, is in this country so rapid, that no one who has sur- vived to even middle life can fail to observe the great difference between his early and his latter days. How greatly, however, is the wonder increased, when we find persons who can look back for the better part, if not the whole of a century, and describe a state of things as having obtained in their young days which is so entirely unlike anything we see now around us, that it appears like a chapter of ancient history narrated by an eye- witness, who has by some strange chance survived the general wreck At the present time, for instance, there must be individuals alive, who, in the midst of all the enlightenment and all the conveniences for which the age takes so much credit-in this age of intellect, in siiort-recollect a time when there was no intellect, or at most very little, and when men of course lived a very strange sort of life. We are accustomed to regard the question of the Stuart dynasty as altogether a seven- teenth-century question-a thing quite foreign to our feelings and associations yet people must still live who not only recollect the pretensions of that family being defended by a respectable party, but saw a prince of the line invade the country, and, with a band of pri- mitive people, who still kept alive manners, dress, and language that had existed since before the days of the Romans, sweep through the island almost from end to end in quest of the throne. We look upon Sir Robert Walpole as a man of quite a different day from this; and certainly one who was born in 1676, and suffered imprisonment in the Tower as an unruly member of parliament in Queen Anne's time, is entitled to be so considered. Yet, if I am not mistaken, a daughter of his Lady Catherine Walpole, appeared in our newspaper obituaries only about two years ago. Our own present Duke of Montrose is but the grandson of a man who bore the family honours in the year 16S4, in the reign of King Charles II.—nearly one hundred and fifty years ago though it is curious that, during the thirty-four preceding years, the same number of generations had borne them. What a difference between the circum- stantial world of the grandfather and that of the grand- son Persons yet alive may recollect old Countess Margaret of Roxburgh, whose husband was drowned in the Gloucester frigate coming down to Scotland with the Duke of York in 1682. She died so lately as 1753, a widow of seventy-one years. I have heard that Sir Hay Campbell, who died in 1811, had conversed with an ances- tor who had witnessed the execution of Charles I. the space between the death of the monarch and that of the gentleman who had seen the witness of his execution, was a hundred and sixty two years. Sir Walter Scott's mother, who died in 1820 or 1821, had spoken to a woman who recollected seeing Oliver Cromwell when in Scotland-or rather his nose, for she had forgot every- thing else about him. This was more wonderful than the case of Sir Hay Campbell; for the space between Cromwell's last departure from Scotland to fight the battle of Worcester, in August 1651, and the death of the lady whose friend had seen him, was a hundred and seventy years Such facts, though quite within the range of nature, and perhaps occurring not unfrequently, strike the mind with a kind of wonder; for they bring together into one idea, two ideas remotely different, and for a moment clasp the associations of a rude and un- settled age with those of one in every respect orderly and refined. It soothes us, moreover, with the pleasing notion of the extent of what we generally complain of as too short, viz., human life and affords the encourag- ing idea, that man or his immediate children may witness more of the effects of his own good work than is gene- rally expected.— Chambers" Essays. CHOICE CHEIUtY BRANDY. We were, at one time, as many as fourteen in the drawing-room, and all of them highly desirable ac- quaintances, being people very well to do in the world; when mamma, who is so proud of her cherry-brandy, would persuade our friends to take some-if it was only a glassful. So (bother take it!) I had to get my keys, and trot down stairs for her stupid cherry-braiidy which I'm sure I couldn't see the want of. for there was plenty of excellent red and white wine on the table and that was good enough for any one any day, I should think. Besides, I had set my mind upon keeping the cherry-brandy quietly to myself, as there were only two bottles of it and Edward had just laid in several dozen of port and sherry. However, I returned with one of the bottles and an agreeable smile on my countenance to the drawing-room, little thinking that I was about to present some of my best friends with a glass of that hor- rible wash that that tipsy, thieving Mary had filled up the bottle with. l'heu giving it to mamma. I told her pleasantly that she should fill the glasses, and have all the credit of it to herself. So, the good, dear old lady did as I said, and handing them round, observed to Mrs. L—ck—y (who is the wife of Edward's best client, and of highly genteel connexions), that she should like her to try that; for she flattered herself that she would find it very fine, and not to be got everywhere, as she had made it herself, after her own peculiar way and that she felt convinced that any pastry-cook would gladly give her twenty guineas for the receipt any i-noriling and that she always made a point of using none but the very best cognac that could be got for money, together with the finest MoreUa cherries that were to be picked up in Co- vent-garden. When they had all their glasses filled, dear, unconscious mamma sat down with a self-contented smile, waiting for the approbation and euloglums which she confidently expected they would overwhelm her with. As soon as Mrs. L-ckl-y had taken one cheiry and a spoonful of the wash, all the rest followed her example. Dear mamma observing that Mrs. L-ckl-y made a wry face after it (as well the poor thing might), said, I'm afraid the brandy is to., strong for you, Mrs. L-ckl-y but you needn't be afraid of it, my dear-a bottle of such as that would not hurt you, I can assure you, Now, really, I shall begin to think you don't like it, if you don't finish it. On which Mrs. L-ckl- y (who is an ex- tremely well-bred woman) answered, You're very good —its very nice, I'm sure.' And then the poor thing put another spoonful of the filthy stuff to her lips. Where- upon poor, dear mamma (who was determined not to be balked of the compliments she innocently thought she was entitled to) tried to prevail on some of the other poor tilings (who really, considering all, had borne it like martyrs) to go on with theirs. But Mrs. B—yl—s po- litely excused herself by saying she thought it was not quite so rich as some of mother's that she had had the pleasure of tasting before, and that sweet woman, Mrs. C-rt-r, said that she was afraid the brandy had gone off a little (and so it had, with a vengeance). On which Edward (lawyer like), fancying something was wrong, and thinking it a good opportunity for teasing his poor, dear, innocent mother-in-law, took a glass himself, and had no sooner tasted it, that instead of swallowing it like a gentleman, he spit the whole into the fire-place, declaring he had never in all his life tasted such beastly trash. Whereupon dear mamma, who believed that he only said as much to annoy her, took a glassful likewise; and scarcely had she put her lips to it, then she gave a scream, and the poor dear soul, spluttered it all out of her Uiouth again, exclaiming—' Oh that shameful minx of a Mary I know it's her!—the drunken hussy If she hasn't been and drunk all the brandy, and filled the bottle up again with what I'd swear was nasty filthy cold tea and unripe cherries.' No sooner had she made the discovery, that all the poor dear ladies who had partaken of the fiithy mixture uttered a piercing scream, while that unfeeling wretch, Edward, rushed out of the room, and I could actually hear the brute bursting with laugh- ter on the landing-place. All the dears agreed with floor mamma—who was boiling over (if I might be al- owed the expression), that it was very shameful conduct on the part of the maid, and hoped that mamma would not let it take any effect upon her on their account, as really they didn't mind about it. And then taking a glass of sherry wine a-piece, just to take the taste out of their dear mouths, they all hnrried away, and in less than ten minutes we were left alone in the drawing-room. Then we both agreed to make that cat, Mary, finish before our very eyes the whole of. the other bottleful (which we made up our minds she had of course served in the same manner) and directly after she had eaten it all up, to five her warning, as it would be the best way of punish- ing her for her wicked goings on. So down stairs we went, and having got the bottle out of the store-room closet, we made the wretch devour the whole of it on the øpot-thùllgh from the ready way in which the minx re- signed herself to her fate, and from the effect it had upon her shortly afterwards (for it only made her more tipsy than before), to our horror we found out that she had never touched that bottle at all-ilnd, indeed, she told visas much when she had drunk up every drop, and had the impudence to say she should like to be punished again. So we immediately gave her warning, and told her not to think of sending to us for a character, indeed. lJut in the evening, the cherry-brandy we had forced her to take, made her so dreadfully bad, that we had to carry her up-stairs and put her to bed again. All of which was a mere nothing to us, compared with the good- humour it put Edward into; who kept telling us, with n nasty vulgar giggle, that we ought to be ashamed of ourselves for driving the poor girl into another fit; and he sa'd he hoped that dear mamma would take care that the next servant she engaged for him wasn't subject to epilepsy (an aggravating monster!)" The Greatest l'la U of Life, (fT Adventures of a Lady in Starch, of a Itrvart.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—THURSDAY, FEB. 4. I The Duke of Richmond presented a petition against the poor remotal bill. The Marquis of Lansdowne laid on the table the correspondence relative to the confiscation of Cracow.— Adjourned. FRIDAY, FEB. 5. I Lord Brougham moved for an account of the pre- mium on Exchequer bills on each day from the 1st to the 5th of February, for an account of the dividends actually paid on all railway stock in the United King- dom during the two last years, and for an account of the names of all persons holding stock in Irish railways on the 1st of February, 1847. He moved for these returns because he saw that a measure had been intro- duced into the lower House, which was advocated on the ground that it would enable Irish shareholders to turn their shares into money, which might be applied to the improvement of that country. The noble lord again complained of the misrepresentations which had been put upon his opinions. Lord Stanley quite agreed with the noble lord in thinking that the present crisis was not the time for misrepresenting the opinions of public men, and com- plained of what had fallen from the noble lord himself with respect to Lord G. Bentinck's railway scheme, to the effect that its object was to enable railway pro- prietors to sell their shares. He was convinced the noble lord could not have rrad that scheme, or even his railway monomania would not have led him to misun- derstand its object. The only thing intended by it was to facilitate employment in Ireland by the in- strumentality of English credit, and without the loss of a single shilling. Lord Brougham explained his observation, but ad- mitted that his knowledge of the scheme was derived from hearsay evidence. Lord Stanley had accused him of a monomania against railways, but all he desired was, that railways should be carried on by private resources and not by public funds. Earl Fitzwilliam wished that the scheme in question had been propounded by the Government, and trusted that no improper interference of the Royal prerogative would impede its progress. He was resolved when the subject came before the house to give it his most stre- nuous support. The Marquis of Lansdowne had no objection to the production of the returns, but could not refrain from noticing what had fallen from Lord Fitzwilliam res- pecting the Royal prerogative, which, in his opinion, was most constitutional and ought never to be aban- doned. This was not a time to state whether that pre- rogative would be exercised or not, and he must there- fore decline to make any statement respecting the in- tentions of Government. After some observations from the Earl of Winchelsea, the returns were ordered. NATIONAL EDUCATION. The Earl of Lansd then laid on the table the minutes relative to ecIIIIIIitIion lately adopted by the Committee of the Privy Council, and on so doing thought it his duty to put the house in possession of the views of the Government on that important subject. Having gone through the various reasons, chiefly arising from the jealousy of the various classes of society who ad- vocated one or other educational system, which ren- dered it impossible for the Government to come forward with a scheme of general education, but merely with an extension of the existing system and having stated to the House what the operation of that system had been the noble marquis detailed the various points to which the proposed extension would apply. In the first place, additional inspectors were to be appointed, so that, if possible, each school should be inspected once a year. Secondly, it was proposed that apprentices should be taken from the best scholars, who should be instructed with a view to their ultimate appointment as school- masters, but who, if not eligible for such posts, might receive employm. nt in the great revenue departments. Thirdly, retiring pensions and gratuities were to be allowed to school masters and mistresses, a most me- ritorious class, at present very poorly rewarded. Fourthly, the schools were to be provided with a species of in- dustrial apparatus by means of which the scholars might be instructed in various trades and occupations, an arrangement which would not interfere with the education, strictly so called, of the children, and would be an inducement to parents to send their children to school. Means were also to be taken to put the work- house schools on a better footing, and to carry out the plan sanctioned by Parliament last session. After enter- ing at some length into these several heads of extension, the noble marquis sat down, expressing the most fa- vourable anticipations as to the success of the scheme, imperfect as it was. Lord Brougham agreed with the noble marquis when he said that the details they had just heard were no plan. The Government had no plan, and it was a great grievance that, after 4.5 years' discussion, we were just as far from a perfect system of education as ever. This state of things was the fault of no one in particular, but of the state of society in England. Far be it from him to say that feducation should be compulsory, as in Prussia. No Englishman would endure such a system but much might be done by Government interference in aid of local establishments. It was lamentable to see that so little importance was attached to the subject of universal education, for it was of more avail for the pre- vention of crime than all capital punishments and penitentiaries put together. But why was no such general system possible? Because society was divided into two great classes—Churchmen and Dissenters- who loved education much, but controversy more, and lost sight of the great object of education in furthering the victory of their particular opinions. He was well pleased with the details of the proposed extension, and particularly with the plan of pensioning those found ineligible at the training schools, by making them gangers though he was afraid the best scholars would rather be gangers than schoolmasters. The noble lord then sat down, expressing his regret at the abandonment of the n of general education which he had hoped to have heard proposed by the noble marquis. The Bishop of London expressed his approbation of the exceedingly wise course pursued by the Government in the matter, as their plan could be carried out without any unnecessary interference with the present system of education. After some further discussion, in which the Bishop of St. Asaph and the Earl of Winchelsea took part, The Archbishop of Canterbury begged to offer his thanks to the noble marquis for the great attention he had paid to the subject, and the evident care with which the materials on which the propositions had been founded, had been prepared by Her Majesty's Government. Their Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY, FEB. 4. I JKISH RAILWAYS. I Lord George Bentinck, in moving for leave to bring in a bill to stimulate the prompt and profitable employment of the people, by the encouragement of railways in Ireland," observed, that when he recollected that this bill had been prepared by men of such powerful understanding as Mr. Hudson, Mr. R. Stevenson, and Mr. Laing, he had no objection to take upon himself the exclusive blame and responsibility of introducing it to the notice of parliament. Some years ago acts of par- liament had been passed for 1582 miles of railway in Ireland, but as yet only 123 miles had been completed, and not more than 156 miles additional would be com- pleted in the present year. There must, therefore, be some weakness which prevented those works from being carried out in Ireland which had been so successfully accomplished in England, where 2.500 miles of railroad had already been completed, and where 4600 miles more were at present in course of preparation. If he were told that the population of Ireland was incapable of travelling from poverty and want of means, he would reply, that the results on the existing Irish railways gave a flat denial to any such assertion. If, then, there were promise of such profit in railway enterprise in Ireland, how was it that private speculators in England did not come forward to invest capital in it ? He could not answer the question-he only knew that the fact was so, and that the result was that some of the best speculations in Ireland had stuck fast from want of money. As, then, there was this general distrust in the English money market, his proposition was, that the government should come to the aid of the railway com- panies. His plan was, that for every £ 100 expended on the railway by the companies, E200 should be lent by the government, at the same interest at which it bor- rowed the money. It might be said that money thus lent would be lent at a less rate of interest than could be got elsewhere, and that it would be lent on insuffi- cient security. He then proceeded to refute those objections, and to show that the security afforded to the state in this way would be a sufficient security. Mr. Hudson, the chairman of 1700 miles of railroad, was ready to pledge his commercial credit that the state would not lose a single shilling by acceding to this pro- position. He next undertook to show that the effect of passing the measure which he then proposed would so stimulate the employment of English capital in Ireland that it would forthwith complete all the railroads of that country (hear, hear), As an instance of the results likely to arise from this plan, he mentioned that such a loan as he IfIhd described, made to the Kilkenny, Lime- rick, and Waterford railroad, would set at once 16,000 men to work-and that, too, in four baronies alone, which had been paying 1:4000 a month for unproductive works, with a prospect of continuing that payment for some months. Such were the leading features of his plan and in producing it to the house he did not bring it forward either in hostility or in rivalry to Lord J. Russell. He estimated that his measure would give employment to 110,000 persons, representing, with their families, 550,000 souls. If then, by a measure such as this, costing the country nothing and leaving it some profit,. he could feed 550,000 souls for four years, he thought that he should go a long way in assisting Lord J. Russell to carry out his act for the amendment of the Irish poor-law. He calculated the improvement of the Ittttd, one mile on each side of each railway, to be suffi- cient to pay for the construction of the railways themselves, estimating that, in 2.5 years, it would add £ 23,000,000 to the landed property of Ireland. He also calculated that those railways, when completed, besides relieving the county cess from supporting 5.50,000 souls, would pay E22,,500 a year to the poor- rates, for tiie purpose of niaiiitiiiiing the infirm, and impotent. Inducements like these would call forth the capital of the country and he had no doubt that, if his bill met the approbation of the house, a week would not elapse wiiho-ut its being poured into Ireland, and without 200,000 labourers being employed at once on the railroads. He had heard it said that his plan of raising £ 16,000,000 on the security of E8,000,000, to be applied to railroads, would knock down the funds, depress the money-market, and operate as a screw on the trading and manufacturing interests of the country. He did not think that it would have any appreciable effect if the necessary sums were raised at intervals of three months, as was done in 1835, in the case of the loan of £ 15,000,000 for the emancipation of the negroes and they must be timid financiers indeed who anticipated any mischief from it. Whilst he was thus calling on this country to lend to Ireland £ 16,000,000 at the rate at which it borrowed it, and without any further charge, he felt it right to state that the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, when he advanced loans to public works, did not stand in the same situation as a private capitalist, who looked to nothing but the pay- ment of his principal and interest. He was sure that the right hon. gentleman, when he looked back at the great things which the sums spent in the construction of railways had done for the revenue, would agree with him in thinking that the state should be a sleeping partner in this concern. It would reap from the expen- diture of E24,000,000 on railways in Ireland an enor- mous increase of revenue in the increased consumption of articles of excise and customs. After declaring that it was a scandalous calumny to assert that English loans to Ireland had never been repaid, and after quoting the report of Lord Devon's Commission to corroborate that declaration, his lordship denied the danger of any out- break in Ireland, and expressed his belief that the peasantry who had purchased fire-arms had not pur- chased them for any disloyal purpose (hear). It was his intention that the interest of the loan should com- mence on the day of its being ad vanced, and that the principal should be repaid in 30 years, by instalments, commencing seven years after a certificate was given of the completion of the railway. His lordship eulogised the patience of the Irish nation amidst most direful suffering, and concluded by saying, that if by his measure he could fill their bellies with good beef and mutton, and their cottages with fine wheat and strong beer, and their pockets with English gold, to purchase the blankets of'Yorkshire, the fustians of Manchester, and the cotton prints of Stockport, he, though a Saxon, would answer with his head for their loyalty, and would lead them, through their warm hearts and sympathies, not to sever but to cement the union of Ireland with England. The noble lord then concluded a speech, which lasted for more than two hours and a half, amid loud and long cheers from all sides of the house. Lord J. Russell having paid a compliment to the patriotism of Lord G. Bentinck and to his ability, both in framing and expounding his plan, wished that it had been such that he could have adopted it in aid of the plans which he had brought forward for the relief of the Irish poor. In point of fact, the matter, not the plan, which Lord G. Bentinck had brought forward had been for some time past under the consideration of her Majesty's government. Some years ago Lord Morpeth, on behalf of the government, had brought forward a plan of railroads, which he (Lord J. Russell) thought, and still considered, likely to benefit Ireland. Lord Morpeth contemplated the construction of railways by government, of which the returns were calculated to produce four per cent. interest on the money advanced, and which were to be applied, in case they produced more than four per cent., to the reduction of fares and to the extension of branch railways. It was thought that such a plan, which would have given the govern- ment a control over the railroads, very useful for the forwarding of the mails and other purposes, would have been much superior to that adopted in England, where the railroads had grown up almost free from all govern- ment control. But that was not Lord George Bentinck's plan. Adverting to the details of that plan, he observed that he did not consider it advisable for government to step out of its proper sphere to interfere with the general investment of capital, and to foster one set of companies at the expense of another. He then stated, that when the railway companies of Ireland waited on him with a proposition that government should add in three years to the E10,000 000 which they would expend in the same ti'ne, he had considered it principally in its bearing on the relief of the then existing distress. The funds at his disposal werc not large, but limited. Of all wants, the most pressing was the want of food in the remoter districts of Ireland. Now, he found that the application of money to Irish railroads would not have benefitted those districts at all; for, in looking to the counties through which the proposed railways were to pass, he found that they were the most flourishing in Ireland (hear). Railroad labour, therefore, would not have applied to the districts which were most distressed, and to which it was necessary that the attention of government should be first drawn. He did not mean to deny that the establishment of railroads in Ireland would be of great permanent benefit to it; but having a case of extreme destitution before him, he did not think it wise to devote £ 16,000,000 to the promotion of rail- roads for if government did so, it would check other expenditure much more necessary and immediate. He did not, however, intend to oppose the motion for leave to bring in this bill. In saying so, he hoped that he should not hereafter be accused of deception, if, on a future occasion, he should give it decided opposition. He thought that it would not be wise to adopt this scheme (hear, hear) In a future stage of the bill it would be necessary to go into a committee of the whole house to approve of a grant of public money to carry it into effect. On that occasion it would be incumbent on th ,63;(1 I vernnie nt either to adopt the scheme as their own or to put a decided negative on it. Now, he was not prepared for the first alternative, and should therefore adopt the latter (hear, hear). Mr. B. Osborne expressed his admiration of the bold, grand, and comprehensive plan just propounded to the house by Lord G. Bentinck, and his delight, at seeing his great and powerful energies applied to the con- sideration of the condition of Ireland. lie should give his warmest support to the motion. Mr. Roebuck strongly censured the course adopted by Lord J. Russell in giving his assent to the introduc- tion of this bill, which he intended to destroy on a future occasion. He for one should oppose the intro- duction of the bill altogether, for he objected to the taxation of the industrious people of England for the investment of their capital in any speculation whatsoever. They were now supporting millions of the Irish people, at an expense of more than half the money which, after paying the interest on the national debt, remained for carrying on the government of this great country and yet they were to be accused of hard-heartedness, and to be assailed with many other harsh expressions, if they objected, on the part of the suffering people of England, to give to the Irish that good beef and mutton and strong beer which their constituents wanted, and to fill their pockets with that English gold which they had not themselves. English gold in Irish pockets! (hear, hear.) Why that would be at once the commencement and the end of the halcyon state of things which Lord G. Bentiiick anticipated. If on this occasion th? house should depart from the grand rule of allowing private enterprise to regulate private capital, tie snould demand, as soon as any sum was granted to the suffering poor of Ireland, a similar sum for the suffering poor of Eng- land for it was quite evident that we were fast corning to a general scramble for property (hear, hear). The plan of Lord G. Bentinck was either good in itself, or it was good for the relief of the existing distress. Lord J. Russell had shown its uselessness for the latter object and as to its first object, he would observe that it was taking an unfair advantage of the present distress of Ireland to press the claims of its landlords on the com- passion of the people of England. If ever such a bill of appropriation should be brought into parliament, he certainly would introduce a clause into it that no Irish landlord, being a member of that house, should have any share in the spoil (hear, hear). He had the satisfaction of knowing that at a future stage the crown would refuse its assent to certain clauses of this bill, and that it must, in consequence, be given up. But why not crush it at once ? What had the house been doing that night for the people of Ireland i Absolutely nothing. They had wasted three good hours for no other purpose than that of giving Lord G. Bentinck an opportunity of making a great display and a crack speech (hear, hear). Mr. Alderman Thompson complimented Lord G. Bentinck on his very bold, able, and practical explana- tion of his plan, which he hoped Lord J. Russell would allow to be discussed, without interposing any technical objections to it. Mr. P. Scrope did not consider the three hours wasted in which they had been listening to the able speech of Lord G. Bentinck; He did not consider the arguments of Lord John Russell against the plan so overwhelming as they appeared to Mr. Roebuck. He thought that it might be made to dovetail into Lord John's plan for the relief of Ireland. Colonel Wood, jun., said the arguments of Lord John Russell were unanswerable, and lie thought that the noble lord had not done well in waiving the forms of the house, which were instituted for the express purpose of preventing such impracticable bills as the present from being discussed. Mr. Hume expressed his concurrence in the objec- tions of Mr. Roebuck to this bill. The house was doubtless sincere in its desire to relieve the distress of Ireland; but, in relieving Ireland, it ought to have some consideration for the distress of other parts of thv emjrfre. Mr. Grattan defended the Irish landlords against the attacks of Mr. Roebuck, and read certain papers to show that the great majority of Irish loans bad been repaid, with interest at five per cent. There was no hope for Ireland but repeal. It was not Irish idleness which degraded and impoverished Ireland, but the ttialgovern- ment of this country. The scheme of the noble lord (Lord G. Bentinck) had a great deal of merit in it. In the course of his speech Mr. Grattan styled Mr. Roebuck a shrivelled adder." Mr. Jphft^J'Counell wished the noble lord (Lord G. Bentinck) nor to-press his measure, which might be a good or a bad one; until the government measure* had been carried out, when, if those measures were found inefficient, the noble lord could then faU back upon his scheme. He besought the hon. member for Bath, in the name of humanity, to reserve his unfounded attacks until the government had acquitted itself of its responsibility. Since the union, twenty millions more of money had been remitted from Ireland to England, than had been remitted during the same period from England to Ireland. Mr. Hudson expressed his concurrence with the scheme of the noble lord (Lord G. Bentinck), and regietted the course which had been pursued by the honourable member for Bath. The scheme before the house would not only give immediate employment to thousand s of starving people, but would also lay the foundation of the pcunanent good of ItcUnd. Although the noble lord's (Lord J. Russell) prepossessions were against the measure, he (Mr. Hudson) hoped that he would think better of it on mature consideration. He could assure the house that all the figures of the noble lord (Lord G. Bentinck) could be well authenticated, and that the government would not lose a single farthing by adopting this scheme. It would not be the first time that money had been so applied. Let them remember the Caledonian canal. Private enterprise was unequal to the task of completing the Irish railways. If the government, in such case, lent its aid, it would only be following the example set it by other governments. By adopting the noble lord's scueme the country would only lend its credit, upon the very best security, instead of making a gift to the people of Ireland. Mr. Warburton approved of the decision come to by the government, not to advance the sum demanded to be expended on Irish rail ways. The Chancellor of the Exchequer hoped that the debate would not be proloiiged and he appealed to Irish members to allow the discussion to close, so that the house could act upon the measures which were on the paper for the immediate relief of Ireland. Mr. S mith O'Brien was astonished that the govern- ment did not at once grasp at the plan of the noble lord. The government scheme for the relief of Ireland seemed to be confined to soup-kitchens and unproductive works. To adopt the plan of the noble lord would be true economy, and would .save the funds of this country. Mr. Labouchere observed, in reply to the honourable gentleman who had preceded him, that the main measure on which the government relied, as productive of benefit to Ireland, was that by which they proposed to advance funds on the credit of England, to the extent of a million and a half, to enable the landlords to give imme- diate employment to the people. Such being the case, it required extraordinary powers of misstatement to enable the honourable gentleman to declare that the government looked only to unproductive works as affording them the means of relieving Ireland (hear, hear.) The Marquis of Granby supported the bill. Mr. Muntz said that this was not a question of giving but of lending money to Ireland. Extraordinary cases required extraordinary remedies, and he thought that, in the present emergency, they ought to deviate somewhat from the principles of political economy, when adhering to them rigidly might result in the death of thousands. Mr. W. Collett also supported the bill. If govern- ment gave their sanction to this measure, he would piedge himself that, by Monday morning next, 50,000 men would leave the government works, and find em- ployment upon the railways. Mr. M. Gore observed that the establishment of railways in Ireland, by opening up to the coast the markets of the interior, would tend very materially to develop the Irish fisheries. Mr, M. J. O'Conuell maintained that the approval of this measure by the government would not endanger the finances of this country. He was sorry, therefore, that the government had adopted an adverse course in reference to it. Lord J. Manners hoped that the government would yet adopt the measure as their own. Mr. Roebuck briefly replied to the attacks which had been made upon him and all because he had acquitted himself of what he considered to be his duty to his con- stituents. The honourable gentleman (Mr. Grattan) had designated him a shrivelled adder," and he would remind that hon. gentleman that a small adder was a very dangerous thing. Whenever he (Mr. R.) wanted to send an arrow home, he barbed it with truth. In the present instance it sec-med to take effect. Colonel Rawdon agreed with the hon. member for Bath, that a little adder was a dangerous thing. He thought that the hon member's conduct and lan- guage that night had been very insulting to the Irish proprietors. Leave was then given to bring in the bill, and the noble lord was loudly cheered on laying it on the table of the house. The bill was then read a first time, to be read a second time on Thursday next. The house then went into committee of the whole house, pro forma, for the purpose of voting a sum not exceeding X300,000, on the security of the rates hereafter to be levied, for the purposes of the destitute poor (Ireland) bill. FRIDAY, FEB. 5. I The report of the committee on the Destitute Persons (Ireland) Advance was received, after a short conversa- tion between Lord Clements and the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the propriety of looking after certain Irish charitable funds which were now lying dormant in the Bank of Ireland and elsewhere. On the motion that the order of the day be read, for the House resolving itself into a committee on the Des- titute Persons (Ireland) Bill, Mr. Hutt delivered a speech of great prolixity, re- commending a large and systematic emigration as the only means of rescuing the people of Ireland from the periodical returns of famine and pestilence. He con- sidered it to be one of the wildest delusions possible to suppose that the Irish proprietors could support the poor of Ireland--on the lowest cereal food. In order, therefore, to relieve those poor, it would be ne- cessary to increase the production of the soil of Ireland. But it was impossible to do that without a more skilful cultivation of the land, and that required the miserably small holdings of Ireland to be consolidated into farms of moderate extent. To effect such a consolidation we must remove numbers of cottier te-uants, and supply them with employment. Now, employment could only be afforded them in two ways-one home and the other foreign colonization. Home colonization would not be effectual as a remedy but colonization, if it were con- ducted oil an extensive plan, would even in the present year be productive of relief to Ireland to a certain degree, and would in future years be eminently bene- ficial. In the colony of South Australia the demand for labour was intense. Its mining and agricultural districts wanted at present the labour of 10,000 heads of families. A similar field for emigration was open in New Zealand and the adjacent islands, and also in the Cape of Good Hope. He could not form a calcu- lation of the quantity of emigrants which might safely be sent to the Canadas but he had no hesitation in asserting that there were in the British colonies ample means for providing for generations to come for the surplus population of Ireland. At what cost, then, must this colonization be carried on to afford sensible relief to that country ? At no cost at all for the whole cost might be repaid by the operation itself, if the same judicious principles were adopted which had been adopted in the colonization of South Australia. Unless some such plan to facilitate the transfer of the people of Ireland from feeding on potatoes to fee on bread corn were adopted, great evils must be suffered by them during the transmission, and the Government would be compelled, and must continue for years, to support the poor of Ireland out of English funds. The people of England were a generous people but if Ministers should come down in another session for another ten millions for the support of the people of Ireland, they would be flung into such a state of alarm that it would be impossible to carry on the affairs of Government. Under such circumstances, he suggested to Ministers the propriety of considering, as he had stated in the beginning of his speech, whether emigration was not the only means of rescuing the poor of Ireland from pesti- lence and famine. Sir G. Grey said, that the question of emigration was sa important that he hoped that the House would not enter on the discussion of it on the present occasion. Mr. Hutt admitted that his plan would not be effectual for the relief of the present distress but the bills then before the House were admitted to be so. He therefore implored the House to go at once into committee upon them, without entering into the large and extensive question of foreign colonization. Mr. Stafford O'Brien then called the attention of the House to the propriety of establishing a smaller terri- torial division in Ireland for the purpose of poor relief rating, and in the course of his observations entered at great length into the consideration of all the various questions which were discussed in the debates of Mon- day and Tuesday evening. Those debates, and indeed all the other debates of the session, appeared to turn in reality on one question-nainely, on the endeavour of Government to make the neglect of the landlord who had impoverished his estate fall heavily on the landlord who had improved his. He called on the Iloti4e to strengthen the bands of the good landlord against the negligent and improvident landlord by contracting his responsibility as far as possible to his own property. He saw in the bills before the House a very ominous tendency to enlarge the area of the present territorial divisions for Poor-law rating, and to substitute union for electoral divisions. Now this should not be done without his entering his solemn protest against it, and without his giving it, as far as the forms of the house would allow, his most determined resistance. A more heavy blow and a more severe discouragement could not be inflicted on the meritorious landlords of Ireland than the increase of the rating districts. If Ministers suc- ceeded in carrying it, on them must rest the respon- sibility of sending men the most energetic and the most patriotic in Ireland, with added difficulties, to struggle with the gloomy circumstances which now sur- rounded them. Mr. Labouchere was unwilling to detain the house from going into committee, but as it would savour of discourtesy if he refused to reply to the argument of Mr. Stafford O'Brien, he must trouble the house with a few observations. lie had had this townland question pressed on him in Ireland, but the more he had con- sidered it the more he was convinced that the Gover- ment ought not to give away upon it. The principle had never been so broadly and honestly declared as Mr. Stafford O'Brien had declared it that evening, namely, that in providing relief for Ireland we should not deal with communities, but with particular properties. The number of electoral districts in Ireland was much above 2,000, while the number of tounlands was above 60,000. The average extent of an electoral district was 10,5,1,1 acres—no very extensive district and yet Mr. Stafford O'Brien wanted the house to adopt the division of town- lands, which were in general coterminous with indi- vidual properties. Such a proposition could not be safely acceded to it was founded on a principle which did not apply to a free country it savoured of serfage and feudalism, and was not applicable to a country like Ireland in the nineteenth century. Besides, it would act unjustly in many cases, and would put an end to the concert and co-operation which were springing up in Ireland, in consequence of its proprietors now being forced as it were to meet in their electoral dis- tricts. He hoped that after this short discussion the house would go at once into the proposed cuitimittee. Mr. Stafford O'Brien denied that he had made any I proposition for reducing the districts from electoral dis- tricts to townland districts. All he wished to do was to reduce the size of the electoral districts. Mr. More O'Ferrall observed, that as this was a sub- ject which required calm consideration, he was surprised at the warmth which Mr. Labouchere had thrown into it. If Mr. Labouchere would state, that in carrying out the principle for which he contended in this bill, he did not pledge the Government to carry it out in the Irish Poor Law Bill, he would wave any discussion of it on the present occasion. Mr. Labouchere observed that Mr. M. O'Ferrall could not expect him to give a pledge as to the intentions of the Government on the Irish Poor Law. The House woutd come to that bill, if the present were passed, perfectly unfetterred. Mr. M. O'Ferrall understood from that answer that the house would not be precluded, by anything which passed at present from taking any step which it might think right on the Poor Law. Sir H. Barron considered the present electoral dis- tricts to be too large, exceedingly dangerous to pro- perty, and not sufficient to stimulate landlords to watch over the poor on their estates. If YOll do not contract the territorial districts for rating, you will inflict great mischief on the landed proprietors of Ireland. After.a few remarks from Mr. Bellew, Lord J. Manners observed, that Mr. Labouchere seemed to think that he had quite demolished the ar- gument of Mr. S. O'Brien by declaring that his propo- sition was consistent with the practice of feudalism and not with the free institutions of the present age. But that mode of dealing with an argument was not satis- factory to him for he understood the principle of feu- dalism to be the respect and maintenance of mutual rights. Besides, he thought that communities were best served when individual rights were clearly defined and zealously promoted. Mr. B. Osborne remarked, that if the argument of Mr. Labouchere were to go for anything, it was good for the establishment of a national rate. He would not enter, however, into that question, as his main object in rising was to relieve himself from all the responsibility of this bill. It would neither support the poor nor promote agriculture. Lord Bernard said, that the rate books were struck on the present electoral districts, and if any alteration were made in those districts a new rate must be levied. Now, it was a great object to bring these relief bills into oper- ation, and therefore no alteration ought to be made at present in the mode of rating. The house then resolved itself into committee. Various amendments were proposed on the first eleven clauses of the bill, to some of which the Government assented, but which in general it resisted. No division took place on any of them but the discussion which they occasioned derived its chief interest from the angry personalities against one another in which several mem- bers indulged, whilst debating a question which ought to have excited norther feelings save those of sympathy and charity. Mr. Roebuck, at twelve o'clock, moved, that the chairman report progress and ask leave to sit again on Monday. Mr. Disraeli seconded the motion which was imme- diately agreed to. The House then resumed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned.

THE PLAN OF RELIEF FOR IRELAND. [From the Morning Herald.] An important letter from Sir George Grey to the Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland, describing to his Excellency the intended plan of relief, has just been published. The plan proposed is shortly this :-A board is to be formed in Dublin, to consist of Sir John Burgoyne, the Under Secretary, the Resident Poor Law Commissioner, the Inspector-General of Constabulary, the Chairman of the Board of Works, and Sir Randolph Routh. This board will act under the direction of her Majesty's Govern- ment, and in communication with the Viceroy, and will receive the instructions of the Lords of the Treasury re- lative to issues of money. Inferior boards are to be formed in every electoral division, consisting, where practicable, of the Boards of Guardians, associated with the magistrates and other gentlemen, and certain offi- cers of the Government, who are to act ex officio, and communicate with the central board and the Lord Lieutenant. These local boards are to have charge of monies raised by rate, by public subscription, or, where necessary, by a Government grant, and are to expend that money in the gratuitous distribution of soup, or in selling flour and meal at cost price, but in no case below it. To avoid the delay of waiting for the collection of a rate, money to the amount will be advanced by the Trea- sury and shouid iue guardians fail or delay to strike a rate, the board ';f guardians is to be dissolved, and a paid board appointed for that purpose. Depending upon these measures, the Lord Lieutenant is instructed to re- fuse to fiat any further presentments for public works, except in cases of such a nature as that the work must be finished or loss to the public will result. The plan is undoubtedly a great improvement upon the last, but we fear that much cannot be expected in the districts that need most, from a rate, without an infinity of trouble in the collection. In the meantime the attention of Par- liament ought to be quickly directed to certain causes that tend greatly to augment still more the already over- whelming tide of pauperism. The picture, for instance, of the conduct of some of the small proprietors in Con- naught, in pursuing starring wretches for rent, and in seeking for writs to eject them in districts where the workhouses are actually closed, and the population pe- rishing of pestilence and want, demands instant attention from the Government. It is a case out of all the ordi- nary rules of dealing with landed property, and should be so treated. Embarrassed and necessitous these squireens may be, but they are not starving and when human life is at stake lesser interests must be postponed without hesitation and without delay.

IRISH ENTAILS. [From the ,Yot-tlt  I?eview. ] (Trom the North ?'tsA Review] Our task of analysis and review is now completed. It is upon a full and accurate knowledge of things as they have been, and as they now are, in Ireland, that any new legislation affecting the tenure of land in that country can alone be fittingly and prosperously founded What specific measures of this kind should be adopted we shall not now discuss. There is one such, however, which we would venture to recommend—the getting rid instantly of most, if not all, of our Irish entails. It would assist in preserving in the same family some part of many properties, by letting other parts of them be sold. It would throw land into the market in a way the most advantageous both to the buyer and to the seller. It would at once annihilate all the anomalies of rundale and tenant's right, and the sale of one man's goodwill in another man's property. It would rescue large tracts of land out of the hands of those who have not the power, though they had all the will, to render them more productive. And it would be as great a relief to many of the burdened proprietors themselves, a'J it wonld be a benefit to those who would be sum- moned thereby to the new efforts of a more aspiring husbandry. Head-landlords, and middle-men and tails- men there still would be, but these distinctions would be as indifferent to the peace of surrounding society as the varieties of colour in" the grass that is green and and the rose that is red ;whilst white-feet and black- feet, and white-boys and night-boys, and Captain Starlight and his merry-men all should vanish—to be seen no more but in the pictures of romance. ♦

LORD GEORGE BENTINCK'S PLAN. [From the Times.] So more, and more still, is demanded for Ireland. A loan of E16,000,000, or thei eabouts, to finish her rail- ways, is asked for. Certainly when the project is put in so specious and pleasant a form as it was on Thursday night it may be ill-natured to demur. But there are occasions when good-nature gets the start of discretion, and very soon loses its labour. The magnitude of the project and its very attractiveness enjoin a thorough sifting. We are asked to play with great sums, to step into immense undertakings, to interfere with grave interests, to show extraordinary favour, to establish unusual precedents, to do what we have never done, and what we have made it a most particular point not to do on other not less deserving occasions. As the scheme is pressed with a favour and popularity which gave some faint indication of eventual success, it is better to discuss its merits in limine, before people have com- mitted themselves too far. In the first place, what is the occasion of this demand? The Irish public, with an impetuosity we did our utmost to check, with a slovenliness that characterised every stage of their petitions, and with a special indulgence on the part of the Legislature which we consider anything but kind- ness, have obtained Acts for railways amounting to 1,522 miles. Both money and credit are wanting. Though some of these Acts have been passed eleven years, only 123 miles of railway have been completed, and only 161 are in process of completion at the present moment. The" calls" are not paid up, and the shares are at a frightful discount. The native capitalists are no capitalists at all. The landowners are stuck fast." The directors come to the English market for loans, and find, somehow, the fashion" against them. They are encountered by a sort of panic, or epidemic want of confidence in everything Irish. So the fix" is complete. Government, therefore, is to set the fashion, restore the confidence, lend the money, finish the railways, change di uvjuiii. into premium, fill the pockets of the shareholders, and perform all those other wonders which Harlequin is expected to do on the stage, and a Minister in the Emerald Isle. Now, with all due respect to the fashionable principle of introducing capital into Ireland," we beg to observe that in this part of the empire we usually hold that the facility of obtaining capital is the chief testof utility, that it is not ultimately advantageous to force a particular improve- ment much in advance of the general progress, and that a universal want of confidence is commonly too well founded. The monied men of this country are not so hoodwinked by fashion or favouritism they are not so ignorant and suspicious as to throw away the real prospect of a good per centage. If Lord George Ben- tinck will prove by figures that the unfinished Irish railways will pay 7 per cent., he will have no need to go to the House. He need only open shop as an Irish sharebroker, and the millions will flow in. But what is the difference between the proposed railways and the new roads now so universally stignia.ised as useless, unproductive, and demoralising ? A railway is only a better sort of road, and it is also more expensive. If a road is the work of the unproductive" class-a point which seems agreed on all sides-so also is a railway. Both are immediately unproductive, both are ultimately productive if judiciously designed, but otherwise a great waste of labour and money. At least let us take warning by the past, and not pass in a moment from crying down roads to crying up railways. Nor does it follow that because 123 miles of railway in all Ireland pay well, that 1,522 miles will enjoy an equal success. But why is so serious an innovation on the practice of the empire put forth by itself without any more of the system to which it properly belonas ? Propose a new and peculiar system for Ireland if you please. Declare the country bankrupt and incompetent. Supersede private rights, take charge of all properties, and com- prehend all classes within the leading strings of a kind but arbitrary rule. Put young farmers to nurse. Teach Liebig to the poor, and Cocker to the rich. Dispose of estates, as Lromweil and a few others have done, on the principle detur digniori. Lay out your own lines of railway in a parlour of the Castle and when lords creep in by dozens to job, to bully, and to bribe, whip them, and send them to bed. In fact make Ireland a model farm, and its inhabitants children, if you can. There will at least be consistency in the plan. It will be an attempt to govern Ireland, but we deprecate applying to it a solitary and insulated part of the system. If we are to do everything for it, let us at least have something for our pains in the shape of a more efficient control. The assistance Ireland asks will soon amount to the purchase-money of the whole island. We are open to an offer. What does Ireland want for herself ? But we protest against a one-sided bargain, in which we have nothing to do but to pay.

[From the Examiner.] I The visionary character of Lord G. Bentinck'a rail- way scheme fur Ireland is betrayed in the concluding passage of his speech, in which he asserts that his bill, if adopted, will fill the bellies of the starving peasants with good beef, and good:ni ii tton, -with wheaten bread, and good strong beer, and fill their pockets with Eng- lish gold wherewith to purchase the broadcloth of York- shire and Wiltshire, the fustian of Manchester, and for their wives and daughters the cotton prints of Stock- port, and the ribbons of Coventry." As well might he have promised the wines of Bordeaux and Burgundy, the carriages of Long Acre, the laces of Brussels, the cambrics of France. Imagine beef, mutton, wheaten bread, beer, broadcloth, fustians, cotton prints, and rib- bons, brought about in poor Ireland by the application altogether of E21,000,000 of capital to railroads! Why, if that sum were given to the poor in a lump, it would not keep them in the good things catalogued for three months. The profits of the railroads, we may be told, are to be taken into account, but the profits would not be immediate and wherever speculation is artificially forced, we may be sure of a very considerable proportion of utter failure. This notable scheme has, it seems, been prepared by Mr. Hudson, who, like the tanner in the fable, holds that the thing in which he deals is the grand resource for all exigencies. We should be extremely glad to see more railroads in Ireland, together with more occasion for them but railroads must follow and develope prosperity, not cause it. Ireland does not yet keep her carriage, be- cause she wants the means. You may send her the coach of the Lord Mayor of York, and much good it will do her it will only serve for a roosting-place for the cocks and hens, or a sty for the pigs. It would be as wise to suppose that constructing harbours and quays would make commercial navies, and that building ware- houses would produce commerce, as that railroads would create what they must exist on. The unlucky peculiarity of Lord G. Bentinck's spe- cific is, that where the roads are wanted the people are not distressed, and vice versa, so that the employment and the need of it would not meet. The peasantry, to be sure, would migrate to the spots where work was to be had—beef and mutton, bread and beer, cotton prints and ribbons promised;—but this would be attended with another evil, as for the hundreds employable there would be thousands of rejected turned off to perish. Ano- ther objection is to the slow returns for railway schemes, when, as Mr. Warburton well observed, the immediate productiveness of undertakings is of the most vital im- portance to Ireland: It was when the barns were full of corn, and there was such a quantity of eatables and drinkables in the possession of all the capitalists of the country that, be- sides the capital necessary for employing the agricultu- rists and farmers in the reproduction of food, there was a surplus capital that might be devoted to undertakings not likely to be immediately productive. They had been told that half of the ordinary food of Ireland had alto- gether disappeared; and that if the capital of England was to be employed at all, it ought to be employed in providing Irish labour for the production of food for the next harvest. And yet what were they called upon to do ? To employ English capital in such way that, ac- cording to every opinion in that house, they would not look for a return except to a distant period and for years to come. (Hear". hear.) Would turning up the soil for railways produce the corn, oats, and barley, necessary for the consumption of the Irish people during the en- suing year ? No man of sense could say so and was that a period to invest the large sum of E16,000,009 in undertakings not likely to be immediately productive ?" Lord G. Bentinck's bill is simply a bubble blown with the sort of puff in which Mr. Hudson, the inspirer, is so well practised. The tone and spirit of Lord George Bentinck's speech deserves all praire there was in it a kindness to Ire- land which will be fully felt and appreciated. His vin- dication may in one instance have somewhat exceeded the bounds of fact, but it is a generous error on the righ t side. Lord G. Bentinck is very pointedly effacing that mo- dern error of Toryism which so strangely and unna- turally arrayed it in hostility to Ireland. —_

HEALTH OF Tows ASSOCIATION.—This valuable body has commenced the publication of weekly sheets of "Facts and Figures illustrative of the evils attendant on the present defective sanatory arrangements in the towns and cities of Great Britain, and suggesting, in short extracts from the speeches or writings of indivi- duals who have taken an interest iu the question, the great importance of remedying those %,The society has also issued, in the same pamphlet, four several able reports and lectures treating on the same subjects at much greater length. SCOTLAND—There have been some serious distur- bances in the north of Scotland, arising from the dearth of food, and the attempts of certain dealers to export provisions. At Burghand, two vessels laden with meal for export were deprived of their cargoes. At Lossie- mouth and Findhorn, several carts laden with oats were seized, and the captured victuals lodged in storehouses. The other places in the neighbourhood being in a simi- lar state of excitement, forty soldiers from Fort George have been stationed at Elgin and a company from Aberdeen has been sent to Port Gordon, into which the inhabitants of Keith, an inland town, are said to be pouring in large numbers. Passing over intermediate districts, the food-riot folly has also reached the south. In Stranhacr disturbance was raised because two meal- dealers would not sell their meal at 2s. 6d. per stone. Carrots and loaves were also stolen but the prompti- tude of the authorities prevented the riots from reach- ing any great height. In addition to the troops already despatched from Edinburgh, a detachment of fifty men of the 76th regiment left for Aberdeen on Friday and on Sunday another detachment of one hundred men left by steamer for Burghead. The Edinburgh and Glasgow committees on Highland destitution have formed them- selves into a central board for the relief of the distressed districts. They are also to issue a Gaelic tract, giving friendly advice to the Highlanders. The farm servants or hinds in the southern districts are following the ex- ample of their brethren in Haddington, by holding pub- lic meetings to discuss their grievances. The Edin- burgh journal, the Scotsman, has got a" commissioner" in the Highlands, who reports that the Highlanders are far too indolent, and that the distress, although severe, has in some instances been exaggerated. The Edin- burgh subscription for the relief of the destitution in the Highlands has been increased to about £ 25,000. A publio meeting for a similar purpose is about to be held at Perth. DREADFUL MURDER AT DERBY.—On Wednesday evening, at five o'clock, a horrible murder was commit- ted ill this borough, by a man named Cross, who, after committing the crime, was in the act of escaping from his house, when he was captured by the police and taken •into custody. The person who has committed this bru- tal crime is Thomas Cross, a gardener, living in St. Peter's street, and the objects of his cruelty were his wife and Mrs. Osborne, the wife of a baker residing next door to him. Cross and his wife, it seems, were in their house alone, and one of his daughters coming home, and not seeing her mother about, attempted to go up stairs, when she was prevented by the father, and au altercation took place. The daughter instantly went to her next-door neighbour (Mrs. Osborne), and asked her to go in, and prevail upon her father to permit her to see her mother. Mrs. Osborne, on going to the house, was savagely attacked bv Cross, who stabbed her in the I neck and face, and would have murdered her had not the daughter seized and pinioned his arms. An alarm was given, and Mrs. Osborne, while bleeding in the most profuse manner, was conveyed into her house, and medi- cal assistance obtained. The wounds were found to be of the most serious character, the more formidable one being in the internal carotid artery, which was pierced close to the base of the skull. Mrs. Osborne still con- tinues alive. On searching Cross's house his wife was found with her throat cut. Her right hand was cut, as if she had grasped the edge of a knife, and upon her wrist there was a severe wound. One underneath her chin must have caused instant death. Mrs. Osborne was sufficiently sensible to depose to the circumstances before the mayor, but she lies without hope of recovery. Cross has been .committed to take his trial for Wilful Murder." A PHENOMENON.—A governess advertising for situ- ation says, she is a perfect mistress of her own tongue NERVOUS AFFECTIONS.—" This class embraces a wide range, and the unhappy sufferers endure more anguish and receive less pity from those around them than from any other class of disorders, this in some measure may be accounted for simply because the symptoms are not so strongly defined as in other disorders indeed in some cases no symptoms are recognised, and therefore the hasty conclusion is jumped at, that all the ailments of the patients must be imaginary, and not worthy of notice. No class of diseases requires more kindness and care. Parr's Life Pills will speedily reanimate the spirits, im- prove the digestive powers, and restore the whole ncr- vous system to a happy and natural sttttc."

AGRICULTURE, MARKETS, &r.. (From the Mark Lane Express"). The somewhat unexpected reaction which took ptMB in the value of Wheat at Mark Lane on Monday coupled with the fact that farmers in all parts of the kingdois have brought forward liberal supplies of the article, hate imparted a very dull tone to the trade at the principla provincial markets; and prices have undergone » further depression of 3s. to 5s. per qr., making th* total fall from the highest point about 8s. per qr. This is certainly a greater abatement than we were prepared to expect would have been produced by the recent legislative interference with the corn and navigatioa laws. So long as the present feeling of distrust in price* being maintained continues, and the growers press their Wheat on the markets, no rally can well occur but we are, nevertheless, as unshaken in our conviction as at previous periods, that the wants of the United Kingdom are much too great to allow us to reckon on low, or even moderately low prices. The market has on the whole, been pretty well supplied with Barley, 4,579 qrs. having come to hand from our own coast, and 5,104 qrs. frolu abroad. The maltsters and distillers have throughout the week conducted their operations with extreme Vautioll. The inquiry for malt has also been decidedly slow. We have again to report a good supply of English Oats. It is evident that the prices obtained lately for this grain have tempted our farmers to send forward all they could possibly spare, and we should not be surprised if a demand were to arise before long from the very places which are now sending Oats to this market. Floating cargoes of Indian Corn have continued in request on Irish account, but buyers have tried hard to obtain small advantage, in which they have only in partial in" stancepsucceeded. s. a. ) «- ■ Wheat, Engl., red 69 to 7ij Oats, English feed 32 31 White. 74-79 Pot,-ttoe. 38-40 Norfolk Youghall Black. 25-29 Do new 74-77 Scotch feel 3.5-38 Barley, Malting 55-56 Irish Galway. 23 — 26 Chevalier 56—60 Dublin 30-33 Grinding 43-43 Londonderry 48-40 Irish 37-39 Waterford white 31—38 Scoteli 48-5, Clonmel 34—40 Beans, Tick new.. 46-50 SEED, Rape 221. 251. Harrow 48 — 49 Irish -1. -1. per last Peas, Boiling 51—55 Linseed, Baltic. 44 48 White 54 — 58 Odessa 45-48 Blue. 77-81 Mustard, white. 8-10 Maple. 52-55 Brown.. 9 10 per bush- Malt, Brown 69-71 Flour,Town-made Chevalier. 81-85 and best country -60 Kingston & Ware. 72-80 marks Suffolk & Norfolk 50 -55 Stockton 48-54 Kye, n"w 48-58 Norf. & Suffolk.. 50-56 Indian Corn 56-60 Irish „ GENERAL AVERAGE PRICE OF CORN. Week endipg Jan. 23.—Imperial—General Weekly Average,— Wheat, 74s. lid Barley, 55s. lid Oats, 32', lid; Rye, 55s. 3d Beans, 52s. 7d; Pew, 56s. 8d. Aggregate Average of six weeks which governs Duty. —Wheat, 68s 7d.; Barley, 49s. Od. Oats, 29s. Id. f Rye, 49s. Od. Beans, 48s. 6d.; Peas, 52s. 4d. LONDON AVERAGES. £ s. d. ft.d. Wheat. 7,575 qrs.3 16 d4 1 Rye. 50 qra.3 0 6 Barley 2,562 2 15 11 Beans.. 1848 215? Oats 5,384 1 14 8 Peas 1029 3 0 SMITHFIELD MARKET. The number of foreign Beasts on sale, this morning, was about 130, and of Sheep 200 head, in comparatively speaking, moderate condition the demand for them wat in a very inactive state, and previous currencies were with difficulty supported. With home-fed beasts we were tolerably well, but not to say heavily, supplied. Notwithstanding the numbers of Sheep were very small, and a great falling off was observed in the quality of most breeds, the Mutton trade was in a very inactive state, and last week's currencies were with difficulty sup* ported. The primest old Downs were selling at from 4s. lOd. to 5s. per 81bs. Prime small Calves sold steadily, at full prices. In all other kinds of Veal, next to nothing was doing. The supply on offer was small. There wa* rather more doing in Pigs, but we can notice no improve- ment in value. A COMPARISON of the PRICES of FAT STOCK. sold in SMITHFIELD CATTLE MAHKET, on Monday February 9, 1846, and Monday, February 8, 1847. Per 81bs. to sink the offal. Feb.9,1846. Feb. 8, 1847. s. d. s. d. a. d. s. d. Coarse & inferior Beasts. 2 8 to 2 10 3 4 to 3 6 Second quality do. 3 0 3 438 310 Prime large Oxen 3 6 3 10 ..3 10 40. Prime Scots, &c. 42444 0 4 2 Coarse & inferior Sheep.. 40443 10 4 6 Second quality do 464 K..40 42 Prime coarse woolled do.. 50524 44 8 Prime Southdown do 5 2 5 6..4 10 5 0 Large coarse Calves 4 8 5 4..4 0 4 2 Prime small do 565 8..48 50 Large Hogs 310483 84 6 Neat small BUTTER, BACON, CHEESE, AND HAMS. s s. Cheese, per cwt. s. t. Dorset Butter, pr. fir. 54 — Double Gloucester.. 62 6* Fresh Butter, 14s. 6d. I Single ditto 52 61 per dozen. Cheshire 56 8* Irish, do., per cwt. Derby 58 68 Carlow,new 104 American. 52 64 Sligo 80 — Edam and Gouda.. 46 Ó Cok, 1st. 98 100 Bacon, new 66 70 Watiorford 93 100 Middle — Foreign Butter, cwt Hams, Irish 92 Prime Friesland.106 Westmoreland. 96 Do. Kiel.102 York.112 PRICE OF TALLOW, &c. 1843. 1844. 1845. 1846. ISH. Stock this day 26,144..28,398..29,021..22,047..14,54'* Price of Y.C.. 44s.6d.. 4Is. Od..39s.0d..42s.Q..50s.6d. to to to to to 44s.9d.. Os,Od..40s.0d..42s.0d..50s.0d. Deliver.last week 2,319.. 2,303.. 2,501.. 1,255.. 1,236 Do.from Arriv. last week 280.. 190.. 46.. 876.. 259 Do.from 1st June77r957..74,977..75,491..75,600..68,935 Price of Town. 50s.0d—44s.6a—43s.6d—45s.6d—52s.0d> METALS. E9. d. is. d- IRON-bar Wales per ton 8 15 0 to 9 0 0 London. 9 15 0 to 1000 Nail rods. 10 10 0 to 10 15 0 IIoops(Staf.). 11 15 0 to 12 0 0 Sheets. 0 0 0 to 13 0 0 Bars 11 0 0 to 11 10 0 Welsh cold-blast foundry pig 4 5 0 to 5 5 0 Scotch pig, Clyde 3 15 6 to 3 14 6 Rails, average. 9 15 0 to 10 0 0 Gourieff. 0 0 Oto 0 0 0 Archangel. 0 0 0 to 13 10 0 Swedish, on the spot. 0 0 0 to 11 15 0 Steel,fat. 00 Oto 16 5 0 kegs 15 0 0 to 15 5 0 COPPER—Tile 0 0 0 to 87 10 0 Tough cake. 0 0 0 to 88 10 0 Best selected 0 0 0 to 91 10 0 Ordinary Sheets .lb. 0 0 0 to 0 0 10 bottoms 0 0 0 to 0 0 11 TUof-Com. blocks.cwt 0 0 0 to 4 18 0 bars 0 0 0 to 4 19 6 Refined. 0 0 Oto 5 1 0 Straits 4 18 0 to 4 18 0 Banca 0 0 Oto 5 1 0 TIN PLATES—Ch., IC box 1 10 0 to 1 11 0 IX I 16 0 to 1 12 0 Coke,IC. 0 0 Qto 1 8 0 IX 1 13 6 to 1 18 0 LEAD-Sheet.ton 19 5 Ot019 14 0 Pig refined 0 0 0 to 21 0 0 common. 18 10 0 to 18 10 0 J Spanish, in bd. 17 10 0 to 18 5 1 ?j SrELTER.-(Cake). 22 10 0 to 23 0 0 ZiNc.-(Sheet) 0 0 0 to 28 C 6 QUICKSILYEIt.lb 00 Oto 046

t WEEKLY CALENDAR. THE Moos's CHANGES. New Moon on the lith of February, at llh. 26m. fore. HIGH WATER AT THE FOLLOWING PLACES. FOR THE ENSUING WEEli. II Carmar- Cardigan I Tenby Aberyst- > DAYS. then Bar. and and with. -I Llanelly Bristol, j Milford FEB. H. M H. M. I H. M. H. U. S?rday.. ? 3 56 4 53 3 38 5 2? Sunday. 14 4 57 5 42 4 27 6 1? Monday 11.4 31 1, 49 6 31 j 5 19 7 4 Tuesday. 16 6 35 7 20 6 5 7 50 TWheudrnsdesady a.y. 118 7 ?? 7 21 8 6 6 51 8 36 Thursday. 18 8 5 8 50 7 35 9 ?2? Friday. 19 8 49 9 31 8 19 10 4

ADVERTISEMENTS AND ORDERS RECEIVED BY THE FOLLOWING AGENTS LONDON Mr. Barker, 33, Fleet-street,; Messrs Ne- ton & Co., Warwick-square Mr. G. Revnell, 42, Chan- cery-lane: Mr. Deacon, 3, Walbrook, near the Mansion House; Mr. Hammond, 27, Lombard-street; W. DaW" son and Son, 74, Cannon-street; Mr. C. Mitchell, Red Lion Court, Fleet-street: Messrs. Lewis and Lowe, 31 Castle-Court, Cornhill; Mr. W. Thomas, Catheriae- street, Strand, London. ABERYSTWYTH .Mr. Jenkins, Printer, Great Dark' Gate Street. ABERGAVENNY .Mr.C. R. Phillips, Auctioneer. BllECO Nlr. Thomas Davies, Llanfaes. BRISTOL Messrs. Philp&Evans,29,Clare-»t CARDIFF .Mr. Bird, Post Office. CARDIGAN .Ir. Isaac Thomas, Printer. DUBLI-N J.K.Johnstone& Co., EdenQual- HAVERFORDWEST ..Mr. Henry Davies, Victoria. Place. LI.ANDILO .Mr. D. M. Thomas, Printer, &c. LAMPETER .Mr. Rccs, LLANELLY .Mr. Gawler. MILFORD Mr. J. Merritt, Chemist. MERTHYR Mr. David Jones, Booksellet, High-street. Mr. Wilkins, Bookseller. NEWCASTLE-EMLYN Mr. William Jones, Printer. NEATH. Ir. Whittington, SWANSEA Mr. Wm. Morris, High-street. Miss Jenkins, Library. TKNBY Mr. Walkinton, Chemist. And all Postmasters and Clerks of the roads. Tins PAPER IS REGULARLY FILED by all the above AGENT* and also in London, at Peel's Cotfee-Housc, No. 1' and 178, Fleet-street.-Dcacon's Coffee-House, W.. brook, and the Auction Mart. Printed aud Published in Guildhall Square, in the flarisho St. Peter, in the County of the Borough of Cum:uthen. II the Proprietor, JOSKIMI HEIJI^BOTTOM, of I'icton Tetr&" in Carmarthen aforesaid. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1847.