The Principality

HOUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY, JUNE 19. The Speaker took the chair shortly before four o'cloch. WEST INDIAN DISTRESS. Oil the motion of Lord John Russell, that the Speaker do row leave the chair, and the House resolve itself into a Com- nuttee upon the resolutions which he proposed on Friday last, .v, :,Ell respect to distress in the West Indies, Mr. E. Ellice rose and said, the deeply melancholy interest with which the affairs of the West India colonies was viewed throughout the country would be some apology for his opposing tomotion of his noble friend, in order that they might en- devour to obtain from her Majesty's Government some further c >1 utuition of the views they entertained with respect to the state of these colonies. He entreated his noble friend to g some explanation of his further views with regard to these (tonics, for, as to himself, he would say that while disposed v.Tcver possible to support his noble friend, he would not u .Jtion these resolutions until he had heard a much more satis- f i Uorv account of his noble friend's further policy on the sub- ieec (h.:ar). Lord John Russell: What the right hon. gentleman (Mr. i'T lce) asks us to do i, to enter into a discussion and general ex- planation of our views now, before the hon. baronet shall in >k. his motion. But that is a course which I am not pre- V'< red to adopt. Sir J. Pakington then rose to move, pursuant to notice, That this House, considering the evidence taken during this action before a Select Committee, is of opinion that the re- it proposed by her Majesty s Government for the great distress of the sugar-growing possessions of the Crown, and ich that committee has said will require the immediate ap- plication of relief, will neither effect that object nor check the s:i:aulus to the slave trade which the diminution of the culti- viton of sugar in those colonies has inevitably occasioned." Sir E. N. Buxton seconded the amendment of the hon. Tmronet, and said that he must deny that the abolition of the apprenticeship system gave the colonists any additional claim (Y' che mother country. In his opinion the policy which was most consistent with justice and humanity, was that contained i i the Act of 1844, which wholly excluded sugar the produce a. ",Ltve labour. The amendment having been put, The Chancellor of the Exchequer complained that neither tiimover nor seconder of the amendment had explained what means of relief they proposed for the West India planter, or Vv-hat amount of protection they would substitute for that which the resolutions of the government would establish. The hon. baronet (Sir J. Pakington) having given notice of the terms of his amendment, had twice changed his mind, and had now pu* it in a shape in which he thought it might succeed in ( t' chinu' a few stray votes. His hon. friend (Sir E. N. Buxton) s ui fairly cii.)u,h that lie would totally exclude Itb,yc-grown f bjgar (hear, hear). Mr. K. Sey mermaid his object was toforce upon the Govern- ment a reconsideration of this important question. Mr. Hum/concurred in the opinion that this was not a qucsv t: i-. within the category of free trade, which supposed that the p-Vrties acting upon it should be upon equal terms. Mr. Moffatt moved that the debate be adjourned (go on). Mr. Robinson seconded the motion. The debate was then adjourned to Thursday next. PUBLIC HEALTH BILL. Viscount Morpeth moved that the bill be read a third time, 'w:'ll'h \as agreed to. llill was passed. The House adjourned at twenty minutes to one.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, TUESDAY, JUNK 20. The Speaker took the chair shortly before four o'clock. CALEDONIAN RAILWAY (BRANCH ACROSS THE CLYDE AND GLASGOW STATION). On the motion that the report oa this bill be engrossed, Mr. Hume mo red that the consideration of the bill be post- pmcd until next session. Mr. Fox Maule, Lord Lincoln, and Captain Fitzroy took parI in the discussion. The House then divided, when there appeared— For Mr. Hume's amendment 19 Against it 129 Majority HO oJ CHURCH li VTR3 O,b ""C gnve notice that on an early day he should move for leave to bring in a bill to abolish church-rates. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.-MR. HUME'S MOTION. The Speaker intimated to the House that it would he expe- nent for ho i. members, who had petitions in favour of the mo- tion of the hon. member for Montrose, to present them then. I Jon. members then presented an immense number of peti- tions in favour of the extension, of the suffrage, vote by ballot, triennial Parliaments, and equal cle-toral districts. The pre. r<n,tatioii occupied nearly an hour. We find that the following P'-tifioii-t were also presented from ^alcs. Irom Anglesca, Merionethshire, Wrexham, Holywell, Mc-rthyr lydfil, Llan- gollen, Pontypool, Carnarvon, Monmouth, Cardiff, and other pi ices' In some instances six or seven different petitions were Irom the same locality. Mr. Hume himself presented 211 with 2,000 signatures. Mr Hume rose, at half-past six o'clock, to submit to the House the motion of which he had given notice, and which was cou'-lied in the fallowing terms That this House, as at pro- fit constituted, does not fairly represent the population, the property, or the industry of the country, whence has arisen great and increasing discontent in the minds of a large portion uf the people; and it is therefore expedient, with a view to a nend national representation, that the elective franchise shall b > so extended as to include householders that votes shall be l iken by ballot; that the duration of Parliaments shall not "xcee-'l three years and that the apportionment of members to Population shall be made more equal." In so doing, the hon. nitfenvm expressed his conviction that the number of pcti- ^o'iis which had been presented on that, and on the previous evening, conclusively showe:), notwithstanding the unfortunate dUl. (rft'ion of Lord John Russell about a month ago, that some interest was taken throughout the country at large on the sub- ject of further Parliamentary reform. He could state, with Y> afe t sincerity, that no arrangement had been made by those whom he acted for getting up such petitions, nor had any or°- misation been resorted to for such a purpose and he trusted that the House would agree with him that the noble lord s "x tte:ll,nt lud been completely answered by the petitions pre- y-it e ft-) it. It was not to create unnecessary disturbance or agitation that he had consented to bring forward the motion v.lc& stood upon the paper in his name. For many years back, t'l public peace had been frequently disturbed by the political content tif- huge.masses —a discontent which could not exist without a cause— and which it was important as speedily as t) jssihje to. allay. It well became Parliament, in the present st ite of Europe, to consider whether the complaints in which th.'se disturbances had originated were well-founded. IfNvell- founded, it would be unwise and impolitic to suffer them to continue. The lion, gentleman then contrasted our condition with that of the other states of the continent, attributing the tr mquillitv and safety of England for many years past to the a'Henc" of reliance on the part of the Government upon great military establishments. But latterly we had been imitating our continental neighbours in a military people, from which, unless we retraced our steps, he, nntieipated the most deplorable consequences. He had no desire to indulge in a vholesalp denunciation of the Reform bill. Although not all, i, h vt ensured some of its purposes. It had effected one great ia. securing. the peaá of the kingdom. But it should h ive been carried further and it was because it had not been further that he now submitted his motion for further r.jtonil t o tie House. The hon. gentleman then proceeded to It dow.i his canons of representative Government. Parlia- ment w ts but the mere instrument whereby the country as to lie «Mvernod, llv the theory of the constitution, it purpprted to be a full and f-tir representation of the people. By the piue- tu-e of- tho constitution, it only represented a section of the neople. It were better to have no Parliament at all, than to h ive o le vv Inch, ni.rsrepresented ths people. Ag tin, taxation ail represent ition should go together. Everyone who was II ible to be called upon to defend or serve the State, either by (,e>'otin<r ii « >rtion. of his property or his personal services in its Cvidf shoiill be represented in the legislature. Parliament w'ili'thu-i stand, as it should stand, upon the broadest po.ssi- hl ■ b"'sis." R-tt how stood the case? Instead of justice being ,-lV.ie to all clisses, live out of every, six of the adult mal s of t khig I ).m were unrepresented in Parliament, lie then u'iotp i ill iuv weighty authorities to show that tie cxteu^io-iof t i suffrage foy .which he contended, was not a favour, but a tI •■'it.' 'Aften.which, he proceeded to demonstrate, by a variety c, ligations, the startling and indefensible inequalities which distribution of the representation, drawing s j-er il of his proofs, in this respect, from, Mr. Atexan ler M te- le :v's 'pamphlet o.i the State of the Representation, to which, eoot uai i'r an accurate accoitti- of the constitution of the H •-[- he Aj.ve.tc-l tlia attentionoChonourable,members. Whjit. he called upon the House to do was to exten,d the suffrage and equalise the representation. At present the suffrage rested on no parti ular or intelligible basis, there being now ho less than eighty-live different kinds of suffrage. As thus constituted, the suffrage was complicated, difficult to be obtained, and only to he preserved at great expense, both of time and money. Instead of this it should be simple, uniform, and easy to be obtained and defended (hear, hear v. He would counsel the House to adopt a uniform rule of suffrage. v lle, thought that every male person of full ag-, of sound mind, and unconvicted of crime, who occupied 'a house or a part of a house, and was rated to the poor for twelve months, should be registered as an elector fot twelve months, and entitled to vote for that pe- rind;, and that for the purpose of securing the franchise under this rule, every lodger should be entitled to claim to be rated to the poor. They should abolish all existing qualifications in .boroughs, and substitute, in their stead the principle which he had just enun- ciated. It would &dmit a large class within the pale of the fran- chise who would only strengthen the institutions of the country-by adding to the numbers of those attached to law and order. He then justified his conjunction of all the four points in one resolu- tion. In that resolution the committee, in whose behalf he was then justified his conjunction of all the four points in one resolu- tion. In that resolution the committee, in whose behalf he was then speaking, had merely embodied the principle, leaving it to the country afterwards to sny how far they should go. He did not seek to effect any violent changes, which were always to be not seek to effect any violent changes, which were always to be deprecated. lIe would not disturb the present distribution of the representation between the three kingdoms; nor would he do away with the distinction in the House between the town and the county. But he would so apportion the representation between the boroughs as to render each constituency sufficiently extensive to be independent. There was no difficulty in effecting this. To a certain extent it had already been done in Scotland and Wales. If leave were given him to bring in a bill, he would have the whole matter cut and dry for them in iti different provisions. If this point-was no, so important as the extension. the suffrage, it was not far from i'. Bat both these would be imperfect^reforms unless the voter were protected by the-ballot. As to triennial parliaments, he could only justify them on the acore.of their being more convenient than if they were made-annual. This was the four points of {lis resolution, to which he would add a fifth,she,abo- lition of property qualification. He saw no reason why, ,in this respect, there should be one rule for Scotland, and another for the rest of the country. He concluded by warning the House against the danger of resisting, in the present position of the world's affairs, a measure of further parliamentary reform, of which reason, policy, and expediency were all in fitv-our, and the adoption of which would give security to our institutions, many of which were excellent and ought to be preserved. If the Ministers were faithful councillors to her Majesty, they would at once advise her to make concessions to a people who would be grateful for them. Let them not delay until an exasperated people were driven to seek by coercion that which might be denied to reason. The hon. gentleman resumed his seat amidst loud cheers. Dr. Bowring seconded the motion. Mr. 'Drdmnioiul it was worth while to consider from whom the demands embodied in the resolution proceeded, They were, in the first place, persons who, from various causes, were suffering great distress, and who were clamorous for some- thing to remedy that distress. There WAS another class, that of-the intellectual operatives, who were unrepresented., and who also were clamorous for something abetter tlieix.plxysjcal -condition, which was the great and the only, object. they hatpin view. The other class was that of a higher order, and more dangerous descriptio.ii.—'the class of intellectual .speculators, led by, if not chiefly composed of, doctors A^ithout patients, and lawyers without briefs. Lord John Russell observed that he rose thus early itl-the debate, because the House was entitled to an explanation from him of his views with regard to the honourable gentleman's motion, lie concurred with. Mr. Hume that to the reform bill was chiefly attributed the peace of the country in the present crisis. The proposition submitted was vague and indefinite, pointing out distinctly, neither those who were to be included lll, nor those who were to be excluded from, the franchise. He differed entirely from the hon. gentleman as to the foundation of his whole scheme. In his opinion what every persoii of full age was entitled to in this country, as well indeed as the whole population, was the best possible Government, and the best le- gislation which it was possible for it to give them. The mixed constitution of England had for a long period provided for the happiness of its people. Viewing the matter from tliis point, the question for 'them to consider was, whether a Parliament elected by householders and lodgers would be a better Parlia- ment than such as was returned by the present body of electors. If they conceded universal suffrage, lie could not see how they O'lc' r, could avoid the division of the country into equal electoral dis- tricts, and he had no. hesitation in saying that a Parliament springing from such sources would not be as good a-Parliament as that which resulted from the present system. The inequa- lity which characterised the distribution of the representation, instead of being accompanied with the evils attributed to it, gave rise to many advantages. As to tlie ballot, he thought that it would be no effectual remedy against intimidation. The pre- sent duration of Parliaments, in his opinion, gave it stability. i. He was satisfied with the present duration of Parliaments, and would certainly give no vote in favour of departing from it. What Mr. Hume proposed would effect a great change in the constitution, lie, on the other hand, was for gradual reform. He was, therefore, not disposed to say that you could not bene- ficially alter or improve the Reform Act; but he was not. pre- pared at present to introduce bills to carry the amendments which lie had mentioned into effect. He trusted that the House would not select the present as the time for making a reform, which stopped, indeed, short of the charter, but which iritist ultimate terminate in it; but that it would think it due to-the other branches of the Legislature, and to that great people' of which it was the representative, to give a decided negative- to this resoltitioii Mr. Fox Said that the question then before the House -was this:—Are.the working classes .of this country represented as they ought to be and, if they are not, can they be so repre- sented without injury to our institutions r" (Mr. Fox) de- clared that they were not represented—that .they were Helwts in the lititcl-tlitt they were serfs on the soil which bred them —and that they had nothing to do with the laws except to obey them. He then proceeded, in a speech of great eloquence, to contend thit this system was u.iju-st to the unenfranchised, and injurious to the whole community. Mr. Disraeli made the House merry with a ludicrous de- scription of the mode in which the agitation on this subject had been got up and continued, and concluded a speech full of wit and eloquence by declaring his determination to vote against Mr. Hume's resolution. Mr. Osborne moved an adjournment of the debate. Lord J. It us-tell sai.l that in the present state of public busi- ness he could not consent to give up a Government night for the discussion of the. honourable gentleman's resolution (cries of Divide"). The gallerv was then cleared, but no division took place, and the debate was adjourned to Friday.

EDUCATION IX WALES. TO THE 11EV. HEXRY GIUFFITJIS: lUtE-SIDKN'T OF BRECON* COLLEGE. DEAR SIR,—The Smalltalk that has lately so abundantly!, prevailed, thcinsimllttions that have been so industriously circulated, and the direct charges that have been preferred against you, in connexion wit i the normal school, the edu- cational movement in Wales, and the Government Commis- sioners, must be iiiv apology for mtrndiug- upon your at- tention in the columns of a newspaper. It is very evident to all who listen to the rumours of the day, an 1 read the columns of the PRINCIPALITY, that you arc virtually charged with being a traitor to, your country, a renegade from your prindplcs, and a betrayer of the confidence reposed in you by your brethren by counteracting in secret what you appear to advocate in public. Many of your best friends have wit- nessed with regret the painful scenes that have successively occurred during the last six months; and have read with sorrowful emotion's the conflicting statements that have been made In reference to the part you have acted. I canuot blame you for not condescending to notice anonymous charges, and- unautlienticated insinuations. Tour parentage, your educa- tion, your varied acquirements, your energy and high posi- tion ought to 1 e a sanicient guarantee on your .part for up" rightticss and plain-dealing, and ought to ensure on the part of others towards you that, Open and respectful-treatment: which is..due to a gentleman and a scholar. Tue high esteem- in which I have held your eharaçtcr ever I since you, were elected to the presidency ot a college, in the management and success of which I-have taken a deep in- terest, induces.me to furnish you wi ll an opportunity ot de- feuding yourself, and of obtaining the verdict 0" your coun- trymen ;L the pgtrt you have taken, which I hope will be in your favour; without which, as you-well know, v u cannot successfully and comfortably occupy your present position. I beg,,therefore, that yon will be km-1 eiiougU, tor the sake of the pub'ic and" yourself, to give full, open, and straiglit- rVrw.ird'an:vV-:eva- to the fcllo^ing (Tuostipus 1. Was there an understanding between you and the friends of Government Education at Brecon, that the meet- ing held at your house ill January last was for the purpose of considering the propriety of having another normal school, and was there a resolution to that effect adopted by the meeting? If so, how do you reconcile that with the uprightness which characterises honest and straightforward men? 11 2. Are you the champion hacked by a number of respect- able ministers," whom Dr. Campbell threatened us with in the Banner some time ago ? 3. Are you engaged now in maturing a plan to obtain a normal school in connexion with the Government ? and in thwarting the measures pursued by the executive committee at Swansea ? These are some of the things which are now publisnea on housetops, in connexion with your name. I trust that you "will not deem it derogatory to your dignity as a man anu a minister of Jesus Christ to give a decided answer to each of the questions. I may appear somewhat magisterial in pro- posing these questions for your consideration, but I am con- fident that you will give me credit for good intentions in the matter, and that I have taken this step, not from any ill-will towards vou, but from an ardent desire to promote your comfort and the public good. You will, perhaps,, allow me to make any friendly remark on your reply that will occur to me, as being necessary to elicit truth and a proper under- standing; and I have to request the editor of the PRINCI- pality not to allow any one to meddle with us until we shall have done. I am, dear sir, yours truly, Llanelly, June 17, 1848. DAVID IIEES.

TO AUTHORS. Books, pamphlets, and periodicals for review, may be left at Longman and Co., Paternoster-row, London, addressed to the Editor, care of Nf r. W. Bird, Cardiff.

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TO CORRESPONDENTS. It is our invariable rule not to insert any communication without possessing inconfidcllcc the real name of the writer. J. H. Macnelocliog. We have discovered the mistake. We have to tliank several friends for supplying us with import- ant intelligence this week. T. T. Ebbw Vale. The Voluntary Principle is not respon- sible for the rashness and indiscretion of some of its professed followers; nor do those who suffer for these acts suffer for the Saviour. We deeply regret the circumstance, but, unfortunately, there is no legal or moral remedy at present. Several communications arrived too late.

Tiif. Reform Mbkting at Newport.—Our report of this splendid meeting last week was not so correct as we could wish. We had a full report of Mr. Edward Thomas's speech, but unfor- tunately the abstract of it, which appeared, was already in type. The speech at length would have more than exhausted our space. We have been .also requested to republish the speech of Mr. W. Edwards, from the Merlin; but we could not possibly do so, for the same reason. The Mayor's name was attached to the resolution by aniextraordinary mistake without any intention on our part. We understand that other mistakes have occurred but these we shall explain to the parties concerned. Erratum.—In our report of the procession of the Newport Sun- day Schools in our last, 100 was inserted instead of 1000.

HOW TO TEACH LOYALTY: The Committee appointed for. the promotion of loyalty have unanimously decided that their first premium for the best method to teach loyalty, is due to the.Cardiff Gas Com- pany. We congratulate our fellow townsmen upon this triumph of their ingenuity. Tlie Company'•» n^tho! is very simple. in fact, it is 1/ M' ,)II "H 'h''> loyalty made easy. It is no other than to keep the light from the people. Light is never to be sent to the populace, and if they come to it, it is to be taken away from them. The Company's plan is not quite original, but it is a capital adaptation of the old principle that ignorance is the mother qf tlevotio)?'to recent circumstances. It may be expressed in a short sentence-Darkness is the safeguard of loyalty. The plan was tried on Friday evening last, and we believe its success was all that could be wished for by its promoters. On the night in question there was a Reform Meeting at the Town-hall. The Company being exceedingly moved by their loyalty, and deeming the word equivalent to monopoly, or- dered their workman to turn off the gas, in order to teach the popular mind some of the beauties of our "existinp in- stitutions." The gas was turned off, and off went the official. The people came to listen about reform, and determined if they should have no light without that they would have some within. They listened with patience and noble for< bearance. Many of the six-points men cheered lustily for four. Every sentiment expressive of attachment to the throne was drowned in approving plaudits, and every alla- sion to our virtuous Queen was re-echoed by thunders of applause. Indeed the meeting seemed to be well pleased with everybody—it laughed even at a sleeping Premier—ex- cepta certain Gas Company, for whom three iremendousgroans were spontaneously given. The plan succeeded to perfec- tion everybody was devoutly loyal-nobody talked treason i y everything went oil right merrily, and in our opinion the scheme answered well. There are certain persons alarmed at the progress of reform. They need not; let them apply to the Cardiff GaiJ Company. If the pension-list be examined-turn off the light. If the national debt is Considered—keep off the gas. If the barbarous splendour of former times is attacked—sur* round it with the thickest darkness. If the public expendi- ture is to be canvassed—envelope it In the blackness Of dark- ness. Wherever light may break forth, the Gas Company will be happy to act the extinguisher general. They will turn off all earthly lights, and, for a consideration, will under- take to furni-ih a blind for the moon, and to construct a sackcloth for the sun.

THE REFORM MOVEMENT. Mu. IIu-ME brought forward his motion on Tuesday last, and made an able speech of considerable length. He proved, we should say to the satisfaction of every intelligent man, that the people are not fully and fairly represented. We doubt, however, whether he demonstrated with equal clear- ness that the measures which he proposed were sufficiently just and comprehensive to mact the exigencies of the case. In our opinion nothing short of putting the suffrage on the just and common-sense basis of universality will effec- tually put down agitation, and give to all classes their due political weight in the community. Lord John Rus- sell made a curious speech in reply. He admitted that the country wanted gradual and progressive reform, but it did not want Mr. Hume's reform, and therefore it should not have it. The different meetings which had declared for it to be sure were numerous, but then many meetings wanted further reform, and would go for the Charter, but he would not accede to any reform, just now. A vast deal was wanted, but vast as the want is, it should not be appeased at present. Things work well as they now arc, and hence it is better not to disturb them. Some kind of reform measures might be advantageously introduced, though Mr. Hume's reform would not do, nor yet that of Mr. O'Connor; and to crown the whole, he was not prepared with any remedial measut-es of his own. The country must wait—and wait- -and wait until a sleeping minister thinks proper to awake. Septennial Parliaments arc quite right. Triennial Parlia- ments would he terrible monsters, even Annual Parliaments were much to be preferred. As for the protection of the ballot it is all nonsense it would not protect anybody from intimidation. Equal electoral districts lie could not under- stand, but thought them very dangerous things. The mo- tion was too vague to be entertained, and he therefore im- plored the House to give it a decided negative. And so the slumbering premier concluded his mesmeric revelations. Mr. W. J. Fox made a very able speech in favour of the measure, and Mr. Disraeli a very sarcastic one against it. The trifling of the splendid trifler was^warmly received by a trifling House, The debate was nominally adjourned till Friday, but it is not likely that Mr. Hume will be able to bring it on again this session. The question is, therefore, burked, and the people are left to get reform as best they may. If they take our advice, lei them ask for nothing1 Ws than manhood sufl'r.ige, and if they will ask peacefully, honestly and determinedly, let them be assured that they will succeed. The destiny of man is progrcs iive, on wnrdism is akin to his nature, and all barriers raided against the progress of truth: and intelligence uiust ultimatciy be re- moved.

THE SUGAR QUESTION. The West India proprietors say that they arc going to be, ruined, that they must be ruined, and will be ruined, unless they arc permitted either to monopolise the Sugar Market of England, or virtually to revive the Slave Trade. Neither alternative is very desirable, and as many wrathful words arc wasted just now in regard to the subject, it may not be amiss to say a few words on the question. Cheap sugar is much to be desired. The British people, especially the middle and working-classes, cannot-do well without it. But if we are to credit the planters, we must either get It from the flesh and blood, the bones and marrow- of the negro, or be without it. Free labour, say tiley, is too expensive, to enable them to compete with slave-grown, produce, unless they shall be aided by hoavy protective duties. They tell us that the Act of Emancipation has proycd a failure, and that there must be a return to a kind of legalised slave trade, which will allow the conveying of negroes from the coast of Africa in Government ships, and at Government expense, for the benefit of those would-be^ humane and roughly-dealt-with gentlemen, the West India, pi opiietors. Let Government give them newly imported slayes, and throw the shield of protection over their rotten concerns, and there is yet hope for them,—for the Colonies, for England, and for the world. But unless this will be done" they will decline voting the estimates—give sundry myste-r. rious hints that they will show republican fight; or protest, like the victim of disappointed love, that they will break their hearts and die. Well, let them take either of these courses, and' we confidently predict that they will dig a pit and fall into it whichever they may take. British Guiina has already declined the supplies. Suppose this would become general, and what then ? Why simply this, that they arc not in a position to set up a concern on their own account. If they really are so destitute and helpless as they represent themselves to be, any effort to establish their independence would prove as baseless and short-lived as a midnight dream.. If they will become republicans, it is certain that they cannot maintain themselves, and would prove if they speak the truth, (for which due allowance must be made), a most unwieldy and expensive incumbrance to any republican State, that might be disposed to extend to them the right hand of fellowship on the ground of liberty, fraternity and equality. Well, if the other two courses will be abandoned, they are going to lie down and give up the ghost. They cannot live, and won't live, unless the coloured man will be reduced again to a condition of servi- tude incompatible with the rights of man, and the, true brotherhood of humanity. 0 Nobody means to deny the existence of much commercial distress in the W esr Indies. But it is quite another question to say that that distress arises either from free trade or from free labour,—and that its remedy is either the legalised slave-trade or protective duties. The West Indies are not. the only districts in the empire where distress prevails. Lancashire suffers, and the Welsh mining districts are far from being prosperous. And it behoves us to remember that long-before the chains of the slave were, broken, when the traffic in mankind gloated with its victims, and when the cruel scourge was applied without respect of persons or dis- tinction of sex, the West Indies were going to ruin. It was bad then, very had, but they had protective duties to boot. Then as now, every day was expected to be their last. Ac- cording to one of their own writers—Bryon Edwards-tqo majority of them would sooner or later be ruined. They were men of oppressed fortunes, and were so unfortunately situated as to necessitate their utter annihilation. The truth is that they have ever lived in waste. All their operations are expensively conducted, and the ordinary rules of trade are set at defiance. It is then reasonable to suppose that panics and embarrassments-will ever follow them, and never turn from their path. As sure as that cause and effect in- variably follow each other, so sure it is that the planters must ever be in distress unless they will change their con- dÙct. Mismanagement must end in ruin, and must content itself with depression. So it has ever been, and the same truth, is cxliibited in these days. When the planters will cease to put common sense at defiance they may then hope for prosperity and success. It is this canker that destroys their vitality, and their system of production must be tho- roughly remodelled. They must make the best of free la-<- bour instead of rising- a host of obstacles to its efficiency. The recipients of twenty millions of British money ought to deal fairly and honestly with the British public. 'That they do not is amply shown by the following extract from the Nonconformist of last week:— No matter how politely and gentlemanly a planter may be, his • notions of colonial prosperity are altogether incompatible with any idea of an adequately-remunerated labouring population. Under, present I should be more than surprised to see pro-. pertics remunerate their pre.ent owners. Proprietors, attorneys, managers, overseers, engineers,, doctors, foremen, all—all gentle- men to be supported l)v tlie produce of the cane-field. But, unless, the sugar-cane shall furnish gigs and horses, houses and land, wines, and I know not what besides, sugar-making will not, ac- cording to West India notions,' ever yield a remunerative pront. Go ask the grower of wheat or barley, whether his crops will pay him, if his bailiff, and his blacksmith, and hi? miller, aniUiis plough man, and some half-dozen other hangers-on, must all be exulted to, nnd supported in the dignity^ of cstpiires, &c." Lord Jobn Russell, as will be seen from our parliamentary report, has propounded some measures for the relief of the planters. Clamorous as they were before, it is likely they will be still more so after the offer of his lordship's healing h,ilms. lie has the d'r.i misfortune of displeasing all parties,, and as fair a? we can see of pleasing noi^e.' To the planters he does not give enough money to save the credit of their bankrupt concerns. The Protectionists are dissatisfied on acc-ount of the free lUallill,rS of the measure. The free traders on the other hand are disgusted with the protective, duty which is offered the West Indies, whilst another party regard the plan as a revival of the slave trade. One thing, 0 13 is certain, it pleases none, and we are almost sure it does not please. Lord John Russell himself. The Chancellor of the •Exchequer honestly avowed on Friday evening that it not expected the measure would be satisfactory, btit" jJ thought it was' better than any other plan that "had. beci^^ p 7

L')l'] Monteagle made a few remarks in reply, and concluded bvwithdrawingthcmotion. I Their lordships (at eight o'clock) adjourned to Thursday next