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THE P.aitin0it{(^|tre JJlerlht.

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THE P.aitin0it{(^|tre JJlerlht. NEWPORT, SATURDAY, MAY 16,1868. THE spontaneous concurrence" which has brought about the present political situation is among the remarkable events of our time. This concurrence, upon which Mr. GLADSTONE did much to fasten public attention by the use of the phrase we have quoted, is, however, in the public estimation, not precisely what it was represented by the ingenious leader of the Op. 0 p position. Whatever may be said as to its dis- ingenuousness, no one can doubt the policy, of j the attempt to show that the advocates of the dis-establishment of the Irish Church in this country are engaged in a work similar to that which occupies the opponents of the Concordat in Austria. The subtle device of representing both parties as striving against tyranny and corruption, and this without even a hint that it was possible to discriminate between the com- parative merits of the institutions assailed, was worthy of Mr. GLADSTONE. It went, as such devices frequently go, upon the pleasant assump- tion that both in England and in Austria the patriotism and the virtue are exclusively on the side of the assailants. So clearly (to them at least) is this the case, that the grave wonder is that the systems against which their assaults are directed should have continued to exist for a moment after the light of Liberal sentiments fell upon them. We have not a word to say on behalf of the Concordat, or of any other device by which a decaying Superstition vainly seeks to hold cer- tain European States in subjection. We say, how- ever, that such a point is not pertinent to a Par- liamentary debate upon the Irish Church ques- tion and its introduction in connection there- with was calculated rather to obscure than to elucidate the matter at issue. Whether this was designed or not, those of our readers who have read the debate to which we refer will be able to judge for themselves. It is clear, how- ever, that if Mr. GLADSTONE had described himself as in spontaneous concurrence" with the Liberation Society an other advanced a- dicals he would be nearer the mark. Mr. GLADSTONE, though choosing to exult in a spontaneous concurrence" with the opposers of the Concordat, was not quite buld enough to say that the political aggressions of Rome and the Protestant Church in Ireland are evils of equal magnitude. Who knows, however, how soon he may be prepared for this conclusion ? Notwithstanding his tardiness in coming to the front as a champion in the cause of justice to Ireland,"—albeit he allowed years of of- ficial opportunity to pass away without moving a finger or uttering a word for the mitigation of Irish grievances,"—since the Conserva- tives have been in office the passion for Church Reform has grown upon him, until now, with the force of a monomania, it impels him to egregious lengths of Kadioalism and self-con- tradiction. We do not say that the mo- nomania of the right hon. gentleman is Irish Church Reform it would doubtless be more correct to affirm that this is but the aspect under which his mental disorder exhibits itself. The real disease lies deeper, and is scarcely discernible by the unpractised eye. Whether it be a characteristic of some disorders, or whether the cause is to be sought elsewhere, it is certain that persons labouring under given diseases exhibit a strong objection to make known the nature of their maladies. Mr. GLADSTONE may be placed, for the nonce, among this class. His true disorder is Desire for Place his almost frenzied fervour on the Irish Church question is but a symptom. Men who are accustomed to watch the incidents of Parlia- mentary conflict-the straws that show which way the wind blows—have little difficulty in detecting a feeling stronger than his sympathy for Ireland—a passion which neither respect for Constitutional principles nor for his own opinions deliberately recorded, is influential enough to repress. BURKE once said-" The great virtues are rare. The occasion for them seldom happens. When it presents itself we are prepared for it by everything preceding we are excited by the consideration of the great- ness of the sacrifice. We are supported in it by the glory of the action which we do before the eyes of others, or by the complacency we have in ourselves when we make an effort which we think extraordinary." As we have hinted, the assumption of all political virtues by the Liberals has been conspicuous enough in the course of the debates on the Irish Church and Mr. GLADSTONE has notably endeavoured to persuade the country that he has fallen upon one of those occasions for their exercise which, according to BURKE, seldom happen. Whether, in the contemplation of his scheme, be has been excited to action by the consideration of the greatness of the sacrifice," it may not be easy to determine. This much, however, is certain that in his case the sacrifice has been one of no trifling description-no less, indeed, than the abandonment of long-cherished and long-pub- lished convictions-a loss, borne with a tranquil- lity almost amounting to hardihood, of all poli- tical consistency. England," said Mr. GLAD- STONE, before his Radical proclivities had begun to show themselves, is a Protestant State: she ought, therefore, to uphold the Protestant religion. What does that mean ? That while we respect the antiquity and the practice of the Church of Rome we also assert the right of pri- vate judgment and the independence of the human mind. I trust that the Church which J retains the just authority of the Christian Church-which teaches the Scriptures and the unadulterated truths of the Church of England -will never be overthrown by a House of Com- mons. It cannot be destroyed except by the vote of a recreant Senate and an apostate na- tion." We fancy we hear some earnest Protes. tant cry, Bravo, Mr. GLADSTONE," as he reads the last sentence we have quoted. It must sadly lessen his satisfaction to remember that the speaker, the Mr. GLADSTONE of 1835, is not the Mr. GLADSTONE of 1868. The propounder of these eminently Constitutional doctrines, then opposing a Liberal attack upon the Estab- lished Church in Ireland, is now hounding on a recreant Senate" to itsdis-establishment. The destruction of that Church, then his abhorrence, is now his chosen work, and that, not upon the plea that the Irish Church is not zealously pro- secuting its mission, but because, forsooth, it is the Church of a minority. To revert once more to the sentiment of BURKE, if the right hon. gentleman be not ex- cited by the consideration of the greatness of the sacrifice, he may, at all events, be supported by the glory of the action he does before the eyes of others, or by the complacency he has in himself in making an effort which he deems extraordinary. To weaken the Royal supre- macy and undermine the Protestantism of the Constitution now appear to be small matters to a statesman who once upheld the one and the other with singular pertinacity. It remains to be seen whether an apostate nation" will en- dorse his recreant policy.

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