Rhyl Journal

ELECTION NOTES. Although Mr Pennant in the Flintshire Boroughs has to face a stronger opposing candidate than was ever before pitted against him, he has entered upon this year's election with a more reliable determination to win than in any previous contest. The question at issue is of narrow limit, and tbat assists the electors io making their choice. It is either Pennant and the continued Integrity of the Empire, or Lewis and Disintegration. Thoughtful electors are realizing the vast importance of making a right choice; and although the Irish party of separation is stronger in these boroughs than in any other constituency in North Wales, it is believed that loyal Englishmen and Welshmen are sufficiently numerous to turn the soale to the right side on the present occasion. Mr Herbert Lewis is in need of great fuss to get the electors to swallow him. Sym- pathy for his cause was sought by starting a tale that he was "mobbed by the- Tories at Mold." The story was drawn milder when it was made to say that a turf had been thrown." At last it has come to nought, and ene of Mr Lloyd George's organs admits there was no truth in it. The candidate is breathlessly canvassing and speaking all over the shop. He was at Rhuddlan last Wednesday, and this (Friday) evening it is necessary so as to keep up any semblance of enthusiasm at St. Asaph that a number of the Rhyl Radicals should go up and create a "Demonstration." A number of "distin- guished persons are announced to speak, but it is anticipated, even by those not be- hind the scenes, that of these gentlemen the absentees will be more numerous than those present! # The reception which Mr Pennant received at Rhuddlan was a most hearty one. We hope the cordiality and enthusiasm will be maintained on the Election day. Proper legitimate efforts should be secured to bring all Unionist voters to the poll. We hear that the Radicals are trying to persuade some not to vote at all, if they won't vote for us." This has to be guarded against, and as the Rhyl Radicals will be present in strong force on the Election day, surely some of the Rhyl Unionists might go over aDd help and encourage their own side. :!Ie*. 1 he Radicals at Rhyl paid, or somebody else paid for them, a high amount for daily telegrams of Election results, and they con- gregate and remain in their club premises until the early morning hours are far ad- vanced, waiting for information. It is how- ever said that the game is hardly worth the candle, as they at present view it. They expected the flowing tide would sweep the board," and that there would be unbounded joy experienced at the result of every wire Alack-a-day, what disappointments there have been from the commencement, and the mugs are said to have been as long as rope- walks upon hearing such results as those of Liverpool. Manchester and Birmingham. • # Sir Robert Cunliffe's candidature is making every satisfactory progress. He has visited towns and hamlets in the county, but it was impossible, in so short a time, to call in- dividually on all the electors. So well do his prospects appeario some that he can only lose if Unionist aid is given to his opponent. That aid, if given, will take the form of abstention. The possibility of his seat being lost (when the victory is well in hand) by reason of the desertion of friends of Union- ism excites indignation as well as chagrin. But we do not believe there will be desertions, especially now that the Separatists are in high way and bye-way chuckling over the prospective ratting as a specimen of Con- servative stupidity. ♦ # A Liberal contemporary (published in England) states matters very fairly thus:—The General Election is upon us at last, and it will be a great relief when it is all over. The great question of the hour is, not so much which party win as what will Mr Gladstone's majority be? Will it bt twenty or thirty, or over a hundred ? No one can forecast the result with any certainty. Indeed, the general impression that Lord Salisbury will be defeated may, after all, be wrong; but all the probabilities point in the direction of a triumph for Mr Gladstone. In addition to the general tendency of the bye- elections, giving the Liberals a gain of twenty seats, allowance must always be made for the swing of the pendulum. After five or six years of either Liberal or Conservative rule, there is a pretty general desire for change, and since 1832 there are only two instances on record of the same party being returned to power twice in succession, They were both of a very exceptional character-Lord Palmerston over the Chinese War question in 1857, and Mr Gladstone in 188o returned by the labourers out of gratitude for giving them the franchise. These exceptions ouly go to prove the general rule. It is not that party men change their mind. They always vote straight, It is the non-politicians who decide the fate of an election. They have no party ties to bind them, and they simply Tote according to their predilections. *# The local Radicals' chagrin was not so keenly felt by a long way over the Liverpool, Birmingham, and Manchester results as it was over the single-seat contest in Chester. It was fully expected quittance would now be had of Mr Yerburgh, especially after the ginger bread incident had been got up. But instead of his majority of 60 odd on the pre- vious occasion, the Unionist Candidate now secured over 600. Before our next issue shall have been issued hundreds of votes will have been recorded in the Flintshire contest. We are not given to being too sanguine or to over- estimate likely favourable results. Finding the odds so heavy for the old member, we had for a time but a faint hope of Sir Robert Cunliffe's success. But by now the returns are so satisfactory, that we feel confident, if the electors are true to their convictions, the Separatist Liberal will on Friday next be replaced by a Unionist Liberal. Indeed it is said that if Rhyl will but do its duty in this matter, by casting its strength on the side of Protestantism in Ireland, the battle is secure for the cause of truth and tolerance as against bigotry and oppression. # Sir Robert Cunliffe, in addressing a large meeting at Halkyn, in the course of his speech said he was still a Liberal in the true sense of the word. No Government had done so much for the working classes as the present one, and they bad enjoyed six years of absolute peace, an l the war expen- diture was nil, which was a solid proof of good government. Peace had brought con- fidence, and confidence bad brought pros- perity. During the five years he had been in Parliament he had studied the character of the. Irish members, and had found them very clever, but thoroughly unscrupulous. The Parnell Commission had declared these men to be guilty of carrying on a system of conspiracy and intimidation.

Dr. DALLINGER ON THE EVILS OF HOME-RULE. The following letter of the Rev. Dr. Dallinger, the eminent Wesleyan minister, was received by Mr Jno. H. Cooke, of Winsford, hon. secretary of the Cheshire Liberal Unionist Association Ingleside, Lee, S.E., London, June 28, 1892. My dear Mr Clarke,-To-day Parliament dis- solves, and the manner in which Englishmen will hand on their sacred and noble national inheritance to the future will begin to take form. Never were the issues before the English electorate more momentous, never was the peril of submitting to be wrongly led with apparently high motive so terribly possible. But I am fervently hoping that the responsible working-classes will at least pause to consider the striking events that are occurring around them. I believe deeply, and with strong reason, in the English working-man's honesty, sincerity, and common-sense. I believe he would inevitably reject a sham in whatever form it presented itself. But this very attitude of mind is, in given con- ditions, the most open to deception. It is unsuspi- cious. Mr Gladstone knows this, and he is working upon it with dangerous possibilities. He has no stability. He so trusts to the excite- ment of the hour and the unsuspiciousness of the working classes that he is scarcely for two days alike even in the form in which he presents his own aims to the people. If the men of Crewe will but trouble themselves to refer in their own several newsrooms to a file of any daily paper that honestly publishes all that happens on either side, they will confirm for themselves what I state. When very recently Mr Gladstone received the deputation of workingmen on the subject of a legislative eight hours day, he was emphatic be- yond even his accustomed manner in stating that not only the question of an eight hours day, but all other questions of legislation must absolutely give way to the accomplishment of the one supreme aim of his life, viz., Home-rule for Ireland. He would not, and could not, he said, consider any- thing but this. The effect of this upon the country was instantly apparent. Thoughtful men saw that even in Mr Gladstone's judgment the bringing in of Home-rule (whatever else besides it might involve) meant striking out English legislation, no matter how important, for perhaps another six years. The consequences began to be apparent on the constituencies, and no doubt Mr Gladstone was advised, but at any rate he shortly after published his manifesto. That document absolutely ignores his previous declaration to the workingmen; he literally reverses the political engine. In his honest talk with the werkingmen he put away finesse. He said what was the sincere truth, that to pass Home-rule meant to neglect England for years. But when he was informed that this was a tactical mistake he relegates the sincerity of his former attitude to the winds, and says, Oh, put me into power and I will do everything, Home- rule included." Are the workingmen of Crewe, with their manipulative skill, involving mental energy, to be taken by such chaff? I do not think so meanly of them as the chief of the Radicals evidently does. It is not honest, and it cannot mean an honest result. But the real gravity of the situation is what the English workingmen thinks on the subject of Home-rule on its own merits. The men of Crewe have seen the attitude of Ulster, and have heard the echo of that splendid demonstration in Dublin. One might have thought that on the subject Mr Gladstone and the would-be wreckers of a kingdom would be transparent and sincere. But, alas, it is not so. The sound Englishman, loving his home and his country more than any political party, would have been thankful to hear some grave comprehensive words from the once great statesman on this subject. But what have we heard? I refer the men of Crewe to their newspapers. Twice since the great Ulster demonstration has Mr Gladstone spoke concerning it; once at the time of his entertainment by the Rev J. Guinness Rogers, and some Nonconformist ministers who would have had us think they might be taken to represent the Nonconformity of England, and once since, at Chester-and on on both those occasions Mr Gladstone, trusting to the people's belief in him, has literally thrust aside and ignored the real and terrible point in the great appeal of Ulster. He knew he dared not grapple it, and he did not; but he put a false issue in its place. He pretended that the cry of Ulster was a simple cry of terror arising from a fear of papal ascendency with Home-rule thrust upon them. This is absolutely untrue. The Ulster Protes- tants, and especially Nonconformists, did admit, and do see, that Home-rule would mean the giving of a friendly push indeed to Rome, and as all Nonconformists are supposed to oppose all that would assist Rome as a Church, the Ulster Non- conformists believed that they had a right on that score to seek practical sympathy from the Noncon- formists of England. But that is not the pith nor the purpose of Ulster's appeal. What Ulster affirms is that it is loyal, law-abiding, and prosperous it is an integral part of the British dominions, that it wants no altered conditions. It is chained to the British Throne and the British Parliament by love and blood, and that it will not submit to Home-rule. But why ? Not simply for fear of the priest: no, for ever no. The men of Ulster in the long run need never fear that. Why, then, do they take so bitter and absolutely resolute a stand in opposition to Mr Gladstone and Home-rule ? Because they remember that the party whom Mr Gladstone would put into a separate parliament- j the very coterie that would form the Irish govern- ment-are the men who for years were in sympa- thetic association with crime in its deadliest form. The men who would govern Ulster are the men whom Mr Gladstone himself declared to be "steeped to the lips in crime." They raised no voice, no finger to stop the bloodiest deeds that ever disgraced a people. Outrages, murder, hor- rible mutilation of men, women, children born and unborn, and poor helpless cattle. Honest men were murdered because they were- honest. The law-abiding were boycotted as a penalty for loyalty. The very men who allowed this are by Mr Gladstone to be lifted into power, and are to rule the destinies of Ireland and of Ulster. Can you wonder at the indignant resolution of Ulster not to have it ? Mr Gladstone pushes this great issue out of sight, and in its place sets up a mere dread of religious persecution. Men of Crewe you are not to be deceived in this way. Ireland is absolutely peaceful and absolutely prosperous. Only two persons are in prison throughout all Ireland for crime under the coercion act, and that act is only in force at all in County Clare. Ulster will not have Home-rule. Are we to see Ireland ablaze again simply to gratify the senile weakness of a once great statesman ? Are we to lose at one stroke by a false move the victories of peace, gained during the six past years of serious legislation ? I trust not. I trust at least that the Nonconformisos of Crewe will not by their cross upon the balloting paper give their sanction to years of crime, and crown a cause darkened with red-handed crime and inhuman atrocity with au- thority over the dsstinies of the Protestants and Nonconformists of Ulster. To the lovers of Mr Gladstone I would say save the once grand old man from setting a blight upon his great name.—Very truly yours, W. H. DALLINGER.

J. H. ELLIS, WHOLESALE wmB AND SPIRIT MERCHANT, 1, A 12, WATER gTREET, RHYL. 1;' ELLIS'S gPECIAL gCOTCH QLENLIVET wmSKEY. (Finest Whiskey procurable). JOHN JAMESON'S FNEST OLD ImSH yy HISKEY: (With guarantee label and Cap). 1 JJA88 and co s ALBS' AND QTONNKSS'S EXTRA STOUT, in fine condition. nJ: SUPPLIED IN 41 GALLON CASKS. Tall Price Liats on application to J. H. ELLIS. Roderick Dhu, OLD HIGHLAND WHISKY. The Favourite Scotch Whisky of the Day. Baa Bow an established reputation, obtained through genuine merit alone. i AWARDED FOUR PRIZE MEDALS. SOLD EVERYWHERE, r in the firm's own labelled and capsuled bottles. WRIGHT AND GREIG, LIMITED, GLASGOW (4591 1 KENT & JONES, Drapers & Fancy Warehousemen, Are now showing at CAMBRIAN HOUSE, 72, HIGH STREET, (Near the Parade), AN entirely New Stock of the latest novelties, which Visitors and the pablio are invited to J inspect and compare for style and prices. Mr Jones'old shop in Wellington Chambers will be shot tly re-opened with Special Departments. KENT AND JONES, RHYL. I WINE MERCHANT, 73, HIGH STREET, RHYL (Near the Fountain). X'" BASS A WORTHING TON'S ALES, GUINNESS' DUBLIN STOUT, tN CASK AND Gold Label BOTTLB. Xs' HIGHLAND WHISKY. John Jameson's IRISH WHISKY. sfs Henri Norman & Co.'s COGNAC BRANDY and CHAMPAGNES. Full Price Lists on Application. OF ALL ADVERTISEMENTS SHOULD BE 8ENT TO THB OFFICE NOT LATER THAN TRURBDA Y EVENING

MR. PENNANT AND THE FLINT- SHIRE BOROUGHS. No one who dispassionately reads the admir- able address delivered by Mr Pennant' at Rhuddlan on Friday evening cannot but be struck by the cogent arguments he advanced in favour of the retention of power in the administration of the country by the present Ministry. He very lucidly shewed how peace and prosperity have attended it in the past, producing incalculable benefits to the people of this country. Peace and prosperity ought surely to constitute a man's highest happiness. For this condition of things the electors are now asked by the Separatists to substitute a reign of terror, for nothing less dread could issue from the carrying out of the great object which the Gladstonians have in view when seeking to secure the reins. No measure of Home Rule can pos- sibly satisfy the Nationalists unless it will hand over to them a practical and complete control of all Irish affairs. Their leaders have declared over and over again that such would be the case. Of the result of the passing of an Act of that description, warn- ings in plenty have been given, and we venture to repeat again that it would mean nothing less than an internecine war. The electors of the Flintshire boroughs have it in their power to assist in the prolongation of the good government of this country and Ireland by the Ministry of the Marquis of Salisbury, and continued progress in the passing of remedial measures, by recording their votes for Mr Pennant on the day of contest. If they have their own welfare and the welfare of the country at large at heart, they will on this occasion abandon party cries and tribal shibboleths, and support the candidate who carries with him the ex- cellent credentials of the Conservative- Liberal Administration of the past six years.

AN APPEAL TO NONCONFORMISTS. The country is now in the thick of the fight, and the time for argument is almost over. But as the day of battle is in Flint- shire a little distance off, it is not inopportune to call the attention of the electorate to the great issue of the contest. We would remind them that the two candidates are two Liberals, and that no Liberal elector will be stultifying himself by putting his weight and influence on the side of Sir Robert Cunliffe. That gentleman is a Liberal, prepared to support a government composed of Conser- vatives and Liberals, banded together for one great object—the maintenance of the integrity of the empire, in the face of an impending danger. Mr Smith is also a Liberal, and a most estimable gentleman in- his private character and as a social reformer, but attached to the party which is pledged to a measure that cannot fail, if carried into effect, to bring about a constitutional change I which would have a most deplorable effect. To vote against this projected change a special appeal has been made to the Noncon- formists of this country, by their brethren in Ireland and elsewhere. The appellants include Wesleyans, Congregationalists, Baptists, and Presbyterians. It is an appeal against their being handed over by Mr Gladstone to the tender mercies of the Roman Archbishop Walsh and his myrmidons. The manner in which the Roman Catholic Ecclesiastics when in the ascendency have in the past dealt with Protestants, history tells us. What they would do in the future, wherever they had the B, ascendency, was bluntly expressed the other M day by Father Beh&m, at Dublin, when he used the words 11 When we are your masters e will crush you." It is also more guard- edly indicated by Father O'Reilly, Pro- fessor of Theology in Maynooth College. "Suppose," he said, the Catholic re- ligion to be united with every State in friendly alliance, as God wished it to be. Suppose, further, that in the midst of this condition of things a few men, or even not so very few, rose up in some country and sought to disturb this Divinely appointed system, would they, or ought they have been left free to do so ? Certainly not." This means, we take it, that if the Church has the power, it is bound to repress heresy by force. It is just like the teaching of Islam. The unbeliever may be lawfully tolerated as long, and as long only, as it is not possible to destroy him. Civil toleration and an equality of rights may have become necessary in many places," but they are wrong in theory. This is instructive, in view of possibilities in Ireland. The Father speaks approvingly of Spain, Portugal, and Italy, "where this state of things lasted 49 down to our own times." By this state of things," he means the forcible repres- sion of heresy. We do not feel so much for the numerous Protestants of Ulster, as we do for those small bodies scat- tered all over the Island amidst large Roman Catholic populations, and who, if the atter were once to secure Home Rule leverage, would harass and persecute the minority from off the face of the land. These are the poor people who ciy to the Nonconformists of England and Wales for protection. As the Methodist Recorder remarks-" The vast majority of the Irish Methodists believe that the question at issue is one of dismember- ment of the Empire-one of the separation of Ireland from Great Britain;" and any- thing short of thoroughgoing independence will be accepted by the Irish Nationalists only as a means to the end." Mr Smith has said he is not prepared to advance this end. At one time Mr Smith was not for Home Rule at all; but he is a gentleman who can very easily change his mind whenever Mr Gladstone leads. Lack of space prohibits our quoting the many notes of warning which have been sounded against the betrayal of Irish Protestants. They have not been unheeded, we are glad to find. At Chester the brilliancy of the Unionist victory-and where the candidate was a Tory and not a Liberal Unionist-is almost altogether due to the activity of the Nonconforming Liberal Unionist Association in that city. The electors were told by the Rev. Arthur Mursell, of the Stockwell Road Baptist Chapel, London, that" the contest in which you are engaged ought to be fought upon one issue alone, and those who fight it as patriots and not as partisans will leave all other questions, however important and interesting in themselves, entirely out of their calcula- tion, and vote only and solely on the one issue—union or separation Imperial integ- rity or national surrender." With these weighty words we leave the issue of the Flintshire contest to the conscience of the Nonconformists, who so greatly preponder- ate in the constituency.

THE RECENT RADICAL MEETING AT RHYL. STUPIDITY AND IMPUDENCE v. LIGHT AND LEADING. TO THE EDITOR OF THE JOURXAL, Siit,-Thoiigh the Radical Party of Rhyl, in its best estate, never possessed men of great illumina- ting or leading power, last week's meeting at the Town Hall was a noticeable exhibition of the intellectual and moral poverty of the party. The conventicle style and platitudes of Mr Smith in a setting of the trinity of Williamses and their preaching brethren (home and foreign) was enough to give the "grippe" to the most ardent optimist in the Radical ranks. As the multitude oft judge a cause by its advocates, I always like to see the ablest men to the fore, whatever the party, and I do sincerely sympathize with the intelligent but modest of the party in the presentment made by Councillor Perks on the occasion. The loss of the direct, plain-spoken, though limited, James Taylor, seems to be irreparable; and the defection (or involuntary absence) of the ever-effervescent E. Lloyd Jones, was a calamity—pop may not be as desirable as champagne, but it is preferable to ditch-water. "Against stupidity the very gods fight to no purpose." There are two or three passages in the report of the meeting which, with your permission, Sir, I will keep outside the limbo of dullness and stu- pidity for a few days. The Gospel of Home Rule according to Mr Smith contains provision for Local Option vastly more comprehensive and powerful than that sought by rabid Teetotalers. Mr Gladstone was willing that certain districts should not be made subject to a Dublin Parliament, but continue subject to the Westminster Parlia- ment-to the Imperial Parliament only. Mr Smith says, in substance, that the Home Rule Bill will embrace all Ireland, but that neither the force of Ireland nor the force of the Imperial Government shall be used to give effect to it: Ulster will be cut off from Great Britain, and may either submit to Dublin, establish a parliament of its own, or do without parliament, as in the days when there was no King in Israel, and the silver dedicated unto the Lord was used "to make a graven image and a molten image,"and sons of the people became priests, and "every man did that which was right in his own eyes,"—then confusion, revolution, and :desolation. Mr Smith, it is reported, said "He was convinced of one thing-if the Protestants of Ulster absolutely refused obedience to a Parlia- ment at Dublin, the Roman Catholics of Ireland would not seek to enforce it by arms, neither would Imperial power be used to coerce them at the expense of bloodshed. He believed they would be left alone to repent of their folly." The other passage to which I grant a brief respite is, for meanness, unique. The programme of the Radical Party has long included Increased number of Labour Representatives and Payment of Members—i.e., facilities for POOR men acquiring the degree of M.P.; and the party has never been sparing in its denunciations of bribery. But here, in the town of Rhyl, under the presidency of upright (if not saintly) Perks, and in furtherance of the candidature of goody-goody Smith—his re- hiring as a public servant-the following shameless utterance was listened to without rebuke:— "What had Sir Robert Cunliffe done for the town or country? What had Mr Smith done? Mr Smith had given a thousand pounds to- wards intermediate education. Had Sir Robert Cunliffe given that?" A candidate who may not legally give or promise a gill of "fourpenny" to refresh a poor man who has lost a day's pay to record his vote is applauded for giving a thousand pounds! a more scandalous acknowledgment and demand of back-sheesh was never made; nor a grosser violation of radical professions. I once knew a honest radical, one not unknown to fame (his name was John Bright), who on principle never contributed to anything public in the district he represented, lest he should be suspected of bribing the electors, or buying a seat! The honest servant is the person to be rewarded, not his masters, the electors. I will pass this, however, with only this further observation,—a meaner and more abject following of the almighty f, or a more unworthy reason for a vote, never disgraced a public plat- form. The people who applauded would worship a calf if made of gold. I do not suggest that Mr. Smith's beneficence was without benevolence, and had no connection with right principle. But there is a deal of apparent beneficence which is mere selfishness," and when charity is blazoned on a canvassing platform, peo- ple may be excused if they bear in mind that, in many cases, "charity coverth a multitude of sins." Mr. S. may pray, fervently, Save me from my friends A few words on the political situation :-The forces arrayed are the Conservative Reformers and the Radical Reformers-I use the latter description for convenience, tho' it IOOlS like an Emerald solecism in the ranks of the first there may be a few, very few, old-fashioned Tories, unchanged and unchangeable fogies but in the second there are many, very many, (using another solecism), Radical Revolutionists. The first seek to adapt our institutions to altered circumstances and in- creased knowledge, but hold that reform, to be useful and durable, must be cautious and gradual-the Tories, if in great number, might by opposing quiet compel violent change, but they are senile and impotent for evil, and there is a charm in their ancient ways I should be sorry to lose. The second have many moderate and really liberal reformers, but M a party they are perturbed and oft domina- ted by crotchet-mongers, crooks and cranks, and incendiaries of all forms and colours; and, un- fortunately for the party, all these grow (as Carlyle puts it) with a rapidity proportioned, in general, to the madness and unhealthiness in them-this is a law of nature. With the faintest hope that some of the ultras of the Radical party, those who would be always at work, without calculating the mischief or the cost of the changes they seek, may be amendable—open to reason-I offer for con- sideration the following anecdote :— "The celebrated orator Henley advertised, that, in a single lecture he would teach any artisan of ordinary skill, how to make six pair of good shoes in one day; nay, six-and-twenty pair, provided there was a sufficiency of materials. The sons of Crispin flocked in crowds, willingly paying a shilling at the door, to be initiated in such a lucrative art, when they beheld the orator seated at a table, on which were placed six pair of new boots. -'(,'entleineii he exclaimed, 'nothing is so simple and easy as the art which I have undertaken to teach you. Here are a new pair of boots,—here are a large pair of scissors; behold! I cut off the legs of the boots, and you have a new pair of shoes, without the smallest trouble; and thus may they be multiplied, ad infinitum, supposing always that you have a sufficiency of materials Has this any bearing on Home Rule, Mr Editor? The time, however, for argument is, for awhile, past; the great battle is in progress; and nothing could now be written which would influence the issue: indeed, as Mr Gladstone said this week of speech, writing is becoming impertinent, and we have only to look to simple action. And, Sir, whatever may be the result of the elections —Unionist or Glaclstonian-an early stoppage of the long-protracted political windiness and flow of dismal political literature, and a return to the normal working of our institutions, will be a great relief to the country. A violent revolution is scarcely more to* be deprecated than the torturing distraction caused by incessant agitation.—Yours, &c., SCRUTATOR. t Rhyl, 6th July, 1892. P.S.—Allow me, Mr Editor, a parting word to the Electors on this great and memorable occasion. Gentlemen, you have invaluable liberties to main- tain—obtained by the blood of thousands of your forefathers; you have a sacred trust for the unen- franchised and for posterity; you have incalculable power, for good and evil, greater than possessed by the people of any other country: exercise your power, and be faithful to your trust, praying that He by whom you "reign over many nations" will give VICTORY TO RIGHT.

SIR ROBERT CUNLIFFE AND DISESTABLISHMENT. TO THE EDITOR OF THE JOURNAL. SIR,—In his speech at Chester on the 2oth, Mr- Gladstone, after some kindly references to myself, personally takes objection to the fact that in my address to the Flintshire electors I have stated that were I elected I should remain neutral on the question of disestablishment for Wales, except in the case of such a proposal endangering the life of a Unionist Government, when I should vote against it,-in other words, I treat the maintenance of the Union as paramount to all other questions. But lVIr. Gladstone does not reter to what I have also stated on several occasions, as well as in my address, viz., that if he were to obtain a majority Parliament would be so absorbed in passing a Home Rule measure—if it did pass it-as to be unable at the same time to deal with Welsh disestablish- ment, which would be strongly opposed by the whole force of the Church in England. He closes his remarks on this subject by the following words Parliament will then have had lifted from its shoulders a weight that now has crushed it almost to the ground and all those interests which were entitled to be heard, and the Welsh interests among them, are certain, humanly speaking, to receive honourable satisfaction within reasonable and not too extended time." From these words it is plain that Mr. Gladstone does not contemplate taking up Welsh disestab- ment until Home Rule is disposed of. In that I humbly think Mr. Gladstone shows a truer sense of what can and can not be accomplished in the House of Commons than many of his followers. Welsh disestablishment is not to be treated simul- taneously with Home Rule, but must wait till the Irish question is closed. This exactly confirms my view, that during, probably, the whole of the next Parliament, if Mr. Gladstone be in office Home Rule will block the way and it justifies my assumption that until that is disposed of Welsh disestablishment is not a question of practical politics. I fail, therefore, to see why my neutral attitude for the time being prejudices the case either of the Churchman or the Nonconformist. On the same night Mr. Osborne Morgan attacked me at Wrexham on the same subject. He studi- ously ignored the reasons which I have given above and which are in my election address. He ignores them for the very good reason that no human being can tell how long it will take to carry Home Rule, and that in the meanwhile Welsh Nonconformists must wait. It was more convenient to him to imply inconsistency on my part and to ask, Can this be the same Sir Robert Cunliffe who spoke at the Liberation Society meeting in 1883 ? I ask, why not ? I simply state that the question is at present in abeyance on account of Home Rule. But Mr. Osborne Morgan is a man who should not be too ready to bring up charges of inconsistency. I might ask, Is this the same Mr. Osborne Mor- gan whom I and all his Liberal colleagues in the House knew as holding Parnellite methods, objects, and language in abhorence ? In East Denbighshire we have not forgotten the "last words" issued on his behalf, and not dis- owned by him, on the very eve of the election in December, 1885. The first sentence is as follows —" On Friday next you must choose whether you will support Mr. Gladstone and a united kingdom, or Mr. Parnell and a disruption of the empire." By January he had found salvation," and was favourable to a policy of Home Rule. I do not question his sincerity. I simply say that it is hardly for him to set up a very rigid standard of consistency, and that my chief reason for voting against him, as I mean to do on the 8th, is his capacity for changing his mind on questions of enormous importance at a few weeks' notice.— Yours, &c., R. A. CUNLIFFE. Acton Park, Wrexham, July 4, 1892.

SIR ROBERT CUNIJFFE'S CANDI- DATURE- SUCCESSFUL WORKING-MEN'S MEETING AT RHYL. A most enthusiastic and unanimous meeting of working-men was held last night in the National School, Vale Road, Rhyl, in support of Sir Robert Cunliffe's candidature, Capt. Keatinge presiding. The room was well filled, and the greatest en- thusiasm was manifested throughout the proceed- ings. The Chairman, who was received with loud cheers, said he was quite sure they had all come there to support Sir Robert Cunliffe, whom he hoped they should soon be able to call Member of Parliament for the County of Flint (cheers). They must make up their minds that if defeated they should certainly not be disgraced (hear, hear) with the noble example set before them by that hot-bed of Radicalism—Newcastle—which the day before returned a Conservative by a majority of nearly 3,000 (cheers). Flintshire, too, might well copy the example set them by Chester. Large majorities of intelligent workingmen in many of the large Lan- cashire towns were in favor of Lord Salisbury's Government, and he believed in Flintshire they would place Sir Robert Cunliffe at the head of the poll (loud cheers). Mr Dodd, in a trenchent speech, then moved the following resolution :—" That this meeting heartily approves of the policy pursued during the last six years by the present Government, and here- by expresses its gratitude for the many measures, beneficial to the working classes passed during that period, (cheers), and also expresses its ad- miration of the Government's administration of the Irish affairs, and its unflagging determination to uphold the unity of the Empire (loud cheers). Mr W. A. Thomas, in seconding the resolution, said it endorsed nothing but the truth of what the past Government had done for the working classes (cheers), and he hoped when the result of the Election was declared, that Sir Robert Cunliffe would represent them as a man who not only made promises but fulfilled them (loud cheers). Mr Kenneth McEwen had great pleasure ini supporting the resolution. On what grounds, he asked, could any reasonable person dismiss the Government which had, during its term of office, brought peace and prosperity on the country? Could they dismiss it for its foreign policy? (Cries of "No!") Could they dismiss it for its financial policy? ("No!") The Unionist Party was the party to preserve peace and order and liberty. They wanted one Queen, one Government, one Empire; as Britons they stood, as Britons they must fall. (Cheers). The resolution was then put to the meeting and carried unanimously. Mr H. T. Roberts moved :—" That this meeting considers Sir Robt. A. Cunliffe a fit and proper person to represent the County of Flint in Parlia- ment, and pledges itself to use all legitimate means to secure a triumphant return at the forthcoming Election" (cheers). The speaker delivered a forcible address, and shewed that Home Rule would involve Ireland in a lasting commercial disaster, the effect of which would be the emigra- tion of Irish artizans to our already over-crowded industrial centres. Mr R. M. Hugh-Jones seconded the resolution. It was a question, he said, as between Unionists and Separatists. Sir Robert Cunliffe was as good a Liberal to-day as he ever was (hear, hear). If Home Rule passed, the working-classes would be the sufferers, for capital would be driven out of Ireland. He asked them to put themselves in the place of the Protestants of the North of Ireland, who had sent a passionate and pathetic appeal to their co-religionists in this country. Was it fair to put the 270,000 inhabitants of Belfast'and Ulster who had shown themselves loyal, industrious, capable and energetic men, was it fair to put them under the heel of their hereditary foes (cries of "No!"). Mr R. D. Roberts (Mwrog), followed in hearty and eloquent support of the resolution. Home Rule, he said, was a curse. He loved the Irish and the English-they were splendid people,—and he did not want the Sister Isle to be separated and divorced from England (hear, hear). He asked them to vote in the interests of the Sister Isle, and Heaven would bless them for doing so (loud cheers). The resolution having been carried unanimously, a vote of thanks to the Chairman was adopted with acclamation, after which the proceedings terminated.

NEWMARKET. PRESENTATION. -Mr W. Conwy Bell, Brynffynon, Rhyddlan, was on Wednesday evening last presen- ted with a magnificent writing desk by the work- men on Mr Pochin's farm, Gop, Newmarket, as a mark of the high esteem in which he was held by all he employed on Mr Pochin's farms, which management he has now relinquished owing to his having other pressing business.

CADBUBY'. CoaoA. Of full strenth; of a highly I econoraioal nature, free from added starch and ginst.l.- lle

THE GENERAL ELECTION. LATEST RETURNS. According to the returns published this morning (Friday) the position of parties is as follows :— I Conservatives. 139 Liberal Unionists. 21 Gladstonians 116 Nationalists. 13 289 The result of several contests have not been made known up to the time we go to press. Among these may be mentioned Denbigh and Montgomery Boroughs, from both of which we expect telegrams early in the afternoon. Two contests took place in South Wales also yesterday. At Merthyr the Radicals maintained their seats with their accus- tomed large majorities. The" flowing tide of Radicalism is not very observable, so far: the populous centres have returned Conservatives, and up to now the Unionist votes in the Kingdom are 50,000 over those of the Separatists. At New- castle a Conservative headed the poll with 13,823 votes, Mr. John Morley being second, and within 219 of losing his seat. This was yesterday more than counterbalanced by the defeat of Mr. Ritchie in Tower Hamlets. Flintshire election takes place on Friday next East Denbighshire, and three in South Wales to-day (Friday); Flint and Carnarvon Boroughs to-morrow.

FLINT BOROUGHS ELECTION. On Tuesday the Mayor of Flint (J. L. Muspratt, Esq., J.P.,) received the nominations of Philip Pennant Pennant, gentleman, Nantlys, St. Asaph, and John Herbert Lewis, solicitor, and shipowner, Penucha, Caerwys, as candidates for the repre- sentation of the Boroughs. Thirteen nomination papers were put in on behalf of the former and fourteen for the latter. The nominators and assentors were picked from each of the contri- buting boroughs. The election will take place to-morrow, and as the contributory boroughs are so scattered the result will not be known until about midnight, at Flint.

ETHOLIAD 1892.-AT AMAETHWYR CYMRU. Mae amgen mawr, ar Gymru'n awr, Am fesurau gwladol; 'Does modd i fyw a thalu'r ffordd, Fel y mae yn bresenol; Y mae yn flat ar Amaethwyr Flint, Y Sir, a'r Boro' hefyd Waeth taflu'r cap o flaen y gwynt Na cheisio gwella'n clefyd Nid Rhent, na Threthi, na Degwm chwaith, Na chyflogau mawr am ychydig waith, Na'r beichiau trwm sydd ar ein cefnau, Na'r dwys ofalon hwyr a boreu, Ydyw'r hyn sydd eisiau wellhau; Rhaid taflu trem tua'r SENEDD draw, A chael cyfreithiau hylaw; Nid gwrando lolos yr Hen Wr Hen, Sydd a'r IWERDDON AR EI FENYDD, Ni wrendy lais y Cymry cu, Pe trengant yn y maesydd; Nid da yw gweled yd ein gwlad Rhy rad i ni ei dyfu A blwyddiad corniog yn ddiwerth, 'Does neb o'r bron yn prynu Mewn shiopau bach o fewn ein gwlad, 'Does dim o bethau Cymru Mae'r oil yn dod o'r gwledydd pell, Er nad y'nt well er hyny Fe fwliai Gladstone bethau pawb, Ond pethau gwlad y Cymry Cynghora iddynt wneuthur JAM, Ei fwyta yn lie ei brynu Ni wnaeth ddim lies i ni erioed, Na gwrando ar ein cwynion Mae'r Amaethwr druan o dan droed Rhwng GLADSTONE! JAM a'r IWER- DDON. Mehefin 6, 1892. AMAETHWR.

BIRTH. On the 5th inst., at 8, West Parade, the wife of C. Brock, Fiq., of a son, MARRIAGE. On the 25th ult., in the Calvinistic Chapel, Abergele, by the Rev. Francis Jones, in the presence of the Registrar" Iago Tegeingl," Mr Thomas Everatt Jones Eos Englefield," and Miss Lydia Eames, both of Prestatyn. Gwr oedd eisiau gwir asen-oedd Thomas, Mewn tymer bur lawen A dweud y gwir gyda gwen—daeth Lydia Dyn ei hwyliau dan ei heulwen. Cadd wraig lan, do dan ganu—un nwyfus, A'u nefoedd rwy'n credu Fydd sain can Eosiad, gant Edmygant wrth eu magu! IAGO TEOEINGI,, DEATH. On the 6th inst., at Osnaburgh, Woodstock Road, Oxford, Edward Kenneth Pryce-Roberts, infant son of the Rev. William Edward and Margaret Ware Scott-Hall, aged 3 months.