Monmouthshire Merlin

HOUSE OF LORDS. THURSDAY, MARCH 7.—Petitions were presented, praying for the better observance of the Sabbath, for the abolition of negro slavery, and against the Irish coercive measures. Some conversation took place between the Bishop of Bath and Wells and Lord King, on the subject of the clergyman accused of demanding tithe of herrings. The facts stated by the noble lord on a former occasion were not disproved. Lord Wynford postponed the second reading of his bill for re- ducing law costs, till the 26th March. The Lord Chancellor brought in a bill to give the Judges power to regulate special pleading, to fix statutory limitations in cases of bond, at ten years, to relieve the sureties for crown debtors, to enable parties to go into cases and obtain judgment without action, with various other provisions to shorten proceed- ings and lessen expense. Other provisions would enable parties to recover interest as well as principal, from the time of demand, to facilitate proceedings by reference to arbitration, giving arbi- trators the power of deciding on examination on oath,-not com- pulsory, excepting when, one party proceeding against another, full time had been given for bringing all the facts of the case. Another clause rendered it unnecessary to re-prove deeds and documents already proved. Another clause would give Judges the power of referring actions to the sheriff and jury. This would not supersede his bill for local courts, which he would lay before their lordships in a few days.-Read a first time.—Adj. FRIDAY, MARCH 8.-After sundry petitions had been pre- sented respecting the better observance of the Sabbath, the re- peal of the Union, the coercive measures for Ireland, &c., the Earl of Roden gave notice that on Tuesday next he should pre- sent various petitions on the subject of the national education for Ireland. MONDAY, MARCH II. J un y SYSTEM (IRELAND.) Lord Plunkett gave notice, that on Fridayjlnext he would introduce a bill for amending the laws relative to juries in Ireland. The bill would be substantially the same as the measure which was be- fore the house last session, but some alteration would be made in it. Lord King presented three petitions from Carlow, prayino- for the abolition of tithes and one from a place in Middlesex, of a similar nature. The Earl of Roden postponed his motion relative to the system of education recently introduced into Ireland from to-morrow to that day se'nnight. The Bishop of Chester presented petitions from Preston, Con- gleton, Rochdale, and other places, praying for the enactment of laws to enforce the better observance of" the Sabbath, and for the repeal of the Beer Act. THE SABBATH. Petitions praying for the enactment of laws to enforce a better observance of the Sabbath were presented by the Bishop of Bangor from Wallingford, and seven other places in the county of Berks; by the Earl of Roden from Aberdeen, Dublin, and a parish in Essex and by the Lord Chancellor from some hundred inhabit- ants of London and Westminster. The noble and learned lord on presenting these petitions, said that the observance of the Sabbath was advantageous to the people both in a religious and worldly point of view, but he apprehended that great difficulty would be experienced in legislating on the subject. He believed that the petitioners were entirely mistaken as to fact that the Lord's day was less strictly observed than formerly. He was satisfied, both from his own observation, and the information of others, that the Sabbath was better observed now than at any former period, and that there was now less irreligion in the coun- try than there had been of late years. Above all things he deprecated anything like rash legislation on the subject, lest, by running counter to the feelings of the people, they should make the case worse than it now was. The noble and learned lord then presented petitions from Perth. Montrose, Gainsborough, and other places, in all 24, against the continuance of negro slavery. Lord Dinorben presented three petitions from parishes in Wales, praying the abolition of slavery. Adjourned at six o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. THURSDAY, MARCH 7.—JURY SYSTEM (IRELAND.)—herd Althorp said that a bill, similar to the one rejected last session in the House of Lords, would be introduced to that house shortly, and put it to the hon. and learned member for Dublin, whether, in that case, he would proceed with the bill of which he had given notice. Mr. O'Connell would gladly place his bill in the hands of Go- vernment, if they would adopt it. The object of it was to make special jurors eligible by ballot, in Ireland as in England, and to take away the unlimited power of the Crown to challenge jurors. In cases of misdemeanour, private prosecutors had the same advantage, and the effect was most pernicious. In criminal cases, he would give the prisoner the right of peremptory chal- lenge, and allow the Crown the privilege of challenging on show- ing reasonable cause. ° Lord Althorp thought that the bill went farther than was necessary. In answer to Mr. Hume Lord Althorp stated that a bill for the abolition of the office of Master of the Reports in Chancery would be brought in shortly that, in due course, the senior Re- gistrar had been allowed to accept the office, an Act of Parlia- ment rendering it necessary that it should be filled and that the holder, having spent 47 years in the public service, would be fairly entitled to a retiring pension. Mr. Hudson moved a resolution for a graduated reduction in pay and salaries of all persons employed in the public service, and in all superannuation allowances, half-pay, and pensions, paid out of the public money.—Mr. T. Attwood and Mr. Hume supported the motion.—Lord Althorp objected to it. He could Dot consent to it in its present form yet he was unwilling to di- vide against it, as it might expose him to a wrong impression. He felt that, having once recognised the principle of reducing sa- laries of the holders of offices to the scale of duty performed in those offices, it was necessary to consider whether it should be applied immediately in general, or should be postponed till after the lives of the present holders. He was originally of opinion that the first plan was the more advisable but, on consideration, he thought it better to postpone the application of the rule, as Government would be compelled, if it adopted the rule, to work with unwilling, rather than with willing servants and that, he was convinced, would be a false and profitless economy. Mr. Robinson wished the motion to be withdrawn, but ob- jected to superannuation [allowances, as often involving great abuses. Mr. Fielden (of Oldham) begged hon. members, when talking of superannuation allowances to those already rich, to consider the wants of the working classes, and entered into state- ments of figures to show the miserably low price of labour. NEW HOUSE OF COMMONS. iVjfr. Hume rose to submit to the house the motion of which he had given notice, for referring to a select committee the report of the committee of last session, relative to the propriety of erecting a new House of Commons. He expressed himself in favour of building a new house between the present one and the river. Mr. Warburton seconded the motion.—Lord Althorp had no ob- jection to the motion.-Sir R. Inglis said, the really important business of the country was done by houses consisting of from 150 to 200 members and there was ample accommodation for that number. It was better to have the house too small for three days in the year, than too large on all the remaining days. After a few more observations, the resolution was agreed to. Mr. Hodges moved for the appointment of a select committee to inquire into the fees, charges, and emoluments of the clerks of 1he peace and the clerks of assize in England and Wales.— "Agreed to. Mr. Warburton moved for a select committee to inquire into the expediency of continuing the Vaccine Board.-Agreed to. Mr. Hume moved for returns of the distribution of the regular military force in 1833, in England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Colonies, distinguishing the old from the new Colonies.—Lord Althorp and Sir John Hobhouse opposed the motion.—The com- mittee divided, and the numbers were- For the motion 23 Against it 201 Majority 178 Mr. Lobbett announced his intention 01 postponing his motion relating to the inequalities of taxation in the stamp-duties, &c., till the great question, relating to Ireland should be settled.— Mr. S. Rice very warmly expressed his readiness to meet Mr. Cobbett on that ground. The report of the committee of Ways and Means was received. -Adjourned. FRIDAY, MARCH 8.—The morning sitting was wholly occu- pied with the presentation of petitions regarding the Distur- bances' Suppression (Ireland Bill) and, when three o'clock arrived, Mr. O'Connell and other members had by their sides bundles of petitions which they had been unable to present. In the evening (after the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated what course he intended to propose, in case of an adjourned debate), the order of the day for the second reading of the Dis- turbances' Suppression (Ireland) Bill was moved. Mr. Hume strongly, and at great length, opposed the motion, declaring that it had not been proved, as it ought to be, that the existing laws were not adequate to the suppression of outrages that he still hoped the ministers would pause before they passed a measure alike calculated to destroy freedom and to make re- pealers that the Duke of Wellington had truly intimated the disastrous consequences of even one day's civil war in Ire- land;" and that, as he viewed the measure, it resulted too much from rivalry—to put down Daniel O'Connell, and to sustain the Secretary for Ireland. He considered that the bill was brought in for the purpose of effecting three objects—to keep up the church establishment in Ireland, and its tithes-the army-aud to extinguish the hon. and learned member for Dublin. He concluded with moving a resolution, declaratory that evidence had not been produced to warrant the bill. lYIr. Alderman Wood seconded the amendment. The measure was opposed by Mr. Richards, Mr. J. Grattan, Mr. Roriayne, Mr. W. Roche, Mr. O'Ferrall, Mr. Barron, and Mr. Fitzsimon and supported by Mr. Tailored, Colonel Conoliy, Lord Oxmantown, Mr. J. Browne, Sir J. Key, and Col. Perceval. Sir J. Key supported the bill, on the ground of confidence in the ministers, and of the necessity of putting down the system of despotism and outrage that now prevailed in Ireland, before any remedial measures could be attempted to be carried into effect. The Chancellor of the Exchequer reminded the house that the whole evening had been consumed in arguing on the order of the day. As to the resolution, it might have been fairly enough moved on the question of the first reading but, after that motion had been affirmed, and by a larger majority than he remembered ever to have marked a great political question, it was not fairly proposed. The order of the day was eventually read, Mr. Hume's reso- lution withdrawn, and the second reading of the bill fixed for Monday.—Adjourned. MONDAY, MARCH ll.-The house, according to the new ar- rangements, met at twelve o'clock, and some private bills were read a first time, after which the presentation of petitions on the subject of Ireland continued till three o'clock. An immense number of these petitions was presented from all parts of Eng- land, Ireland, and Scotland, und several members took opportu- ties of repeating the charge that the object of government in their present course was to perpetuate the obnoxious tithe system. Mr. Cobbett: said he had the honour to be entrusted with thirty petitions on this one subject; and if they had not been charged postage he should have had at least ten or fifteen more. He had sent as many back to the post-office last week as the postage on which would have amounted to £10 or £15. One of the peti- tions was 130 feet long (laughter) and the whole would more than cover the floor of that house, Speaker's chair and all. (A laugh.) The hon. member then went on to read the prayer of his petitions. He said they represented the opinions of many thou- sands of his Majesty's subjects, who never could submit in silence to see mar,tiallaw substituted for trial by jury. If such, however, should be the case in Ireland, it would soon find an introduction into this country. The fact was, the bill was not brought in to suppress Whiteboyism or Biaekboyism, it was done for the pur- pose of keeping up the system of tithes. The Briton could never submit to being governed by martial law. Look at its effects. A commission might be sitting this evening, and he (Mr. C.) might be cited before it, and by to-morrow he might find himself in Botany Bay. (Great laughter.) He meant that he might be on the road to Botany Bay. (Laughter.) He had always been an advocate for a government of King, Lords, and Commons, but he never could consent to that government making slaves of any portion of his Majesty's subjects. After some further remarks from different honourable members, arising from the presentation of petitions, the house adjourned pro tem. IRISH CHURCH. On the re-assembling of the house, Lord Althorpe brought in a bill to alter and amend the laws relating to the temporalities of the Church of Ireland. His lordship said lie intended to propose that the bill should be read a second time on Wednesday. Sir R. Inglis, Sir li. Peel, and Mr. Shaw exclaimed against the haste with which his lordship was proceeding, and after some re- marks from other hon. members, Lord Althorpe consented to postpone the second reading till Thursday. The bill having been read a first time, the question that it be read a second time on Thursday was then put. Sir Robert Peel, with considerable warmth, protested against this extreme haste he called upon the house to consider the coercive and the conciliatory measures upon their own merits, and to avoid the mode of legislation so earnestly recommended by some, that the conciliatory bill should depend for its speed or dilatoriness upon the coercive bill. (Hear, hear.) He would venture to assert that such a proposal as that made by the noble lord had never before proceeded from any government, nor pressed upon any government by any House of Commons. (Cheers.) All he protested against was, that they should bring forward such a measure without allowing three days for consider- ation. On the first reading of the coercive bill, five nights' de- bate took place, and this bill they had allowed to be read a first time without any observation. He did not wish to create any unnecessary delay to the passing of this bill, but he put it to the noble lord's sense of justice whether it would not be right to postpone the second reading till Monday. This bill, which was to make such extensive alterations in the property of the church, and to recognise the principle of alienating church property, ought to be considered with great caution, and not be hurried in the manner proposed. Lord Althorp admitted that a longer interval was usual on such occasions, but he thought the principle of the bill was suffi- ciently understood to enable members to come to a decision by Thursday next. He never before recollected an instance of a debate on the first reading of a bill, excepting in the case of the coercive bill, therefore the right hpn. gentleman need not have taken such credit to himself for not opposing the first reading. He thought if they fixed the second reading on Thursday, it would give ample time for the consideration of the question. Lord Sandon, Mr. Baring and others expressed themselves in favour of delay. Lord John Russell saw no reason why hon. members should not be prepared for the discussion on Thursday. The great outlines of the measure had been before them since the 12th of February they coulil therefore judge as well of the principle now as at any future time but, for the details, they would of course be settled in the committee, and no one spoke of fixing the committee for any day in the present week. He denied that there was any natural connection between the measure of church reform and that for the suppression of disturbances in Ireland. If there were grievances to be redressed, it was their duty, as legislators, to set about that redress. If insubordination existed, it was the duty of the legislature to put it down but those duties were not to be blended. The two subjects should of course be considered separately. The house divided, when there appeared- For the motion 187 Against it 46 Majority for the motion 141 SUPPRESSION OF DISTURBANCES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of Mr. C. Buller, the order of the day for the second reading of this bill, was read. Mr. Buller then addressed the house. He assured the house, that in opposing the bill, he did so-not from any party feeling or factious opposition—but from a sincere belief of the impolicy of the measure. He did not mean to taunt the members of the Government with their speeches on former occasions but he thought it would have its effect out of doors, when it was seen that the majority for placing Ireland under military government was swollen by the names of the member for Tamworth and other members, whose politics agree with those of the right hon. baronet—persons who said Aye" to the six acts, but said "No" to the Reform Bill. (Hear.) He would oppose the measure, as calculated to aggravate rather than to appease the disturbances in Ireland. He was as sensible as any man of the necessity of some interference on the paft of Parliament in the then state of that country, and he considered it the duty of Government to devise means for the protection of the property and lives of the people, but it did not appear to him that it was necessary for that purpose to go into a measure which destroyed the constitution. Violence and rigour were employed, when the true remedy for Ireland would be gentleness and moderation. (Hear, hear.) His Majesty's Ministers some time ago had pro- mised to do away with the greatest of all grievances—tithe. Ireland was overjoyed at the prospect of relief from this most ob- noxious impost order was immediately established, and every disturbance ceased. But no sooner was it found that this promise was disregarded-that Government were again proceeding to levy the payments of tithe, than aggravated disturbances again broke out—re-commencing in precisely the same county as that which beheld the reinforcement of tithe. The present bill was, in fact, a bill for the protection of those very tithes which were the pnmary cause of the disturbances sought to be put down. In short, so long as the least vestige of a Protestant established church was Z, kept up in Ireland, the Irish would have reason for discontent. The Ministers certainly were entitled to great praise for the bill they had brought forward for Irish church reform but, however good this might be, as far as it went, this was not far enough. When there had been a question as to the church establishment in Scotland, the then Government had not thought it sufficient to make a compromising reform in that establishrnent-they had reformed it altogether by abolishing it. This would be the proper course with the Irish church establishment. The hon. member concluded by moving the following resolution, That this house learns, with regret, the disorders which distract Ireland, and while willing to entrust his Majesty with such powers as will en- able him to afford protection to the persons and property of his Majesty's Irish subjects, and for the due administration of justice in that country, yet they are not prepared to accede to the extreme measures now proposed by his Majesty's Government for the sup- pression of these disorders." Mr. Hawkins seconded the amendment, and Mr. Blackney supported it. Lord Morpeth said he contemplated this bill with much sorrow, and he subscribed to the justice of all the epithets which, with great impartiality, both the friends and the enemies of the bill had applied to it. He admitted that it was arbitrary, despotic, severe, and cruel. One hon. member had called it unwise, which was an epithet which he could not adopt, because that supposed it would not answer the purpose. It had been called monstrous and atrocious. He felt, nevertheless, that it was necessary to adopt it, because it had two attributes which rode over all the others. The bill was, first a measure of stern necessity and next, it was a measure of sovereign mercy. To the best of his judgment, the ministers had completely established their case. He would ask those who argued against this measure to put themselves in the place of the solitary inhabitant of a cabin in ,b Ireland, and say whether they would not, rather be disturbed by the entrance of the authorised servants of the King, than by the unauthorised lawless marauders who came on a mission to ex- ecute the commands of bloody revenge? The bill was a measure of stern necessity, and nothing but necessity could excuse it. It was the duty of the government to secure the humble classes in the quiet and peaceable possession of their hearths and their homesteads. He did not believe that the English people found in this bill any cause to weaken their confidence in the ministers. He was quite ready to entrust these powers to the ministry, be- cause he was convinced that those who were the most ready to uphold the principles of liberty, were always the most strenuous in contending against anarchy and in preserving order. They were only doing what was'right in moving for this measure; and if they had not moved for it they would have degenerated, and he should not have felt that attachment for them he was still happy to feel. Lord Duncannan agreed that a case of necessity had been made out. Mr. Lynch said, the real question the house had to consider was, whether there was a failure of justice in Ireland-and next, whether the proposed measure remedied that defeat. The failure of justice, it was said, consisted in a disinclination jurors had to attend or convict a disinclination in witnesses to attend or give evidence. He denied that there was a failure of justice in Ireland—there was no such failure. There was no such disin- clination in jurors, or in witnesses, manifested in the counties of Clare, Galway, Limerick, or Roscommon. His Majesty's Mi- nisters tried the ordinary tribunals in those counties, and they succeeded in restoring tranquillity and peace. Why did they not now adopt the same constitutional means in the disturbed counties? When his Majesty's Ministers entered office, they found England in a state of great disturbance. Fires were raging in different counties. There was an uneasy feeling in the metro- polis, and something more than an uneasy feeling in the manu- facturing districts. What was the conduct of his Majesty's Mi- nisters upon that occasion? Did they apply to parliament for martial law, for domiciliary visits, for a suspension of the habeas corpus, of the trial by jury? No. They tried the law, and caused the law to be executed and they were successful. If, therefore, peace was restored in England and Ireland, when the law was executed, and if his Majesty's Ministers had not caused the law to be executed in the disturbed counties, with what grace was it that they applied to parliament for additional powers for a suspension of the constitution 1 The hon. member conjured the house to pause before they added another sanguinary law to their statute book—before they made another precedent for the in- vasion of liberty—before they added to poverty and misery des- potism the most severe in its nature and the most urgent in its application. He conjured them to recollect the words of the noble lord at the head of his Majesty's council in the year 1794, that revolutions were produced less by those who opposed govern- ment than by government itself. Mr. Talbot was compelled to admit that his Majesty's Minis- ters had made out their case, and that they had showed the necessity of having recourse to those extraordinary measures which they had proposed. At the same time he would not pledge himself to every detail of the bill. He objected to domiciliary visits as a horrible abuse he denounced arbitrary imprisonment as unnecessary. With regard to courts martial, if he (Mr. Tal- bot) were to be tried for his life, he would as soon be tried by a court martial as by any tribunal in Ireland. Ir1-f. C. Grant argued at great length in support of the bill. He said some hon. members objected to courts-martial, but, as had been justly remarked, who had been able to point out a fit and adequate substitute? Other plans had been talked of, but, in his mind, they were ail more objectionable than the propo- sition in the bill. One had suggested barristers another judges and a third magistrates. As to barristers, did not every body know that a strong prejudice would exist against them, on the ground that they would be anxious to please ministers by producing con- viction 1 1 o the suggestions for appointing judges, the hon. member for Dublin had himself replied in his speech upon the address at the opening of the session, when he asserted that the people had no confidence in the Irish bench. If such were the fact, how could the Irish bench properly carry the act into exe- cution ? He (Mr. C. Grant) thought, however, that there was, another, and a much juster objection to the employment of judges: it was, that they ought never to be called upon to act at the assizes without the assistance of a jury, and without the sacred and dignified accompaniments of their station. To alter this system was without precedent, and would certainly have a bad effect upon the people. The third suggestion was, that the trials ought to be left to the magistracy; but of magistrates the hon. and learned member for Dublin had also disposed in the first debate of the session and what outcries would not be raised, if ministers listened to this proposition, for throwing the people of Ireland into the hands of the Orange magistracy. (Cheers.) This was the very evil the court-martial was erected to avoid. The hon. member for Newport (Mr. Hawkins) had made a fouith, and a still more extraordinary proposal; he had con- tended that English lawyers, should be employed to try criminals for Irish murders. Such a proceeding would, indeed, kindle the national hatred; the people of Ireland had already been told that the English were their enemies and would it not be held out by the agitators—the declaimers against the Sassenah-as the completion of the degradation of their country, that Saxon lawyers had been brought over to pronounce upon the destinies of the Irish! (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman went on to argue, that although the present measure might not be carried into effect, it was still necessary, and might be most useful in deterring from crime. He believed that the attitude already taken by parliament, and the determination shewn to put down rebellion, had struck terror into the hearts of the agitators., (Hear, hear.) In his opinion it was one great merit of the bill that the employ- ment of it was left to the discretion of the Lord Lieutenant, and it would be a praise to the measure and an honour to those who brought it in if it were found not necessary to carry it into execu- tion. It had been said that ministers were governed by party motives, and that they had introduced this bill to answer political purposes. It was not by any means the first time that the inten- tions of public men had been impugned but he ventured to as- sert that the bill rested upon public grounds only, and that it did not originate in sordid or party views. Upon the same principle the Reform Bill had been introduced, and upon that principle it had been carried. Ministers thought that the existing danger, if not repressed, would not only desolate Ireland, but peril the ex- istence of the empire. Whether the bill was received with ap- plause or censure, its promoters were resolved to keep their course. Ministers were responsible, and what they deemed their duty, that they would perform, and, with the blessing of God, the em- pire which they received from their predecessors, compact and united, they would deliver to their successors one and undivided. In addition to the approbation of their own consciences, they hoped to meet the approbation of the general body of the inhabi- tarns of the United Kingdom. However anxious ministers were to maintain personal freedom, they were resolved to preserve the integrity of the empire, and to remain true to the great prin- ciples which ought to govern British statesmen. (Hear.) An adjournment of the debate was moved, but negatived, and after some further remarks from different hon members, the house divided, when the numbers were- For the second reading /363 Against it 84 Majority ——279 A conversation then took place as to the day on which the bill was to be committed and it was appointed for Wednesday. Mr. Hall gave notice that in the committee he should move as an amendment to the 9th clause, That the Lord Lieutenant should not have the power of interposing his veto against meet- ings taking place for the purpose of petitioning parliament, and other legitimate objects."

To the Editor of the Monmouthshire Merlin. SIR,—Notwithstanding the Reformed Parliament has been sitting more than six weeks, nothing has yet been done to relieve the people, or to place the country at large in a more prosperous, safe, and happy state. Time sufficient has been found to pass despotic measures for disfranchising and coercing a whole na- tion, and to treat it (Ireland) like as a child is treated, who, rl I crying from hunger, is to be whipped to keep it quiet. Shame I on the legislation of modern times !—shame on the common sense which cannot perceive, that to remove an evil yon must take away the CAUSE of that evil Shame on the political blindness of professed statesmen, who cannot see that Ireland can no longer bear the state of oppression and suffering to which she has been reduced by inisgovernment, and that her desperate situation at this moment resembles that crisis in the physical temperament of man, by which nature exerts all her energies to throw off some latent and destructive malady, which it is no longer able passively to sustain If politicians cannot read the signs of the times every where throughout Europe, at the present moment—if the astounding events which have taken place within the last forty years, in almost every nation of the eastern conti- nent, are too recent to be understood, and too near not to dazzle the artificial sight of courtiers who dread the glare and exposure of broad daylight—if the loss of America teaches no lesson to political quacks of the present day,—let, at least, examples long since incorporated with, and become integral parts of, history, which every school-boy has at his finger's ends—when England, Holland, France, Italy, roused to resistance by the long, and at length intolerable pressure of bad governments—of despotism, drawn to its extremes), tension, the exactions and exasperations of which leaving the people nothing to expend but their blood,- urged them at length to shed that blood in their own cause let, I say, at least these striking and mature examples have at length the effect of teaching, as they ought, the veriest pretender in politics, that it is bad governments which make bad subjects, and that if justice were done, it is governments that ought to be proscribed and punished for the crimes of nations, not nations for the crimes of which governments have been the cause. Whatever variety of aspect civil warfare assumed," at the period above referred to (17th century), says an acute and elegant writer —" whether it moved forward steadily to the goal of redress, with a solemn pace, and a sacl-coloured suit, with the gloomy religious reformers of England—or led by love and cabal, pranked it in silken scarf and flaunting plume, and took cities 'pour la belle des belles,' with the gay Trondeurs of France; still the cause and object of resistance were the same unjust and over- whelming taxes, levied to carry on unjust, profitless, or inglorious wars abroad, and to support the luxury and extravagance of a few worthless men at home," The greatest part of Europe is now in this respect in the same position it was in, in the 17th century the cause of the grievances of nations is the same now as then, unjust profitless wars abroad, and the support of the luxury and extravagance of worthless men at home: and unless a Reform Act in England, and the days of July in France, are speedily followed by substantial relief t.o the nations, what happened in consequence of the too long neglect of redress of grievances in the 17th and 18th centuries, will happen again, followed, how- ever, it is to be hoped, with the necessary addition, which our ancestors unfortunately neglected, of a real, instead of a merely virtual and mock, representation of the people. Let, then, something be done for the people, and be done speedily, as well as effectually, and let not a Whig administra- tion longer degrade itself by adopting and repeating the Tory cant of government cannot spare the revenue;" and so the people cannot be spared the distress and ruin which is over- whelming them, nor the country be spared the risk it is running of being placed in a situation to justify, in the estimation of the two houses of Parliament, military law and the suspension or destruction of the best parts of the constitution Ministers, however, mean well, but they are misled—purposely, artfully misled This may be, but what will ther meaning well avail the country, if it find that. it is to be ruled by Tory measures in Whig disguise 1 Weakness may ruin a nation, as well as wickedness; and let Lord Grey, as he values his own character and safety, and the safetv of the country, all of which we believe to be held deservedly dear by his Lordship, take care, that assailed by the court, the nobility, the clergy, as Neckar was at the beginning of the French Revolution, he does not meet with the fate of Neckar, and Great Britain get involved in inextricable confusion and disorder, as France did in 1790. Neckarwasthecho-en instrument of the people of France for the redress of their griev- ances there, as Grey has been here. Neckap- could not carry his measures of reform, because the court, the clergy, and the nobles conspired against him, and he resigned his post. So was Grey opposed from the same quarters, for the same reasons, that the people might still be plundered, and, like Neckar, Lord Grey retired from office; but, like Neckar, too, he was forced back on the shoulders of the people. Heaven forbid that the cases should be farther similar 1 Neckar, baffled, counteracted, con- founded, did nothing for the people; and the people, either deceived, deserted, or betrayed, their patience exhausted, and their rights outraged beyond farther bearing, took the matter into their own hands. The destinies of Britain are, at least, apparently still in the hands of Lord Grey to ensure their remaining so something must be done FOR THE PEOPLE, and speedily. HAMPDEN.

MISCELLANY. PLEASURES.—I do not know a pleasure more affecting than to range at will over the deserted apartments of some fine old family mansion. The traces of extinct grandeur admit of a better pas- sion than envy; and contemplations on the great and good, whom we fancy in succession to have been lts inhabitants, weave for us illusions incompatible with the bustle of modern occu- pancy, and vanities of foolish present aristocracy. The same difference of feeling, I think, attends us between entering an empty and a crowded church. In the lalter it is chance but some present human frailty-an act of inattention on the part of some of the auditory—or a trait of affectation, or worse, vain- glory, on that of the preacher-puts us by our best thoughts, disharmonising the place and the occasion. But would'st thoil know the beauty of holiness ?-go alone on some week-day, bor- rowing the keys of good master sexton, traverse the cool aisles of some country church think of the piety that has kneeled there— the congregations, old and young, that have found consolation there; the meek pastor-the docile parishioner. With no dis- turbing emotions, no cross conflicting comparisons, drink in the tranquillity of the place, till thou thyself become as fixed and motionless as the marble effigies that kneel and weep around thee.— Charles Lambe. TOM MOORE.—" I never spent an hour with Moore (said Byron) without being ready to apply to him the expressionattri- buted to Aristophanes, You have spoken roses his thoughts and expressions have all the beauty and freshness of those flow- ers, but the piquancy of his wit, and the readiness of his repar- tees, prevent one's ear being cloyed by too much sweets, and one cannot die of a rose in aromatic pain' with Moore, though he does speak roses, there is such an endless variety in his con- versation. Moore is the only poet I know whose conversation equals his writings he comes into society with a mind as fresh and buoyant as if he had not expended such a multiplicity of thoughts on paper., and leaves behind him an expression that he possesses an inexhaustible mine, equally brilliant as the speci- mens he has given us." MERCY.—On returning a verdict in a capital case the other day, at Bedford, the jury, who found the two prisoners guilty of a crime for which their lives were forfeited to our sanguinary laws, added a recommendation to mercy whereupon Mr. Baron Bolland said, To a recommendation to mercy, coming from a jury, I always attend." This statement, and the practice founded upon it, do honour to the head and heart of the learned judge. To adopt such a rule of proceeding, bespeaks a mind equally humane and enlightened. A POLITICAL ECONOMIST.-He may be known by the following symptoms. He is dogmatical in his doctrine, absolute in the wave of his hand. When he entereth a room, he taketh the arm- chair as if he filled it by right divine, though no one divineth the right. He is quick in contradiction, slow in utterance, measuring out his words as they are inappreciable. His writings are incom- prehensible, because he writes diffusely, and confuseth himself. He is a bundle of contradictions, bound up with prejudice as with a rope. An advocate for freedom in every thing, but differing from his own opinion. He wondereth why operatives are so wilful as to starve, when French silks are so cheap, and his sa- lary is duly paid. In his own opinion, he is a diamond of the first water. SELLING PEERAGES.—The practice of selling peerages revived very generally at the restoration and during the reign of Charles the Second, a regular tariff was established of sums to be paid for the different degrees of peerage. This was so completely an understood thing, that in one of the letters published from the Bodleian Library, and written while Dean Fell was building the great gateway and front of Christ Church, it is mentioned that the king had been graciously pleased to give the dean an earl's patent towards the completion of the college, thereby meaning, not that he had created that ecclesiastic an earl, but that he had permitted him to sell an earldom for that purpose, which was probably equivalent to a donation of twelve thousand pounds. In James the Second's reign, the practice still prevailed. In Wil. liam the Third's, a set of unworthy Dutch favourites were raised to the honours of the peerage, and they in their turn sold it to others. It was also during this reign that honours were conferred upon some of the least creditable individuals who have ever re- ceived them, INFLUX OF ATTORNEYS.—There really should be some limit to the number of attornies there is, without exaggeration, on the rolls of the Court, no less than 3000 attornies, and this is under the aggregate total, who practise in the metropolis alone, and who are ready to tear the bread out of each other's mouths.. No more should be admitted for five years hence, and after that pe- riod the number should be limited to, say, 1000 for the metropo- lis. This, no doubt, would have had its remedy long since, but that the amount it brings into the Exchequer chamber has lulled all claims of conscience in this respect; or they might increase the stamp duties for articles to £1000. This would ensure re- spectability. There also wants a complete revision of practice. Why should not the practice of the three courts be made the same, without any distinction of practice in either court 1 The committee appointed to try the merits of the Carnarvon election have decided that Sir C. Paget was not the sitting mem- ber. We understand that the Rev. Edward Irving has gone to Scotland to take his trial before the Presbytery of Annan. POOR RATES.—In the year ending March 25, 1832, there was levied in England for poor-rates, £ 8,255,315. 12s, out of which there was expended, for the relief of the poor, £ 6,731,131. 10s. There was an increase of three per cent. on the average of England compared with the rates of the preceding year. After the 5th of A pril next, the house tax is to be regulated ),, irany vv by the assessment to the poor rate. This, in many places, will operate as a considerable increase of the duty. CRUELTY.—Lady Briscoe, who is confined in the House of Correction, Coldbath-fields, for a libel, having been compelled to wear the prison dress, has petitioned the Secretary of State for some alleviation of this part of her sentence. THE CORN LAWS.—Sir H. Parnell asserts that the couniry will save 112,000,000 a-year by abolishing the Corn Laws What! at no loss to any body ? Yes, he admits the landowners will be to some extent sufferers, but they can afford it. The present Bishop of Durham received not less than f27,000 in one sum, as a fine for the renewal of Mrs. Beaumont's lease of her lead mines. NOVEL FEATURE IN REPORTING.—The speech of M. Berryer, in defence of the French journals, is represented to have been so perfect, and so astounding by its eloquence, its force, and its solemnity, that the reporters were so lost in admiration of the orator that they were unable to transcribe his word The amount of rental assessed to the inhabited house tax, in the whole of England and Wales, last year, was only .f 11,154,109 and London, Westminster, and Middlesex, were assessed at £ 5,143,340, or nearly one half of the whole kingdom. The Legislature of Tobago have resolved, that, from habitual intoxication, Chief Justice Bennett is wholly incapable of fulfill- ing the duties of his station as Chief Justice of that island. Mr. Murray, the publisher, at one of his periodical private sales at the Albion, one day last week, and in a few hours after dinner, sold books to the amount of nearly £ 12,000. The late Bishop of Durham collated Mr. Faber, author of Horns Mosaics:, to the rectory of Long Newton, near Stockton-on- Tees, and subsequently offered him another living. Faber de- clined it on the ground—though he expressed at the same time, in lively terms, his gratitude to the bishop for remembering him -that" his conscience would not peTmit him, to be a pluralist." The bishop was at once astonished and offended. Stall after stall became vacant, a species of patronage open to no such ob- jection as that alleged by Faber but the bishop never troubled him with the offer of prelerment, again.— Whuc-hcottee of St. John's. SPORTING EXTRAORDINARY.—A few days ago, while a sport- ing friend of ours was playing the luring fly on the River Doon, he was successful in hooking a pretty large salmon, and after running it for some time, the plunging of the fish attracted the attention of a spaniel, by which tbeartgler was accompanied, when the dog dashed into the flood, and grasping the salmon by the back, near the head, actually brought it ashore, and deposited it at his master's feet.—Ayr Observer. UNION-HALL.—ON THIS LOVE !—A pretty dark-eyed girl applied for a warrant against her lover. She said she had en- couraged the courtship of a young man until she recently dis- covered that it would not be to her advantage to marry him. When she unfolded her tale to him he vowed either to bang or drown himself on her account.—" Well, what then 1" said Mr. Chambers.—" Why, your Worship, I told him he might do as he pleased and then he said he wouJd-wollop me before he left this world." Much-laughter followed this unexpected ter- mination to the sentence but the complainant was nought abashed, and she went OR to say-" I verily believe he will hide me. Why, 'twas only t'other night that he attempted to get into my bed-room window, but (here she shook her head) I caught up the poker, and poked at him till he was glad to make himself scarce. He has, however, been frequently on the watch since." Warrant granted. A CIVIL LAD.-The Hertfordshire peasants are notorious for their want of urbanity, A lady, while on a visit to a friend re- siding in the county, had, during her rides on horseback in the neighbourhood, become per fectly aware of the boorishness of the peasantry. One day, when riding unattended, she came to a bye gate of her host's park, which had not a lodge. A chubby boy was swinging to-and-fro upon it. She ventured to beg that he would hold it open while she passed. To her utter amaze- ment, he did so Delighted with his complacency, she gave him a shilling, observing, It is quite clear, my lad, from your civility, that you are not a native of Hertfordshire." The reply was this, Thee'rt a Jiar- I be The Duke was talking the othor day to his aid-de-camp on the subject of the dreadful atrocities committed by the White- feet in Ireland. Ah," said Higgins, they are unparallelled in the history of human nature," Yes," responded the Duke, "and in the history of Hume and Smollett also." "I find from the papers," said the Duke, that a gentleman who was thought to be fävourable to the acquittal of some prisoners in Ireland, had his corn cut for him by the peasantry surely, Higgins, to go and ease a man's foot by cutting his corns, is rather an ori- ginal way of showing gratitude." "That's good mumbled Higgins I the Duke's visage glowed with satisfaction. CAUSES AND EFFECTS.—" So poor the barrister is dead," said one of the Judges in the Exchequer Courts, and I hear, poor fellow, tha.t he has left very few effects." "How could he leave more" said Lyndhurst with a knowing leer, "when he had so few causes." PECCBIO AND PUDDING.— "The plum pudding is a sweet compound of flour, eggs, milk, sugar, raisins, brandy, and beef- suet, which is easily digested by meirns of a ride of twenty miles on a high trotting horse.—Pecchio's Observations in England. Only ride twenty miles on a hard-trotting horse, And you'll eat a plum-pudding, though greasy and coarse Go fourscore miles on a frisky Welsh pony, And you'll swallow a sirloin, rank, stringy, and bony With a cool hundred more (which just fifty times four is), You'd bolt Pecchio himself, wiih his wonderful stories. Ignotus..

MARKETS. -•« £ >—- CORN EXCHANGE, MARK LANE. Monday, March 11.—Our arrivals have been, since this day se'nnight, of English, Irish, and Scotch wheat, and oats (col- lectively), as also Scotch beans, good of English barley, malt, and flour, gieat of English beans and peas, Scotch barley, Irish and Scotch flour, foreign peas, and seeds, from all quarters, li- mited. This day's market was rather numerously attended by London and other focal buyers but, as the sellers seemed un- willing to transact business at last, week's currency, trade was, throughout, exceedingly dull. With wheat at, an advance of from Is to 2s per quarter; with fine malting barley at fully, oats, beans, peas, grinding barley, malt, and flour, at barely, last Monday's quotations. Current Prices of Grain, per imperial quarter.—English Wheat. 45s to 64s; Rye, 32s to 35s Barioy, 21s to 35s Malt, 35s to 63s; White boiling Peas, 36s to Grey Peas, 30s to 34s; Small Beans, 32s to 35s Tick Hcans, 28s to 30s Potatoe Oats, 195 to 23s Poland Oats, 16s to 20s; Feed Oats, 12s to 18s; Flour. 42s to 50s.—Kapeseed, new, £21 to £25 per last.-Lin- seed Oil-cake .Ell. 00s to £ 11. lis per lOGO. Account of Wheat, 3fc. arrived in the Port IIr Lonrlo"il, during the Week ending March 9, 1833. r Wheat. Barlev, Malt. j Oat.s. Beans. Peas. k'rs" 7,331 12,942 .13,234 28,353 1,886 1095 Flour, 10,501 sacks, and — barrels. Imperial Weekly Average Price of Corn and Grain. Wheat .52 2 j Oats 16 6 i Beans 29 4 Barley 26 3 j Rye .29 0 [ Peas .33 0 Aggregate Average of the Six Weeks, which regulates Duty. Wheat 52 8 ( Oats 16 10 i Beans 30 4 Barley ..••26 10 j Rye 33 II Peas .35 2 Duty on Foreign Corn. Wheat 34 8 Oats .22 9 j Beans.24 3 Barley 22 10 Rye.19 9 j Peas 16 9 SMITHFIELD RI ARK ET. Monday, March 11.—This day's supply of beasts was, for the time of year, moderately good the supply of sheep, lambs, calves, and porkers, but limited. Trade was, with beef, mutton, and lamb, somewhat brisk, at an advance of full 2d per stone with veal and pork rather dull, at Friday's quotations. (Per stone of HIb. sinking offal.) Inferiorbeef, from 2 4 to 2 8 Prime beef, from 4 0 to 4 6 Ditto mutton 2 6 to 3 2 Ditto mutton. 5 2 to 5 8 Middling beef ..3 0 to 3" 8 Veal 3 10 to 5 8 Ditto mutton 4 2 to 4 6 Pork 3 2 to 4 8 Suckling calves, from 12s to 2ds and quarter old store pigs 12s to 18s each. Supply of Cattle at market :Heasts, 2,214; sheep, 15,730; calves, 90 pigs, 160. HOPS. Borough, Monday, March H.—Qur hop trade, which is almost- entirely confided to hops of the two last year's growths, is very dull, at drooping prices the finest East Kent hops in no in- stance exceeding £10 per cwt. Currency East Kent, in pockets, 1830, £ 5. 5s to f6. 5s 1831, X7. 2s to X-P. 10s 1832, £ 8- 0s to £10.105; Mid-Kent, 1830, f4. 15s to £ 6. Os; 1831, £ 6. Os to i7. Os 1832, f7. 5s to £ 8. 10s: Sussex, 1830, F-3. 15s to £ 5. Os; 1831, X5. Os to. £6.55; 1832, f6. Os to 1-7. Os; Essex, 1831, lO. 00s to. .EO.OOs. ETALS. LEA!). £ • s. £ • S. | TIN. S. d. s.d' On bd. Pig per f. 13 0 to 0 0 In Bars, per cwt. 74- 6 to 0 0 Sheet, per ton.. 15 0 0 0 Ingots 73 0 0 O Bar 14 10..0 0 Grain Blocks 93 0 0 0 Patent shot 1 to 5 10 0..0 0 COPPER. A. B. 6 to 12. 17 0" 0 0 In Sheets, per lb. 0 11 ..0 0 Red Lead 16 0..0 0 Cake, per ton £ 94 0 to £ 00 0 White Lead 21 0..0 0 Mavme Metal for Sheathing Litharge. 17 0 0 0 Vessels, per lb 4d. PRICE OF BARK, per Jb. s. d. 's, d. s. d, s. d. Yellow Flat.. 2 3 to 0 0 Carthagena 0 6 to 0 8 Quill 0 0 0 0 Peruvian Pale 0 8 0 9 Oak, English Fine. 0 0 0 0 per load. £ 19 0s to £ 20 10s. Crown ditto.. 3 0 3 6 .v- MONMOUTH: Printed and Published for the Proprietor by JOHN NASH, at the General Printing-Office, Monnow-street. London Agents:—Messrs.- Newton and Co., Warwick-square; Mr. R. Barker, Fleet-street; Mr. G. Reynell, Chancery lane and Mr. S. Deacon, Coftee House, No 3 Walbrook, near tilk Mansion House, where this Paper is regularly filed. Agents for Ireland, Johnston and Co., Eden Quay, Dublin,