The North Wales Weekly News

The House of Lords. To THE EDITOR OF THE Weekly News. Sir,—In my previous letter on the House of Lords I inadvertently said that Mr Glynne Jones delivered the lecture. I should have said that he read it for the lecturer, who found himself unable to be present during the evening. Mr Glynne Jones told the assembly of the delay caused by the Government in not admitting Nonconformist teachers to the Universities for so many years and as he made himself responsible for this statement, and not the lecturer he represented, I again ask your indulgence to insert the following, also to be allowed to write you again, if need be, on the subject of the present crisis. In Mr. Glynne Jones paper on the House of Lords, he reminded his audience of the great number of years that the House of Lords pre- vented or delayed the admission of Nonconform- ists to the Universities. Now, this is not at all true in the sense he conveyed it. The facts are that Mr. Gladstone spoke and voted against the proposal—the abolition of Tests-in 1835. Eight years after, in 1843, and again in 1845, he voted against the Bill. It is untrue the Lords "delayed" this reform, since on these two occasions the measure did not go through the House of Corn- mons, and was therefore never before the House of Lords. In 1854, an Act was passed by which JNoncon- formists were admitted to the Degrees granted by the University of Oxford. This measure was read a second time in the House of Lords without a division. It was opposed in important parti- culars by Mr. Gladstone. Radicals say that Nonconformists gained the consent of the House of Commons to complete admission into the Uni- versities on equal grounds. This is entirely un- true, because the Bill was rejected by a majority of two, and one of the two was Mr. Gladstone, who was Chancellor of the Exchequ er in the Radical Government. If they say that the Bill of 1867 was thrown out by the Peers in 1869, this is again untrue. The proposal had never been before the House of Lords (that of getting tests voluntarily abolished in Colleges as compul- sorily abolished in Universities). The Lords therefore, did not reject it, and in 1870 a Bill was introduced, and the House of Lords obtained the desired information, referred the matter to a Select Committee, with the result that in the fol- lowing year, 1871, the Universities were opened to the whole country. Surely, the agitation against the House of Lords cannot be an honest one so far as the Prime Minister and many more like him are concerned. Look at this for Mr. Asquith's two voices—the voice of 1895, and that now, as follows :— Mr. Asquith at Newcastle, Jan. 30th, 18<)0 It there are advantages, I am the last to deny that there are advantages in the existence of a Second Cham- ber, they are the advantages which result from the exist- ence of an impartial, dispas- sionate, reviewing power. which will correct slovenli- ness, which will check dissi- pation, and which, in case of extreme need, will refer back to the people for considera- tion, measures which the people cannot be supposed to have deliberately approved." Mr. Asquith's Notice of Motion in the House ot Com- mons, on Wednesday, Dec- ember, 1909;- The action of the House of Lords, in refusing to pass into law the financial provis- ions made by this House for the services of the year, is a breach of the Constitution and usurpation of the rights of the Commons." Which are we to believe ? It seems to be a very profitless task to dwell upon these incon- sistences, and I think we shall be better employed in propagating those principles that make sure of obtaining the voice of the people entire, and the integrity of the Empire, the stability and prosper- ity of the Church, the protection of our commerce from unfair competition, and above all that the dire effects of Socialism, with which the whole Budget Bill was saturated, will never take root in our Constitution. We hear much of what the Socialistic microbe is going to do when the Nat- ional Body gets in ill-health and upset in general spirit as at present. May I ask how was it the Liberal Government gave a Constitution to South Africa ?-a new system of government, but not a single chamber system, but an Upper House practically a House of Lords, but with far greater power than has ever been exercised by the House of Lords in England. The late Mr. Gladstone, .speaking of the House of Lords in 1864, said I must, as a candid man, looking at this question for practical pur- poses, consider this, that notwithstanding the action of the House of Lords, we have had for a period of 50 years such a reputation as has never been known in the history of this country, or I may say, in the entire world, for passing the amount of practical legislation which it has placed upon the Statute Book of the land, and which from day to day received the benefit of it." Then, again, it was the father of Mr. Austin Chamberlain, who said in I894:No sensible per- son present could Suppose that any Second Cham- ber at all would be content to drag out a ridiculous and shameful existence if it had no power either to amend or reject unnecessary legislation submitted to it." And he spoke of the danger of embark- ing on an experiment which has never been suc- cessfully tried in any civilized state and establish- ing a new oligarchy in the shape of an omni- potent House of Commons. Although Mr. Lloyd George disclaims any desire for a single-chamber system, he makes it clear that the only kind of second chamber which be will tolerate is a sham second chamber, with- ut influence, responsibility or power. But as to the ending of the House of Lords, is it not a fact that the Radical Government has created more Peers than any other Government during the same period ? No fewer than 230 Peers have been made during Radical administra- tions, and between 30 and 40 since the present Government took office. But I must not trespass further on your valuable space this week,-Yours, G. DUCKERS. To THE EDITOR OF THE Weekly Ne-ws M i- Duckers, in his letter in your paper of a fortnight ago, refers to "a political meeting held on the premises of the Congregational Church." I understand that the meeting referred to was held in the Lecture Hall, Sea View-terrace. This hall is licensed, and let for any public meet- ings or entertainments, and is just as much part of the Congregational Church premises as the Church Room, Rhiw-road, is part of St. Paul's Church premises. I believe that the Church Room has on more than one occasion been let for political and other meetings, e.g., National Service League, Rey- nold's Minstrel's, amateur theatricals, Primrose League meetings, etc., etc., which, according to Mr Duckers' argument, are all ungodly when held on Nonconformist buildings, but righteous when they take place on Church of England premises. When a Conservative meeting is held in a village chapel, as many have been and will be during the coming elections—simply because there is no other building available-I suppose this would be a righteous cause, but if a Liberal meeting takes place in the same building it is dubbed ungodly. Where is Mr Duckers' con- sistency ? To me it is a far more godly cause to uphold the present Government in providing means for the defence of our country, and the provisions for its workers in their old age than it is to uphold the House of Lords, who, at the present time, desire to tax the bread and necessities of the people, and who upheld the South African war to defend the interests at stake of a number of alien millionaires. Before Mr Duckers takes up the cudgels against ungodly causes, may I remind him that people in glass houses should not throw stones." —Yours, etc., Colwyn Bay, BARNEY. December 14th, 1909. Sir,-Lest Mr "Geo. Duckers," who wrote on the above subject in your esteemed paper of a fortnight ago, may by any mischance fail to see that able, fair, and non-political leaderette of yours, which appears on the same page as his effusion of ignorance, may I be allowed to call his attention to same, with a request that he shall read, mark and inwardly digest the truths, historical truths, contained therein?—Yours, &c., DUCK-'EM. nn> nmu • 1—1 —

A Noble Lord Despising the Consequences. To THE EDJTOR OF THE Weekly News. Sir,—There is an old Welsh hymn the first line of which contains much meaning "0 fryniau Caersalem ceir gweled," And truly, there are some events happening in the history of generations, as well as individuals, that puzzle people to find a full and satisfactory solution of them, so we must be content with the little we possess. Were it not for the speech of an archbishop one might be at a loss to connect such a matter as the political event of the day with the progress of religion, and it affords—and I see from some papers thai it has already affc)rded-sitigular speculation as to why an archbishop should have taken the side he did on such a question as the Budget. Did he know that such policy was to some extent to favour the supposed opponents of the Church he belongs to, and also the opponents of the party he is sup- posed to support ? Then why, some seem to ask with great surprise, that savours of indignation, did he act thus? How does it affect his arch- bishopric ? and where the relationship with religion r Well, it has been pointed out that this political event was not so bad, but that it might have been settled without throwing the country into a tur- moil involving great bitterness of feeling between party and party and sect with sect, making the prayer repeated so often, "Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven," so far as unity is con- cerned, an empty repetition of the lips and in practice a mockery in' our dealings with each other as professing Christians. For a beautiful picture has now for some time been in the process of formation, with a fresh tie of friendship here and a new link of fellowship there, between different churches and fellow-believers that did people good to behold, and which, alas, one week of an election strife over a contentious matter will shatter to pieces, and the work of years with the young, who were, by sacrificing and devoted teachers, taught Sunday by Sunday the duty to love each other, destroyed with a stroke by the prevailing example, of men, and prominent men, hating each other. "D the consequences." So a noble lord is credited with saying respecting the situation, and the situation includes a series of commend- able efforts to unite churches and to close the ranks of fellow-believers for the welfare of many. And if the noble lord changed the object of his present outlook for that of the Church and Cht;rch work generally—to watch the wrecking of the labours of many a good and noble effort in the cause of unity, and to watch the harm done of dividing churches and friends, brought on by the bitterness of a struggle which we are told might have been avoided-then, possibly, he might feel inclined to modify his statement, if not to regret not to have followed the lead of an archbishop whom, with other Church leaders, we thrust into high positions and by voice and example defeat and mock their purpose to do what they think is best for their Church and the Christian religion as professed by the country. We deplore the dearth of new candidates for the Church we hear repeatedly of the growing and urgent need of the Church for more men abroad. What encouragement, may we ask, is this for young men wishing to serve Christ with a free hand to see the best leaders slighted and ill-supported if they take a line of action that touches in any way the interest of Church sub- scribers. Is Church finance everything, and the 1 righteousness of God nothing?—Yours, &c., SUNDAY SCHOOL SUPPORTER. P.S.—If you or any of your kind readers could give the English version of 0 fryniau," it would oblige.

The Church and the Social Crisis. To THE EDITOR OF THE Weekly News. Sir,—It is greatly to be hoped that the leading article in the last issue but one of your excellent paper will be widely read and deeply pondered alike by North Wales Socialists and all religious people. It deals with a vital topic and will no doubt evoke great interest. The attitude which the Christian Church should adopt towards Social Reform is identical with that which is obligatory upon all men, viz., to discover the true state of affairs, to seek honestly and diligently for a remedy for all preventible social evils, and to work for the application of that remedy in the face of all opposition, no matter from whence it may come. Socialism claims to be the one remedy for certain great social evils which are destroying the physical and moral strength of this nation. This claim lies open to all who care to investigate it. I do not mean to prove it here and now, for the subject is altogether too vast. There already exists literature, extending to many thousands of books and pamphlets, dealing fully with every phase of the problem, and the way is plain and easy for bona-fide investigation. This is more than can be said of certain other political creeds, and experienced Socialists know that the man who demands clear and final definitions of Socialism is not usually one who greatly cares to exert himself in a search for truth and knowledge. There is no royal road, but only the steep and rocky path of faithful study. Various Socialist schools there are, but their differences are chiefly concerning political methods. On fundamentals there is but little disagreement they all emphasise the one great and indisputable fact that human life is more sacred than property. It cannot be too often or too strongly denied that there is, or ever has been, any form of Socialism which ignores the Creator and scorns religion." What is true is that certain Socialists affect to disbelieve in God and to have no need of what commonly passes for religion. On these matters they speak as private individuals, and their views are only valuable in so far as they are true. It is most regrettable that people, especially religious people, who ought to be more keenly interested in the truth, should so foolishly and unwarrantably condemn what is essentially a religious movement because of certain non- Socialist speeches and writings of a few Socialists. Socialism claims to be a scientific method of organisation by means of which the bodily needs may best be coped with and thus, if successful, it will prevent them from overwhelming the soul. Obviously, the relations of the human soul and its Creator are beyond human interference. In the political world the Socialist grievances against the orthodox religious organisations are that the latter are for the most part allied to political parties which are unwilling and incapable of eradicating the root causes of our great social evils, and that they manifest to a large extent a hostility to the Socialist movement wholly based upon prejudice and ignorance. For the most part the horrors of unemployment, with its attendant suffering and destitution, the un- speakable degradation of womanhood in every town in the land, and the ghastly massacre of intant life in every reeking slum, evoke no more from them than a stupid assertion that these things cannot be remedied, or a sullen claim that things are somewhat better now than formerly. Children die prematurely by many thousands yearly from causes which can, and therefore ought to be prevented, yet there is no strong action taken by the Churches in the matter. But when there arises a question as to religious education" of children, on which point agree- ment amongst religious bodies seems to be beyond hope, a veritable whirlwind of passionate oratory is unloosed. Do we not see a great and powertul church allied for political purposes with a party whose other allies include brewers, bookmakers, sweaters, rack-renting landlords, slum-owning dukes and others whose profit is in the degradation of the people ? Did Christ ally Himself with their prototypes of His day ? Is it of such that the Kinp-cinni nf Hpavpn j" marlo? When will the churches follow Christ in political matters ? Assuredly they will have the heartiest co-operation of Socialists in any genuine attempt to establish the Kingdom of God upon earth for which such emphatic and indisputable commands were laid upon them. This is largely a matter of economics, and it is a woeful error to think that the Church has nothing to do with economics. The Church ought to stand boldly for economic freedom for all her labour will be but vain if she does not. No nation can be righteous unless it is free; it cannot be free while a few irresponsible men have a grip upon its life-supplies. Therefore the Church should proclaim that the lives and welfare of the people are a great and sacred trust, confided to the protection of the strong and the wise, and that the earth with its manifold resources was destined by the Creator to sustain and enrich human life. Therefore all that comes between human beings and the means of life is accursed of God, and is to be abolished as speedily as possible. Socialists desire no better economics than this from the Church. Sin is undoubtedly a great factor in human life, and I for one never expect it to be totally eradicated. It is obvious that the woes and physical sufferings of mankind together with injustice and tyranny are attributable to sin, to a very great extent. But the sinner is not always the one to suffer by the sin It is not sin which condemns so many million children yearly to be born into a state of slavery, under the iron heel of landlord and capitalist, upon whose tender mercies they must depend for their lives. Theil- masters may" lay house to house and field to field," and "grind the faces of the poor without meeting due reward in this life The truth, of course, is that crime is due to two chief causes; the desire to do evil for private revenge or advantage, and the necessity to do evil to keep body and soul together. It may be asserted that poverty compels the commission of ninety-five per cent. of present-day crime. Now, if poverty were abolished, and Socialism claims to be able to abolish it, clearly there would be an end of all necessity for crime. Therefore, what- ever crime was subsequently committed would

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The Romance of Land Values. I (By MR. ARTHUR ROBERTS, HOLYWELL.) In discussions of this kind, when we speak of Land," we are far too liable to think only of land growing potatoes and turnips, to restrict the term to its agricultural use; instead of tak- ing it in its far wider and economic sense} as in- cluding all kinds of land: land in towns as well as in the country; land under houses, ware- houses, factories; land under railways, canals, as well as land under crops mining and quarry- ing land, as well as the richer soils in the val- leys below. In a word, it is the whole material world around us, on which labour exerts itself in. the creation of all possible kinds of wealth. As John Stuart Mill says, The essentials of production are two, labour and appropriate na- tural objects." Or, as Sir William Petty more graphically described it over 200 years ago, Labour is the father, and the earth is the mother of all wealth." Let us be clear again as to the word values." There are two kinds of land values, private and public. When a man clears and levels a piece of ground, fences it round, drains, ploughs, manures it, and sows suitable seed therein., he has made this fraction of the earth's surface more valuable than, it was before; this is private value. When a quarryman has cleared away the surface soil and rubbish, so as to get at the underlying strata of flint or limestone, and made a roadway to get at these materials with his waggons and carts, he has made this rocky, rugged region more valuable than it was before; this is private value; it is at all times attribut- able to labour, guided more or less by science and skill. Again, the more people congregate in one place, the more they spend of RATES AND PUBLIC MONEY to make roads, tramlines, sewerage systems, to publicly supply light, water, &c., the more the land in such a neighbourhood increases in value; this is public land value. Where there are no people, there is no land value. In the back woods of Canada or the more interior parts of Australia, you can, get land for nothing. At the time of the battle of Majuba Hill a man. named Green owned the whole site of the city of Johannesburg. But there was no such city there then, only a hut here and there for the squat- ters. After that famous battle he sold out his whole freehold for £385, and returned to Eng- land, and died about seven years ago in Guild- ford Workhouse, in. Surrey. In a couple of years after he left, the gold was discovered there, and thither a tremendous rush of people began; Johannesburg grew like a mushroom. Ten years later there were over 250,000 inhabit. ants there. Here was one of the results. Three years before the last great Boer War, a site was sold in one of the main streets for ^27,000. The ,2 site alone, mark! This enormous increase was created, not by the owner of the site, but by the presence and industry of the whole people of Johannesburg. If they trekked away, this enor. molUs public land value would trek away with them also, leaving the region as valueless as it was before. Population makes land values. The State Bureau of Labour Statistics for Illinois (second edition, 1896, p. 277) gave a most interesting table shewing the yearly growth of value in the case of a aua-nter nf an nr-ra. _I. .L"" pL. in the business centre of Chicago. In 1830 the value of this quarter of an acre of raw prairie land at the mouth of the Chicago River was worth twenty dollars. In 1894 it was worth 1 j250,000 dollars. But listen a moment to the other side of the picture. In 1830, the population of Chicago was only fifty souls; in 1894, it was 1,500,000 souls. .so you see, if you will allow me the expression, each soul gave almost a dollar's worth of value to the prairie land of Chicago. Coming nearer home. About 120 years ago, the authorities of Glasgow sold a piece of land for (Soo. One hundred years Later they had to buy that same piece of land hack again to erect their new town hall, v when they were obliged to give £ 175,000. Why? Because Glasgow, in the meantime, had grown in population, and in importance as a manufacturing and distributing- centre. Innumerable instances could be given from all parts of the country; and you here, in Colwyn Bay amongst the number, where the increase of population has invariably increased the value of land; and the more public money is spent to make a place fit and desirable to live there, the more THE OWNERS OF LAND ARE EN- RICHED, who, as owners, will have done nothing to earn such value. "Unearned increment," indeed t It is earned, and by the public, but private per- sons pocket it under the present system. The great and world-wide move for the Taxa- tion of Land Values aims at restoring this pub- lic value to the public who has earned it. Strictly speaking, it is not Taxation at all; it is Restoration. It is not robbing hen-roosts," but a new application of the great social and ethical commandment, Thou shalt not steal." There is not the least taint of confiscation about it; there is no attack on property, but a reasser- tion of the rights of property. It calls on Gov- ernment, central and local. You have an in- come, in the public land values you create. Live on your income, then, and cease any longer to filch away the wages of the worker by your in. mimerable rates and taxes, direct or indirect. The present Budget, by its land clauses, makes a beginning, a small beginning, to be sure, towards this just and natural way of rais- ing public revenue, and the nation, who will insist on these land clauses becoming an actu- ality, will thereby be raised also to a higher plane of economic liberty than ever before. Economic liberty is the only and sore basis for every other liberty.

be due to evil personal desires, or mental infir- mity the former would be sin, and could be dealt with as sin. Therefore, before all things it is necessary to wage war against Destitution, and to completely emancipate the means of life from private control, so that they may be wisely and beneficently administered to the true welfare of the people. If the Church will lead in this Crusade, the Socialists will ally themselves with her. If not- I make no threat, but merely speak a profound truth-she must be fought, and a Church nearer and truer to the precepts of Christ will inevitably supersede her. It cannot be the whole duty of any Church to concern herself merely with ceremonial worship while the present competitive system dishonours God by demanding the breaking of every one of His holy laws. Not every one that saith unto Me, Lord, Lord shall enter into the Kingdom of Heaven, but he that doeth the Will of My Father which is in heaven." What is the Will of God concerning our present- day social chaos? That men shall cease from destroying each other, from oppressing the weak, and from pursuing selfish ends at the expense of others. That they should recognise that they are all brothers, sons of one Father which is in heaven, and live in love, serving one another. To-day we must fight each other for the crumbs which fall from our masters' table, and the weak must go to the wall. Under Socialism, national co-operation will satisfy individual needs, and no man may withhold the daily bread of another. They shall not hurt or destroy in all My holy mountain, saith the Lord." The present time is one of the most momentous in the nation's history. Now is the time when all the forces of righteousness must unite to safe- guard the liberty of the people and to keep open the path of progress. Particularly to the Churches comes a serious and indisputable call to wage unceasing warfare upon the citadels of evil. Will they respond ? Will they at least enquire into the claims of Socialism to be the only political creed which a Christian may adopt ? Will they show the moral courage necessary to espouse an unpopular but righteous cause? Life or death inevitably will reward their decision.—Yours, &c., 14, Brynhyfryd-terrace, E. DOWNS. Conway.