The Carmarthen Journal and South Wales Weekly Advertiser

THE REPRESENTATION OF CAR- J MARTHEN BOROUGHS. At Carmarthen there will be two polling stations —one at the Lower Assembly Rooms, King-street, and the other in the council chamber at the Guild- hall. Voters from 1 to 756, both numbers inclu- sive, must vote at the former place, and those from 757 to 1,4(51 at the latter place. THE NOMINATIONS. Mr D. DA vies, sheriff, and Mr T. Walters, soli- citor, under-sheriff, sat at the Town-hall, Carmar- then, on Monday to receive the nominations of candidates for the Parliamentary election on Fri- day next. The following nominations were re- ceived — JENKINS, JOHN JONE?, Knight, The Grange, Swau- sea (L.U.). LLANELLY. Proposer: David 'Tillia \lB, Seconder: W. J. Wileon. Assentors: Wm. Richards, Richard Williams, Win. Evans, Owen Charles, Wm. Rees, Benjamin Raven, and James Dawe. Proposer. J. A. Williams. Seconder: Henry Rees. Assentors Wm. Morgan, Wm. Richards, Joseph Williams, Wm. Christmas, Henry Hughes, Walter Charles, Joseph Henshaw, and Henry Lewis. Proposer: James Bnckley. Seconder: Robert Margrave. Assentors Wm. Buckley Roderick. Henry Parry, Daniel Rees, Gavin Henry, David Bowen, J. JJ. Davies, John Speck, and William Bowen. Proposer Thomas Thomas. Seconder: J.Anthony. Assentors: Henry Parry, Anthony Griffiths, Frank Strawbridge, Elias Morgan. William Owen, George Piobert, Evan Jones, and Pbillip Davies. CARMARTHEN. Proposer Chas. William Jones. Seconder, William Crossman. Assentors: Frederick Jones, John Crossman, John Morgan, Edw. 0-veii, William Lewis, William Pugh, William Evans, and Wm. Davies. Proposer Henry Norton. Seconder Thomas Thomas. Assentors John Davies, 'I'li o in,-ts Davies, Win. Morgan, Wm. Thomas, Win. D.ivies, Robert Owen Jones. H. Davies, nud T. B. Arthur. Proposer: James Brigstocke. Seconder: Jacob Andrews. Assentors: D. Trevor D ivies, E Davies, Wm. Leonard, Thomas Jones, C. 0. Coliard, David Williams, Thomas Williams, aud \Vm. Rogers. Proposer: T. E. Brigstocke. Seconder: T. Jone3. Assentors: David Griiffths, J. P. Carter, H. Cadle, George Rogers, E. Colby Evans, John Davies, Wm. Leyshon, and C. N. Phillips. JONES, EYAN ROWLAND, Author and Journalist (G. L.). Major Jones was proposed by George Bagnall, King-street, Carmarthen; and seconded by Thomas Davies, hi, Spilman-street, Carmar- then. THE "MAJOR" FIASCO. There was some little stir at Carmarthen on Saturday evening, and the town showed the first real symptoms of excitement in the coming election. Major Jones, the Separatist candidate, had secured the services of Mr Lloyd George to speak on his behalf, and in the afternoon rumours were current to the effect that, on their arrival from Llanelly, a great demonstration was to be organised in favour of the erstwhile American Consul" and his North Wales friend. But the fates are most unkind to these young Welshmen when, on political errands bent, they come down to the southern portion of the Prin- cipality. That destiny which so unmercifully snowed up Mr Tom Ellis at Llandyssul sometime ago also made Mr Lloyd-George miss his train at Chester. The plans of the Radicals were, there fore, entirely upset. The major arrived at Car- marthen alone. No one greeted him at the station, and he drove to his hotel" unhonouIed and unsung." The arrival of Mr Lloyd George was, however, marked by some enthusiasm on the part of a number of voteless young men, who had assembled near the station. The major, too, was at the station, and entering the break which was at their disposal he and Mr Lloyd-George were dragged through the streets by the young men referred to. This abortive demonstration proved the weakness of the major's cause at Carmarthen the weakness of the major's cause at Carmarthen never could there be anything more wretched or more paltry. Indeed, as the little crowd that surrounded the vehicle passed through King-street they were the object of the undisguised scoffs of tradesmen and others who lined the route. | The South Wales Daily News says "The vehicle was drawn by a score or so of zealous Liberals"- Liberals, remember, not voters, and the great majority of them not out of their teens-and in the next sentence the same print says it was a most enthusiastic procession." Our contemporary is easily satisfied. While Mr Lloyd-George and the aajjr were at their hotel the Town-hall was rapidly filling, and before their arrival was quite packed. Mr Lloyd-George met with a reception that showed too plainly he it was who had attracted the audience. Mr Walter Evans, principal of the Presbyterian College, presided.—The Rev. E. Davies moved a vote of confidence in Major Jones. Mr H. Howell, seconded, and Mr Lloyd-George supported the motion. He spoke throughout in Welsh, and was frequently applauded. The vote was carried.—The Major briefly acknowledged. A vote of thanks was passed to Mr Lloyd-George, and having to go by train to Llanelly, the speakers left, and the meetiug broke up abruptly, no vote of thanks being passed to the chairman. UNIONIST MEETING AT LLANELLY. On Moaday night a meeting in support of the candidature of Sir John Jones Jenkins was held in a field in front of Bryn-terrace, Seaside, Llanelly. There was a splendid attendance, and great enthusiasm prevailed. Sir John received a hearty reception. He had been warned to expect a warm time in the Seaside, which was reputed to be a stronghold of the Majorites, but the meeting on Monday entirely disproved this. The meeting was notable for the fact that one of the principal speakers was a Presbyterian minister from Ireland. — Mr Morell delivered an eloquent speech, and claimed to speak with authority on Home Rule. Ireland, he said, wanted to be left alone. It was all very well for paid agitators to go all over the country making mis statements. These men cared not three straws for Ireland.—While delivering his speech a wagon was drawn up within 100 yards of the Unionist platform, and there ascended into it three supporters or M-jor Jones. One was a preacher who has only just left Llanelly for the metropolis the other two are well known in the town from their connection with the Tinplate Union. They were reinforced by a deacon of a Baptist Chapel in the neighbourhood, who had just left the Monday night prayer meeting. The deacon acted as chairman, and at once attracted the boyoi who had formed a part of the Unionist crowd. The boys climbed the wagon and cheered the deacon and tilled up the gaps in his rather scattered oration. The London preacher then harangued the crowd with his chimney-pot in his hand. All this time one o! the distinguished trio was calling upon the boys to cheer for the major, and they were not slow to respond, their shrill voices filling the evening air. The conduct of the Radicals in attempting to upset the Unionist meet- ing is arousing a feeling of bitter resentment in the town. Several prominent Majorites walked away in disgust, and openly washed their hands of the candidate and his supporters who resorted to such un-English practices. Not content with boy- cotting Sir John Jenkins from the cbapels of the town, and thu3 precluding him from holding any meeting of respectable dimensions, the Caucus are now descending to still lower depths. The con- duct of the London preacher cannot be too strongly denounced while, professing to preach the gospel of peace and goodwill, he arouses bitter feelings at a political meeting and attempts to draw the audience away from one of his brethren in Ireland. But the secret of the matter is that the Majorites are afraid of the truth. As soon as Mr Morell began to speak of Ireland, as one who bad lived there and was in a position to speak, they atte-pted to stifle him by holding an opposition ln?" Unionist meeting broke up with • •U8ia^J1 £ c^eers for Sir Joan, the large assemble enpro-v' r fr 8 £ ood follow/' with tv ^ef°re parting, Mr Dan Williams asked ,m 0 S° °yer *nd listeu to the Caucus oratory and arguments, for be was sure the more they heard of it the less they would like it. This sally was received with roars of laughter.-In conversa* tion with a supporter of the major, after the meet. ing, a Llanelly correspondent was assured that 1 11 1 11 tne result or toe disgraceful tactics would be the transference of scores of votes to Sir John Jenkins "I have looked with disfavour he said, on the miserable attempts to boycot the Uaionist candi- date, but after what I have seen to-night I cannot support the candidate or the party which can resort to such cowardly conduct." There is no doubt that the town generally will refuse to have any. thing to do with the major. MAGNIFICENT UNIONIST MEETING. On Tuesday afternoon a meeting in support of the candidature of Sir John Jones Jenkins was held at the Athenseum Hall, Llanelly. It had been announced that the meeting would be held in the People's Park, but rain coming on, it was decided to adjourn to the Athenteum. The hall was soon filled with voters, and great enthusiasm prevailed. The chair was occupied by Councillor W. J. Wilson (The Dell), and ho was supported by Sir J. J. Jenkins, and Messrs W J Buckley, M.F.H., Ernest Trubshaw, J Allen Williams, W W Brodie, J G Daw, D Francis (Cornish), ani the Rev. J Morrell, and the Rev.—Crooke delegates from Ulster. In opening the meeting, the Chairman asked if it was fair for the other side to refuse the use of all the chapels, when the major was given every possible advantage (Cries of "No.") Despi,e this, however, Sir John was going to win (A Voice "That's a fact.'). What better representative could a tinplate town h-ivo than Sir John—a man who had li^en from the ranks by his own exertions to the top of the tree ? Sir John was an honour to every tin-plate worker. Major Jones would swallow anything (laughter). He was now going in for the temperance platform after the champagne luncheon at Llandrindod (laughter). In fact, the major reminded him of the figure, which, when the string was pulled, the hand would go up (Roars of laughter. The Rev. J. Moirell referred to the conduct of a Nonconformist minister on the previous evening, breaking in upon his speech as he did on Seaside (Cries of. "Shame.") Surely Llanelly was wide enough for them without coining so close to them. It was hardly fair for a brother minister to en- deavour to speak him down. He was sure he (Mr Morrell) would not have been guilty of such con- duct at least he would have waited until his brother minister had finished speaking (Applause). Mr Morrell then delivered a strong appeal to his listeners as to the dire extremity of Ireland If Ireland were left alone, aud were cleared of those paid agi'ators, it would soon become law-abiding and prosperous. Sir John Jenkins, who was received with much enthusiasm, described an incident which occurred at Carmarthen the previous day in the nomination room. Dr D ivies (Siloh) was present, with several other gentl -men, and offered hid hand to Sir John. He, however, refused to take it until Dr Davies bad repudiated what he was reported in tho Glad- s'oiiian papers to have said. There Dr Davies was reported to have said that Sir John was op- posed to disestablishm nt, and Dr D 'tvies replied tiiit he hid been wrongly reported. He (Sir John) had always been in favour of it, aud that was well known. In 1885 he replied to the effect that he was in favour of the disestablishment and disendowment of the Church, and that the question was ripe for consideration. Replying to a letter from the Shop Assistants' Union, Sir John said that he had been in favour of the earlier closing of shops. Some years ago he had held a meeting in Swansea on the question. That would show that his opinion on the question was not of recent birth (,ipplause). -After speeches by the Rev Crooke, Mr J A Williams, and Mr J G Dav, the meeting terminated. ANOTHER GRAND MEETING.—TELEGRAM FROM SIR ARTHUR STEPNEY. On Tuesday nigh a meeting in support of the candidature of Sir John J. Jenkins was held at the More-vood Memorial-hall, adjacent to the extensive South Waies Works. There was a crowded audience, the attendance falling not far short of 1,000. Extraorditary enthusiasm prevailed, and the eloquent speeches were received with loud applause. The chair was occupied by Mr H C Bond, one of the members of the firm of Morewood and Co. The majority of those present were working men, who gave the speakers a most sympathetic hearing.—In his opening speech, the Chairman referred to attacks which had been made by supporters of Major Jones upon the firm of Morewood and Co in their attempts to evade the operation of the M'Kiuley tariff by transferring part of their works to America. No doubt they tried to reach Sir John through that, but he would say that Sir John had nothing whatever to do with it (cheers), The firm had their reasons for their action, which it would be inexpedient for him to give but Sir John Jones Jenkins had absolutely nothing to do with it.—After eloquent speeches by Mr R F G Crooke (Dublin University) and Dr John Morris (Portmadoc), Sir John rose to address the meeting, and received an ovation, the whole audience cheering for several minutes. The candidate referred to the statements made by Mr David Raudell, M.P., detrimental to Mr J H Rogers, the managing partner, but be asked," Who was the first to go over to America ? Was it not Mr W H Edwards aud his son ? These gentle- men were voters in the Gower Division, and Mr Randell bad said nothing about them. It was a monstrous thing that a m'ln who had been in the pay of the American Protectionist Government, who had imposed the M'Kinley tariff, should now come and ask for the votes of tin-workers (shame). —A stirring speech was delivered by the Rev J I Morrell, of Ulster, after which Mr W T Davies, one of the workmen spoke. Mr Davies, who came to the meeting direct from before the furnace deprecated the remarks made by a tin-worker at a meeting held in support of Major Jones recently. He asked his fellow workmen to use their own judgment on the questions at issue. Let them not be dictated to by anyone, but, for their own sakes and for the sake of the town, vote for the man who could do something for them (applause). The speaker concluded by moving a vote of confidence in Sir John, a proposition which was received with acclamation.—Sir John, however, asked the chairman not to put the vote to the meeting. He objected to votes of confidence on principle. He did not want any man to hold up his hand for him, but let him do his duty on Friday; the ballot was absolutely secret. Mr W J Wilson, agent to Sir Arthur Stepney, read the following telegram from the hon. baronet, handed in at the Aden (Red Sea) Office Strongly support Unionist candidate. Stepney (loud cheers).—The meeting closed with a vote of thanks to the speakers.

WELSH CANDIDATES AND THE FABIAN SOCIETY. At the instance of the Dyflryn Onllwyn Fabian Society, the following three questions have been submitted to Messrs. Bowen Rowlands and Lloyd Morgan, M.P.'s and to Mr William Jones, the Unionist candidate for Cardiganshire (1.) Will you, if elected, preos for the enact- ment before another dissolution of a measure providing for the payment from public funds of all members of the House of Commons not already in receipt of official salaries, and of all necessary election expenses 1" Mr B. Rowlands says I shall be, as I always have been, in favour of payment of members of Parliament. What is meant by pressing for its enactment before another dissolution I hardly know. I will vote for it and support it if it is brought forward. Mr LI. Morgan says: I have already voted ni favour of payment of members." Mr William Jones says "No the next thing would be payment of County Councillors, which would involve increase of taxation." (2) "Will you, if elected, vote for an Eight Hours Bill for Miners ?" Mr Rowlands Yes, I have been, and am in favour of this." Mr Ll. Morgan "I abstained from voting on the Eight Hours Bill for Miners, because I was of opinion that it involved the consideration of many serious issues. It would be too long to state my views in a letter, but if you will put me the question in a meeting I shall be very happy to state the difficulties which I think surround the question." Mr Wm. Jones: Yes, a clause to that effect is inserted in my election address." (3.) Will, you, if elected, support a statutory prohibition of excessive hours of labour among railway workers and in dangerous or unhealthy trades Mr B. Rowlands I am, and have always been in favour of such prohibition, and am a little surprised that my views on the matter are con- sidered deserving of question." Mr Ll. Morgan I also voted for a motion to reduce the hours of labour among railway servants." ° Mr Wm. Jones Yes."

THE BI8LEY MEETING. I ARRIVAL OF THE CANADIAN TEAM. The Canadian ritle team arrived in Liverpool on Tuesday by the Allan steamer Parisian to take part in the shooting at Bisley. The team, who number 22, are under the command of Colonel Massy Lang. The team left Liverpool for Cambridge, where they will have a week's practice before proceeding to the camp.

MR. CHAMBERLAIN AT WALSALL. Mr Chamberlain addressed a meeting on Monday evening in the Circus, Walsall, in support. ,f the Conservative candidate for the borough, Mr Frank James. — Mr T. A. Hill presided, and the building, which accommodates about three thousand people, was crowded.—Mr Chamberlain said during the last two or three weeks one thing had impressed itself strongly upon his mind, and that was the necessity of &n eight hours day for politicians (laughter and cheers). Although ho had been overworked, however, he could not refuse to come to W. hull to support Mr Jame3. Mr James was a Conservative, and he (Mr Chamberlain) was a Liberal; but in this contest he knew neither Liberal nor Conservative he knew only Unionists, who were prepared to maintain the integrity of the Empire. The foe was within their gates, and all panies and sections who cared for the Union of the three Kingdoms were standing shoulder to shoulder to resist the dangerous policy which it was sought to thrust upon them (cheers). What were the three great principles of Liberalism? First, that they should trust the people; secondly. that they should look for measures and not for men; and thirdly, that they should strive to secure the greatest happiness of the greatest number. Had these principles suffered injury during the last six years? Take the principle that they should trust the people. In the past Conser- vatives did not know always how to trust the people, and resisted for a long time the extension of the suffrage. But they had not to deal with the past; they had to deal with the present and this Unionist Government had given to the people of the counties a local representative government which was popular and democratic iu its form (ctieers). Contrast this with the policy of their opponents. The Gladstonians were not Liberals They did not trust the people. They had proposed the greatest Constitutional chan-e which had been proposed during the present cen- tury, and when they were asked to take the people into their confidence and explain to them the details of the Home Rule measure, in order that they lUight come to the conclusion upon it with full knowledge of its features, the Gladitoniaus said-No, they would not fall into a trap (laughter). Where was the- trap? The Glad- stonians, instead of trusting the people, were striving now to trick the people into the acceptance of a measure which they would not explain, and which, be believed, they themselves did not under- stand. As to che second principle, "Measures, not men," he reminded them of the great boon con- ferred by the Free Education granted by the pre- sent Government. If the Gladstonians had been in power, they would have had to wait for it another generation (cheers). Take, also. the question of the condition of the agricultural labourers. It was a matter of the first urgency that their condition should be improved. Since Mr Gladstone was the Conservative member for Newark, nearly sixty years ago, although he had held office again and again, and h*d three times been Prime Minister, he had never proposed any- thing for the material Improvement of the labourers until he wanted their votes (cheers). As to ti e third point, he asked which party was seeking the greatest happiness of the greatest number Mr e' Gladstone was putting aside questions which affected the happiness and welfare of thirty-seven mil ions of loyal subjects of the Queen, in order to attend to the exacting demands of three millions of Irishmen, as to whom he was afraid he could not say that they were loyal. The questions which now pressed were not great Constitutional questions. There were social questions which pressed for solution, such as the question of pro- vision for the destitute in old age, the questions of the hours of labour, of the conditions of employ- ment, and of employers' liability. These questions would not wait, and they must apply themselves to them rather than spend their time in breaking up the Empire (cheers). He appealed to working men not to allow themselves to be diverted, and not to put aside subjects which affected the wel- fare of their wives and children, but to give their votes to the party which would be able and willing to deal immediately with these subjects. If a Home Rule Parliament were created, so far from having got rid of Ireland, they would have Irish affairs more and more pressing upon the attention of the British Legislature. The Home Rule which Mr Gladstone propesed was to be on the Colonial model. Did they know that in all the self- governing Co'onies the Colonial Government had power to settle its own tariff, and that it settled it sometimes in a way anything but agreeable to the English manufacturers and those whom they employed ? Did they want Ireland to have power to make a tariff against them ? (no and yes). But Mr Gladstone would not hear of it, although he talked of creating a parliament on the Colonial model. He made exceptions and conditions, and one of the conditions was that the Irish people should not have the right to establish a tariff against this country. Let them see in what a dilemma that landed them. The Irish people wanted to have that power. The late Mr Parnell said, I claim this for Ireland-that if the Irish Parliament of the future finds there are certain industries in Ireland which can be bene- fited by Protection, which can be nursed by Pro tection, which can be placed in such a position as to enable them to compete with similar industries of other countries, Parliament ought to have power to carry out that policy. It is not for me to predict the extent to which that power should be used, but I tell English Radicals and Liberals that it is useless to talk of their desire to do justice to Ireland when, from motives of selfishness, they refuse to repair that most manifest injustice of all -namely, the destruction of their manufactures by England in times past, by giving us the power which we think would enable as to build up those comparatively few industries which Iieland i^ adapted by her circumstances to excel in We hal Mr Gladstone, who said the Home Rule Bil which he would give to Ireland was a final settle- ment; and Mr Parnell, who said no Enwlis'i Radical would do justice to Ireland until he gave this power which Mr Gladstone said he would refuse. Where was the finality when they w rj going to give a scheme of Home Rule which Irish- men told them beforehand they would not accept as final? (cheers). Here was what Mr Gladstone said in 1886:—"I say that of all the proposals there is none more unwise than to give tothi Irish people, with the pretended expec ati?n of finality, the concessions which they tell you they will use from the first day onward, simply for the purpose of a leve-age, simply to get the whole or the best part of their plans." He (Ir Ch Lmber- lain) left the Mr Gladstone of 1886 to amw.r the Mr Gladstone of 1892 (cheers). They were told that the scheme was to be a final one, but what about Ulster? They had received a positive assurance that Ulster would resist to the utter- most the attempt to impose upon them the rule of the National League. As to the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament under such a scheme as that proposed it would be i sham supremacy. If they consented to this policy there would be, as Sir George Trevelyan said, no half-way house between Home Rule and separation. If they recognised Ireland as a separate nation, they could not stop until they had given Ireland all the prerogatives of nationality. They would then have a hostile Government within a few hours of their shores, and the peace and prosperity of the country would in that way be endangered. He would never believe that Englishmen would make such a surrender to their foe (cheers). This policy of shirking responsibility and ignoring national obligations by the Gladstonians had been carried too far (hear, hear). It was not by such means that this great Empire was built up, and he believed and trusted that at least they would have the consistency to maintain the edifice which the courage of their ancestors had created (cheers).—A vote of thanks was passed to Mr Chamberlain for his address.

SIR J. LUBBOCK'S RETURN. Sir J. Lubbock, Liberal Unionist, was on Satur- day returned unopposed for the University of London. The nomination took place in the Theatre of the University, Burlington-gardens, and the chair was occupied by Sir J. Paget, attired in his robes as Vice Chancellor. Amongst the large number of graduates entitled to vote were:—Mr E H. Busk, Chairman of Convocation; Mr A. Milman, Registrar; Professor M. Foster, Chairman of Sir John's election Committee; and Sir R. Quain. The hon. baronet was proposed and seconded by the two last-named respectively, and, there being no other candidate, was declared duly returned by the Chair- man, who acted as returning oflicer. Sir J Lubbock, in returning thanks, said it might seem a curious question to ask, but was it or was it not an honour to represent an educated and en- lightened constituency? (laughter). Mr Gladstone, in his speech at Midlothian on Thursday made some statements which he read with astonishment and pain. He said, I am sorry that, to a large extent, that education, that enlightenment, that political experience, that wealth, are arrayed in the opposite camp." As he read on, he could not help recollecting the passage in Lhakespeare's Henry VI. Those present might remember the words which Jack Cade said, in addressing Lord Say: "Thou hast most traitorously corrupted the youth of the realm in erecting a Grammar School; and, whereas before our forefathers had no other books but a score and a tally, thou bast caused printing to be used, and, contrary to the King, his Crown, and dignity, thou hast built a papermill. Take him away, I say, and strike off his head presently (hear, hear, and laughter). If Mr Gladstone's statement was correct the logical course would be to abolish their schools: to suppress all institutions for the encouragement of thrift and the secure in- vestment of savings, to take away votes from all those of any education, any experience, any stake in the country, and especially from those who had passed through Colleges and Universities, and transfer them to those who were illiterate, especially if they had been so unfortunate as to have passed through the Bankruptcy Court (renewed laughter and hear, hear). He passed over these sneers, and over this melan- choly attempt to set class against class, which seemed more like the last desperate struggle of conscious defeat than the calm confidence of victory but he entirely denied the statement (applause). Liberal Unionists, at any rate, sup- ported Mr Gladstone loyally until he suddenly abandoned his principles and joined the Irish Nationalists in a policy which a few months before he had denounced as one certain to lead to the dis- memberment of the Empire. In conclusion, he begged to say that he should do bis best to fulfil the responsible trust confided to him, and would co-operate with the Senate and Convocation in maintaining the character of their degrees and the valuable influence which had boen exhibited by the University of London on the general educa- tion of the co in try (applause). A vote of thanks to the Vice-Chancellor brought the proceedings to a close.

MR BALFOUR AT MANCHESTER. Mr Balfour on Monday evening addressed a crowded meeting in Chorlton Town Hall, Manchester, which was also attended by Viscount Einlym, the Conservative candidate for South Manchester. The right hon. gentleman, who was well received, devoted his address almost exclusive- ly to a reply to the speech delivered in Glasgow on Saturday by Mr Gladstone. He said Mr Gladstone appeared to think he bad reached such a position in the political world that geography and history must alike yield to him, and that all the ordinary limitations of fact, both in time and space, must be his very humble servants (laughter)! When Mr Gladstone wished to explain that Ulster was the poorest part of Ireland (a laugh), a pro- position elaborated at great length in the Chester speech, then Ulster meant all the counties of the province technically and geographically known by that name, but when he was dealing with the population who were leading the protest against the great betrayal involved in Home Rule, then Ulster became a little strip in the north-west of Ireland (laughter). If he would only rever-e the other, then it would be discovered what everybody but Mr Gladstone bore in mind, that in that strip in the nor'h-west of Ireland was con- CPQiatedan enormous proportion of the vealtli, enterprise, and industry of I"eland, and the people who in tradition, religiou, methods, and habits were mtst in sympathy with the populations of other lirge towns. He (Mr Balfour) did not pro- pose to deal with the arguments of the Glasgow speech, for he bad not discovered its arguments (a laugh) but he proposed to correct some of its historical misstatements. The statement repeated at Edinburgh about the Earl of Carnarvon been sent to see Mr Parnell about some scheme of Home Rule was not only baseless, but Mr Gladstone must have known it to be baseless, because the late Lord Carnarvon himself had more than once explicitly contradicted it. Mr Gladstone said at Glascrow that Ireland had been at peace since 1884. How was that consistent with the otue1: doctrine so sedulously preached, that the peace of Ireland dated from the time when righteousness and peace kissed each other in the shape of Mr Gladstone's and Mr Parnell's Home Rule ? ('aughter). If the tranquillity of Ireland dated instead from 1881, the fact told, not against the la e Government, but against Mr Gladstone, for h was the person and his was the Adminstration which stood condemned by such an avowal but the avowal, though made in the face of day had no historical founiation whatever (a laugh and hear, hear). Ireland was not restored to tran- qui ity in 1881,. When Mr Gladstone's Crimes Act came to an end in 1885, the state of I -eland got spjtd ly worse and worse until the new Crimes Act came into force, after which, with equal sure- ness of progression, Ireland became better and better (cheers). These facts were conclusively proved by official statistics, but the figures quoted by Mr Gladstone were all wrong (laughter). Mr Gladstone was the most unlucky mortal that ever was when he had to deal with figures concerning crime; indeed, the right hon. gentleman never made a speech in which he did not quote his figures wrong. Mr Balfour proceeded next to dispute Mr Gladstone's contention tha.. the Crimes Act was entirely unnecessary. It was a singular fact that just twen'.y years previously Mr Glad- stone himself introduced a Crimes Act, when Ireland was decidedly more peaceful than in 1884 He (Mr Balfour) had always stated that intimida- tioa and boycotting were the principal justifications of their action, and he maintained that they were not wrong. Mr Gladstone must be reminded that the minority in the West of Ireland were incom parably more alarmed than the majority in Ulster, and the majority in Ulster, although alarmed for themselres, were still more alarmed for their defenceless brethren in other parts of the country. Had Mr Gladstone never beard of the Dublin Con- vention, or the protest sent up from Presbyterians in every county and district in Ireland? The loyal few in the south and west looked forward with just dread, witb a dread which he feared was even more justified than that entertained in the north-east of Ireland, to the fate which awaited them, if, in a moment of ignorance and oblivion, tnis country handed them over to the tender mercies of a Parliament in Dublin (hear, hear). When referring to the number of derelict farms in Ireland, a number which be (Mr Balfour) was glad to know was decreasing, Mr Gladstone spoke of the vacant condition of these farms as resulting from the action of a poor, resolute, and patriotic people (a laugh). Did anybody ever hear intimida- ) tion and boycotting described in language of that kind? If we wanted to see resolution and patriot- ism happily divcrced from poverty, let us look rather to our northern kinsmen, wbo have done so much to remove from Ireland the reproach that she was incapable of producing industries of her own (hear, hear). He (Mr Balfour) knew not what the future of Ireland might be. Mr Gladstone looked forward with apparent confidence to a majority sufficient to pass his Home Rule Bill, and to a term ot blessed peace and paci- fication when that Bill became law (a laucrh) Mr Gladstone has ended his long speech with a loner peroration, where he plunged into the recess o°f Greek mythology for an adaptation of the legend of Castor and Pollux. The Home Rule Bill was compared in that peroration to a star of nromise But he (Mr Balfour) did not think it deserved to be likened to anything so bright or prominent. It seemed to him to be more like one of the those comets which for a few weeks or a few months loomed largely in the heavens, covered a great arc of the sky, fixed the gaze of all men, and slowly vanished, leaving no trace behind it, was forgotten by all but professional astronomers, and, on exami tion, turned out to be little else than a few mis- shapen pebbles and an enormous quantity of empty gas (laughter). Such a meteor was of no use to mariners, nor did it contain in itself, even to the most superstitious, the promise of happy times. If we were to I ok forward in Ireland to a state of things that we should regard with satisfaction, we must pursue in Ireland the methods that we found efficacious here, firm and beneficent administration of the law, liberality and purity of administration These were the great engines of improvement, and if we resolved to relax the effects we bad hitherto made in employing these engines for good, then the time would assuredly come, though it might not be immediately, when all those senti- ments of nationality and patriotism which Mr Gladstone so greatly and so rightly admired would be directed, not towards making Ireland an insignificant and a separate nation between Eng- land aud America, but would turn the eyes of every Irishman to tbat Empire of which he was a citizen, and would rank him aiuom? tho h 7 j most loyal other Maesty's subject3 (eheers), and I

NEWPORT EAMEN AND MR PLIMSOLL. Firem»„'?eriu!! t ft6 NrP°rt ill J rflHn V 1 011 Thur«%, the follow- tirlLlu Wascamed:-U We,the seamen and nf ;ri' ° Por^> express our strong feelings ignation at the conduct of Mr J. Gardiner in condemning Mr Plimsoll's manifesto to the seamen, believing the same to be detrimental to our cause, and hope Mr plimsoil will not be influenced by the views of Mr Gardiner to relax his efforts in the cause of the British seamen, but that he will continue his good work, for which we shall be ever grateful."

SIR H. JAMES AT BURNLEY. Sir Henry James on Friday evening addressed a mass meeting at Burnley, called in support of the can- didature of Mr Lawrence and Mr Brings, the Unionist candidates for Burnley, and for the Clitheroe Division. He said there was but one subject that he felt he ought to deal with, and that was the maintenance or the destruction of the legislative union between Great Bri- tain and Ireland. Some of them were asking, in justice to the democracy, that they should be in- formed of the nature of the proposition which was to be submitted. If their opponents could not inform the constituencies of the general principle of the mea- sure upon which they were asked to vote, they never would regard the result of this election as being final, and they would struggle on as firmly as they could. before Home Rule came into effect the constituencies should have said aye to a definite and clear measure. That was but a just demand. Sir George Trevelyan had said that he would not vote for the Bill until he had seen it, and yet he was one of those who asked them to support Home Rule. What had occurred to cause them or the country to reverse the vote they gave when they possessed full knowledge of the pro- position in favour of Home Rule six years ago ? In 1886 Mr Gladstone presented the measure as a final measure. It was the late Mr Parnell who accepted it as final, but he never intended to accept it as more than an installment. Were the sturdy Nonconformists ot the North willing to accept it as final ? The hill- side men would accept no measure unless it was so extreme that Mr Gladstone would never dare to pro- pose it. Mr Gladstone had spoken of oppression in Ireland. But what was the fact? Ireland was now more obedient to law, more peaceful and content, than vrtS known before. The information given by Mr Gladstone on Friday had been apparently pur- posely delayed until the last moment. With many polls taking place on Monday that information, which Mr Gladstone had probably had in his posses- "f'U1- 11 sion uciiiaptj lur months or years, had now been con- veyed to the British public. It was most ridiculous to pretend to give information to the English people without absolutely telling them the real facts (cheers). As to the retention of the Irish members at West- minster, Sir Henry submitted that, assuming there were 330 Liberals, 300 Conservatives, and 4(3 Nationalists, the Nationalists would hold the balance of power, and could turn out any Government. If the Irish continued the mis- cheivouscourse they had pursued towards English legis- lation, they wouid entirely and completely block the way. Mr Gladstone's supremacy of Parliament simply reduced the interference of this country to the exercise of a veto, not by a Parliament, but by a Ministry. It was a mere sham and a d<-lusion, and if they voted in favour of Home Rule candidates, they would be yield- ing up the supremacy of Parliament, and handing over the interests of the cmntrv to a discordant faction now quarrelling and shedding blood in Dublin, Cork,' and other cities (cheers). Mr Gladstone had, in an eloquent peroration, appealed to them to see that Ire- land was governerl by equal laws with Great Britain. He (Sir H. James) did not doubt that it was the duty of the country to see that. But what was the meaning of equal laws Did Mr Gladstone administer equal laws when lie disestablished the Church in Ireland in 18(i8, and sought to maintain it in England ? Did he admin- ister equal laws when, in 1831, he passed the suspen- sion of the Habeas Corpus Act, and never dreamt of applying it to England ? Did he effect equal laws when, in 1882, lie introduced the Criminal Procedure Bill, which was not wanted and not passed for Eng- land ? These were differen i because the circumstances to which they applied were different. Equal laws did not mean the same in writing, but the same measure of justice applied to the different circumstances. Let them go hand in hand and see that, equal laws in the sense he had mentioned were given to Ireland. How were they best likely to attain that equal law ? If they maintained the Union there would be the great mighty power of the democracy of Great Britain look- ing to the question, and seeing that justice was done to every party and to every interest in England (cheers). They asked that just and impartial men should rule Ireland. Who did they wish to rule Ireland ? (A voice, Gladstone). That was exactly what the Liberal Unionists wished, and they left Mr Gladstone when he refused to govern Ireland (cheers). Were they going to obtain equal laws by giving the power to factions in Ireland? He entered into no historical discussion as to who had been wrong tli,y must take Ireland as she was. The result of this' great crisis depended on them. Some of them might say, I will assume that whatever is done good will come of it," and there were, too, a larger number he feared who, thinking little for themselves, would, for the sake of their party, vote as they were bidden. The two classes combined the great forces of the country, but there was another force of men who cared not one whit who should be leader of parties, or which party should govern. They had one hope and one care for their country's interest and their country's good, and were moved by the sense of justice and right which had never failed, and never would fail (loud cheers).— A resolution of fitness of the candidates was unani- mously adopted.

MR RITCHIE AT ST. GEORGE'S-IN THE-EAST, LONDON. Mr Ritchie addressed an enthusiastic meeting on Friday of his supporters in the Coopers' Hall, Commercial-road. Speaking on the Government labour policy, he emphasised its claim to the title of the friend of the working classes. During his term of office he had done much to prevent pauper labour in the workhouse unduly competing with free labour outside. He had endeavoured to ameliorate the condition of those who, through no fault of their own, had been obliged to resort to Poor law relief, both in the workhouse and casual wards. He had done his best to see that the sick and aged were properly cared for, and he hoped that in the future it might be his privilege to bring forward some legislation to further im- prove the condition of those who were in the workhouse through no fault of their own (cheers). The Government had largely increased wages at its dockyards and manufacturing establishments, and in the Public Works Department every contract had a stipulation in it that the current rate of wages was to be paid. What they had done in the past by direct and indirect legislation, to the benefit of the working classes, they hoped to do in the future. If the Go"ernnieut were returned to power one of their first acts would be to deal with the hours and conditions under which railway servants laboured, and also with the question of employers' liability. They had appointed the Labour Commission, and they believed that its Report would be of such a character as would enable them to set up some machinery by which strikes would be put an end to, and disputes between employers and employed would be settled by some fair and impartial tribunal that would justice do to both aides (cheers). The Unionist Party hoped to give local government to Ireland, Rural District Councils to England, and to improve the Vestries so that the working- classes of our villages and parishes should have some direct and tangible influence in the manage- ment of their local affairs. The whole disposition and effect of their financial policy had been to relieve local burdens out of Imperial funds, whereas, if their opponents' scheme of the equali- sation of the rates were carried out, it would result in largely increasing the rates of that district. He appealed to them not to atop this progress of social reform by supporting a scheme that would plunge Ireland into chaos and ruin (loud cheers). -At the close of his address Mr Ritchie was asked why legislation to prevent pauper immigration had not been intro- duced by the Government.—Mr Ritchie Nothing can be more difficult or more intricate than this question. We do not want to shut out honest and capable workmen who can earn their living here without sending others to the work- house. England has always been the land of the free and we must be careful how we depart from nn But,we had Prepared three Bills on the subject, and at the last moment we received an intimation from Sir William Harcourt, among others, that if we proceeded with any Bill <j°1nU^ l01.1 pauper immigration they ou i the greatest hostility in their power (loud cries of Shame "). The question is not disposed of. It will have to be dealt with, an the Government are at one with you in 11 esiring to invent some means by which this general subject of complaint may to be done away with (cheers). —A cordial vote of conti. dence in Mr Ritchie was adopted. (^

LLANYBRI. NATIONAL SCHOOL.—The report for the year ending April 30tb, 1892, has just been received, and is as follows The school was in very good order. The children have made satisfactory pro- gress in the elementary subjects during the year. The second standard in particular passed a very good examination. The whole of the paper? showed neatness, and a good style of work. Spell- ing and mental arithmetic in the third standard werc. however, weak. The arithmetic of the elder 8cholars was 5 The boys showed a pretty fair STANDARD of geography, except in the fourth needlework was veiv^aTrtelTfnCefT' uThe Knon uoii r* infants class have his certificatp •rU^ted'" Wilhams wil1 receive uis certificate in due coarse.

CTLYCWM. Dn^ £ KRlJP^Y'~NoTICE OF DIVIDEND.-Daniel c ies, of Yscrafell, Cilycwm, Carmarthenshire, ariner. First and final dividend 14s Id in the £ thjn ly 13th'at 09icial Keceiv«r'8> Carmar-