Monmouthshire Merlin

HOUSE OF COMMONS. THURSDAY, FEB. 28.—Mr. Grote presented petitions from Chatham, and other places, from electors, praying for the pro- tection of the vote by ballot, or that the right which they could not exercise freely might be taken from them. The Chatham pe- tition suggested that, without such protection, it would be better to lodge the power of returning members for such places in the hands of the Commissioners of the Dock-yards, and other Go- vernment authorities. Petitions were presented from the separatists against oaths, and in favour of the Factory Bill. Mr. Cobbett being censured by Mr. Methuen, Mr. O'Connell defended him, observing, "Highly creditable was it to England that a man who had begun life in the humble situation of his honourable friend, should have been able, by the unaided force of his own talent, and intellect, to raise himself to the proud situation which he now occupied, so much to his own honour and the advantage ot his countrymen. (Hear, hear.) There was no other country in the world but England, where this could have come to pass. (Loud and long continued cheers.) He heartily concurred in that cheering. He received it gratefully. It was a proud acknowledgment of the great truth to which he had given utterance." (Hear, hear.) SUPPRESSION OF DISTURBANCES (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. Shiel said that the Tory government never ask for, nor even thought of such powers as are now demanded. They en- acted the statue which is denominated the Algerine," but here is a master-piece of despotism, for which hardly any country will supply a designation. Let us, say the government, devise such a measure as shall so shock all the instincts of Englishmen as to render it impossible to follow it; and let this first-born of the new parliament under our auspices be so monstrous that it will be impossible ever to produce an equally hideous deformity. Not contented with establishing courts martial amidst the scenes of outrage and of horror, they erect them in the city of Dublin, where they have jurors at their command, and not very stubborn judges, and where a conviction is as easy as an accusation. Are outrages committed in the streets of the Irish metropolis ? Are assassinations perpetrated in its recesses ? Is no house secure from burglarious rnffianism ? Why, in God's name, do you desire to establish courts martial there, unless it is that you de- sire that there shall be a system as absolute as Lisbon and War- saw (there are courts martial there !) can now exhibit. It is not to crush insubordination, and check the barbarities perpetrated in the south it is to extinguish all the rights of British citizen- ship in the metropolis that you demand this frightful authority to be put into your hands. Your perverse adherence to the un- natural and anti-national establishment of Ireland has uniformly led to the same results. What have you done? The Secretary for Ireland, deaf to all remonstrance, insensible to every en- treaty, although he was implored to forbear, to wait at least for the reformed parliament, passed his tithe act, at the close of the session, trampled on us with his English majorities, and effected an achievement in legislation to which all our calamities may be now referred. He first drives Ireland desperate, and then he calls for penalties for her correction. The reason of certain dis- tricts bemg disturbed is, that there the tithe was begun. TJje special commission did not lay the seeds of peace deep enough and before the fruit could be produced, they were disturbed by a renewal of the agitation engendered by the right hon. Secretary. They build their adventurous and tyrannical legislation on the miserable anonymous (to us) correspondence of the subordinate authorities in the disturbed districts. In heaven's name, who- has advised this proceeding? Have the cabinet consulted a single individual ? We shall have no magistrates, no jurors, no judges, no barristers. We shall have—what ? Captains, for- sooth. (Cheers.) The wig, the gown, the band must give way to the sash, the sword, the epaulet, and then all the evils of the auministration of Irish justice will be at an end for ever. There never was any thing like this. Such a tribunal impartial See, think of what you are doing. You are now employing the army in raising tithes, and to-morrow the army are to adjudicate upon them. (Hear, hear.)). The Chancellor of the Exchequer de- clares that he does not mean to apply the act to the tithes. He does not mean it! Look at the act. It is clear, beyond dis- pute, that this act is to have the effect of extorting an abominable impost by means of martial law, and the officer of the army, who has been impeded on one day m levying tithes in any way, is to try the wretched peasantry the next, for an offence in which his own feelings are deeply engaged. Admirable legislation! The judge is not only to be a soldier, but he is to be a party in his own cause. Alas, sir, they think that they are only depriving us of liberty, when they are depriving themselves of the opportunity of ever being again its advocates. They are deserting the lofty principles, the ramparts of the constitution, on which they kept their sleepless watch. How will they ever be able again to raise their voices against coercion in this country ? Forbear! while there is time, forbear! With the same stab with which you strike at our liberties to the core, you will commit suicide upon your own. (Continued cheers.) Mr. Macaulay had made up his mind to advise the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the Trial by J.ury, with but little solicitude for minor details. He was not at all solicitous about, and had no choice between, the alterations proposed with respect to trying offenders. They may be tried by judges without jury, by barristers, or by courts-martial, he had no preference to give. The outrages of the Whitefeet were inseparably connected with political agitation and, consequently, both the one and the other were fit objects for the interference of the legislature. It was said that the adoption of these measures would be taking liberty away from Ireland. What liberty had they to take away ? Something like that possessed by the Kentucky man—the liberty of wallopping his own negro—a liberty whose insignia were plunder and assassination. That was the liberty Ireland was going to be bereft of! Never was that word more profaned- never was that sacred word of liberty more fculy abused, than it was at present in Ireland. The history of Europe gave but one example of such profanation that was, when over the doors of the execrable Jacobin Club were emblazoned the words, Li- berty or Death." The government were now defending real liberty, when they asked for those coercive measures so much cried out against. He considered that the present state of Ire- land might be aptly compared to the state of the Highlands of Scotland eighty years ago. Let the Highlanders be asked there would not be found one among them who did not bless the severity used towards them at the period mentioned, and the salutary wisdom that dictated that severity. He had no desire whatever to disguise the appalling features of the present mea- sure. Though its features were still more hideous, yet were it less appalling than the state of things in Ireland. It asked for courts-martial, but could any thing that would result from them, by any possibility, be half so despotic and arbitrary as what may be expected from the new National Guards already organized, and prepared to extend their sway ? Let these measures be branded as an Algerine Act, he would far rather live in Algiers, in its most despotic day, than he would live in the county of Kil- kenny at the present day. (Hear, hear.) He would rather see the cholera rage in England, as it had raged in Russia and the East Indies, than see what was hourly passing in Ireland sledge-hammers at the door of the peasant-men murdered, the bodies of whom no one dared to touch—and various other out- rages. He considered, that when he voted for a suspension of the Habeas Corpus and the Trial by Jury, he was not in any way compromising his opinions. (Hear, hear, hear.) Though it might happen to him, as it had happened to others, to become the victim of popular injustice, he would at least carry with him the inward consolation, that he had never been one of its flatterers. Mr. J. Romillu and Mr. O'Connor deprecated the severity of the measures intended to tranauillize Ireland.— Mr. Carew thought that some plan of coercion was necessary.—Mr. Clay addressed the house at some length, and said that measures of conciliation were more imperative than those of severity. He could not consent to put Ireland out of the pale of the constitu- tion.—Mr. Lennard would give government every support in his power for carrying their measures into efiect.-Lorcl Ebrington 11 also supported the bill. The gallery was cleared for a division, but none took place and, at a quarter past 12, the debate was adjourned. FRIDAY, FEB. 29.—The second morning's sittings took place. There was a very full attendance of members.-Many petitions were presented, and many speeches made, on the stamps on newspapers, the circulation of knowledge, the abolition of slavery, the cause of Poland, the observance of the Sabbath, the emanci- pation of the Jews, the inequalities of taxation, &c.—Three members who had been requested to support a petition against the Irish Disturbances Bill, declined so doing.-A good deal of conversation took place about the Sabbath, the majority opposing further legislation on the subject. Sir C. Burrell and others resented Mr. Cobbett's charges of unequal taxation but Mr. Cobbett reiterated them, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer observed that, though there were in- equalities in the stamp duties (some of which he was about to remedy), the inequalities of taxation were not so general as the member for Oldham contended. The efforts to emancipate the Jews were described by Mr. Cobbett in terms which'were strongly repelled by Mr. C. Fergus- son and others. But Mr. A. Johnston agreed with the hon. mem- ber for Oldham. He had gone to the right of the matter, and placed it upon its proper basis; and he had no hesitation in say- ing, that, if Jews were admitted into that house, there would be at once an end to all Christianity. He regretted that the hon. member for Oldham had treated the subject irreverently. He entreated the house to recollect that the present petition came from Unitarians, calling themselves Christians. (Hear, hear.) On the presentation of a petition, Mr. Wilks asked whether the Government contemplated any measures for the abolition of negro slavery.— The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied that, at present, it was utterly impossible to give any precise answer. IRISH DISTURBANCES. With the commencement of the five o'clock sitting began the third debate on the question that the Disturbances' Suppression (Ireland) Bill be read the first time. Mr. H. Bulwer opened the resumed discussion, maintaining that no adequate grounds were laid for the bill, and that the ex- isting powers and laws ought to be tried before such extraordinary powers as were now asked were demanded. Sir George Grey said he should give his reluctant consent to this bill but he did so because he believed it was absolutely re- quisite to strengthen the hands of the government. If a like case could arise in England, even the possibility of which he could not admit, he should, in such case, be prepared to support a simi- lar measure for England. With respect to the provisions of the bill, however, he expressed an anxious hope that, in the commit- tee, some means might be devised to supersede the necessity of resorting to courts-martial"—a sentiment that was loudly and very generally cheered. Mr. D. W. Harvey strongly condemned the bill, and declared that, if passed, twelve months would not elapse before a similar measure for England would be attempted. He contended that a Tory ministry, instructed by their past errors, would constitute a better administration than that which could propose so detestable a bill, or experiment, as the one before the house. Lord J. Russell defended the bill.—Mr. H. Grattan opposed it.-The Attorney-General supported it. After a very able speech from Sir R. Peel, and several mem- bers, the question of adjournment was moved, and there were di- visions on it, but the question was lost. Mr. Lloyd spoke at some length, and amidst much confusion after which, the adjournment was again moved.-The Chancellor of the Exchequer acquiesced in it, and the debate was adjourned till Monday. Some conversation afterwards took place and the hope was expressed that the debate would be concluded that day. MONDAY, MARCH 4.—The Speaker, by the full attendance of members, was enabled to take the chair at twelve o'clock.—Mr. Lyall, the new member for the city of London, in the room of the late Mr. Alderman Waithman, appeared at the table and took the oaths, and afterwards his seat. CHU ItCH ESTABLISHMENT, WALES. Lord R. Grosvenor, pursuant to notice, said he had to present a petition from Chester, praying for an inquiry into the state of the Church in Wales. He said that, although the petition was signed by only 100 of the inhabitants of that city, he believed it contained the sentiments, not only of a majority of that city, but of a large majority of the inhabitants of Wales generally. He trusted the house would allow him briefly to state what the peti- tioners complained of as grievances. He believed it was pretty well known to most of those then present, that the principality of Wales was divided into three districts. In North and South Wales the situation of the church was very different; in the North it was very rich, while in the South it was very poor. The patronage of the church was mostly in the hands of laymen not connected with Wales, the natural consequence of which was that the livings were bestowed upon individuals who were their own friends, and who had no feelings in common with the inha- bitants—who did not even understand the language of the Welsh people, and therefore did not confer upon them the boon of in- struction satisfactorily. The petitioners further stated, that two- thirds of the small tithes were in the hands of rectors and other persons, from whom the people received no spiritual instruction. That duty was left to the Welsh curates-a body of men for whom he had the highest respect but honourable gentlemen must know their education could not possibly be so good as such a responsible duty required. It was well known that they could expect from the church no more than from E150 to f200 per annum-an expectation too limited to afford such an education as was requisite for the discharge of such a duty. It would naturally be supposed that where the tithes produced something like a sum of X2000 per annum, the curate would be hand- somely paid out of that; but unfortunately such was not the case. Few of them were in the receipt of more than £ 100, not more than J-20 of which came from the tithes, £40 more of it was made up from fees, while the rest was made up from the fund called Queen Anne's Bounty so that the petitioners com- plained, not only that the teachers did not understand the lan- guage, but that while such large sums of money were drawn for tithes, they left the curates unprovided for. They also com- plained that in fact they were taxed to make up those salaries which the rectors ought to pay, having only a few years ago been called upon to vote a sum of £ 14,000 in order to make up that fund. With regard to South Wales, the tithes were princi- pally held by laymen, and the consequence was the prevalence, to an extraordinary extent, of pluralities and absenteeism. (Cries of Hear, hear.") In one county, out of eighty benefices, there were only thirty in which there were resident clergymen. The curates were, for the most part, exceedingly badly off, and some of them were so ill paid, that they were obliged to rent farms for their subsistence. Others again found themselves compelled to perform duty in several parishes, some of them in as many as four (hear, hear) and, as a natural consequence, the service was very irregularly performed in those parishes. The petitioners stated that the Bishops of St. Asaph and Bangor were much overpaid. He would not pretend to say what might be the extent of the remuneration deserved by the duty per- formed but this he would say, that nothing could be more per- nicious than the manner in which their revenues were raised- viz., by attaching to them the incomes of many benefices, thereby depriving those benefices of the advantages they would otherwise enjoy. He thought lie had now pretty nearly stated the amount of grievances complained of in the petition-but they did not ask for a repeal of the Union. (Some laughter.) Yet they were as much, if not more, aggrieved than they would be by merely pay- ing their tithes to clergymen of a different persuasion, for two- ,y thirds of the tithes were paid into hands whence they could re- ceive no spiritual assistance of any kind. All they asked for, however, was justice, and for an inquiry to ascertain the amount of the revenues enjoyed by the clergy in Wales and he trusted that his Majesty's government would apply itself to redress the wrongs of a people distinguished alike for talent, courage, loy- alty, and patience, and would do so, not under the apprehension of danger, but under the guidance of the still small voice of jus- tice. (Hear, hear.) The minds of the Welsh people had been much alienated from the established church, entirely by the abuses which prevailed in it. When he stated that out of 2200 places of worship in Wales, little more than one-third belonged to the established church, the well-wishers of that church would see that it was high time to check the abuses which prevailed in I it. (Hear.) He begged pardon for having so long taken up the attention of the house upon this subject; but when it was considered that he advocated the cause of a class of people bu t little able to protect themselves, he doubted not the house would readily grant him the pardon he prayed. (Hear.) Mr. W. Wynn said, highly as he respected his neighbours in the city of Chester, he thought the complaint of grievances in Wales, if any such could be made, would come with a better grace from the parties who resided in Wales, and who experi- enced those grievances. With respect to the great tithes, it was perfectly true that in some instances they were divided among the ecclesiastical bodies, but in many instances they were vested in private individuals, and they had, for the last 800 years, been the object of sale and purchase. The noble lord was under mis- take in some part of his statement, for he had stated that there were many instances of non-resident clergymen and of curates, who did the duty, being paid out of Queen Anne's bounty. That was not the case. Mr. Wilbraham said, the petition came from persons like him- self, friends of the Church of England, who did not wish to take advantage of her imperfections, but rather to see them cured. He considered the picture, however, drawn of the state of the Church of England to be an aggravated picture. It was most important that the house should thoroughly understand that the Welsh bishops did not understand the language of the country over which they presided and it was impossible they could per- form their duties without a knowledge of such language. There had also been an exclusive system of appointing Englishmen to be Welsh bishops. There had not been an instance of a native Welshman being appointed to be a bishop since the reign of the Hanoverian family. This was a state of things that ought not to have so long existed. Several hon. gentlemen spoke on the state of the established church in Wales—the state of the English church establishment -the immense number of non-resident, as compared with the resident, clergymen, and the evil consequences resulting from re- pealing the act which made it penal to be non-resident. Mr. Sanford asked whether the government contemplated any mea- sure to remedy the evil of non-residence of clergymen. The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied that the whole subject of church reform was under consideration, and that non-residefice and pluralities, of course, were amongst the subjects considered and he hoped to be able to produce a measure on the subject in the course of the session. The Marquis of Chandos, on the occasion of the presentation of some petitions for the abolition of negro slavery, inquired whether the ministers had any measure on this subject to propose for, ns a notice given for the 19th instant had been withdrawn, those connected with West India interests were now quite in the dark as to the intention of ministers 1-The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied that he could only repeat what he had before said, that the government hoped to be able to propose some safe and satis- factory measure at present he could not make any further statement. IRISH COERCION BILL. (ADJOURNED DEBATE.) Doctor Baldwin said he had come into the house with every feeling of respect to the Premier and the noble lord (Althorp) opposite. He had come there under the impression that he should not have to oppose their measures, except upon one point, which was the question of the repeal of the Act of Legislative Union. But he most honestly confessed that the bill presented in another place by the noble lord at the head of the Treasury, and in that house by the noisle lord opposite, was so direct a violation of the rights of man—it contained principles and en- actmeuts so completely subversive of those rights—it was so se- vere towards his country, so unjust, and so uncalled for, that no administration could have his support or confidence who would bring forward such a measure. That bill would excite feelings in Ireland which no healing measure which the government might bring forward could ever eradicate. Such a measure came with an ill grace from those who had, on other and recent occa- sions, shown themselves such strenuous advocates of the rights and liberties of the people. And was the noble lord aware what would be the effects of these new tribunals in Ireland, not only upon the people who were punished by them, but upon those who were employed to act as Judges upon them ? Was not the noble lord aware that officers who were habituated to act as military Judges in Ireland would be ready to act as military Judges in England whenever called upon, or even if not called upon, by the Government ? Before inflicting these military tribunals, with all their fatal and calamitous consequences, he hoped the noble lord would reconsider the measure, in order to see whether it could be with propriety adopted. The hon. member went on at considerable length to argue that the dreadful measure" was characterised by every evil, and that one of the effects of its ope- ration would be to make allegiance itself matter of expediency rather than a moral and political duty. Lord Castlereagh supported the bill, declaring the necessity to be unfortunately too manifest; but the agitation resulting from the government's declaration of last sessions, that the "extinc- tion" of tithes was contemplated by the administration, had not surprised him. After such an annunciation, the tithes continu- ing, the disturbances were inevitable. An Hon. Member said, that those measures which were stig- matised as coercive, were coercive only so far as they obliged the Irish to obey the laws, and prevented them from plundering one another. He would support the first reading of the bill, because he was of opinion that it would secure the peace and tend to the prosperity of Ireland. Major Fancourt could not give a silent vote when a death- blow was about to be levelled at constitutional liberty. He had voted with ministers on the address, because he was disposed to give such additional powers to government as they should here- after make out a case to justify. He did not consider, however, that they had made out a case calling for the introduction of martial law in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, he was of opinion that bringing forward such a measure would effectually neutralise the plan of church reform, and all the other beneficial measures intended for Ireland. Was it not just, was it not even most politic, that inquiry should precede punishment? It was the ministry, and none others, who were the true repealers. (Cheers.) Such measures as the present were calculated to con- vert the strongest advocates into repealers and he would inform them that, if the passing of this bill was necessary to preserve the Union, then he was a repealer. (Loud cheers.) He never would consent to pass a bill by which the liberties of the whole people would be destroyed. A noble lord (Durham), one of the ministry, had lately been to Russia, with a view, it was sup- posed, of remonstrating with the despot of Petersburg but what would that monarch think of a House of Commons which, after having raised its voice against his ruthless and bloody sacrifice of the Poles, should subject a nation of millions to worse than Si- berian slavery ? As an Englishman he opposed the bill, as one who would defend the sacred institutions which formed the safe- guard of his hearth. Once let such a measure pass for Ireland, and who could say that the principle so conceded might not be brought to operate against their own liberties? Who could say, whether, in some future time, it might not be brought to bear against the Political Unions of England? (Hear.) He had rather see his conntrymen fall the victims of a civil contest, than see the innocent mixed up with the burglar and the murderer, in one common measure of the most unmitigated tyranny. He firmly believed that if England persisted not only in offering no atonement for the acknowledged wrongs of Ireland, but in in- creasing these wrongs, there would come a time when they would be visited tenfold upon her, without leaving a possibility of say- ing that she did not deserve the scourge which might be exacted from her. (Cheers.) Colsnel Chichester was sure that the measure was necessary for the liberty of Ireland, and he would support ministers. Sir R. Bateson thought the case laid before by his Majesty's Ministers carried conviction with it of the necessity of the present bill, and he rose-as the representative of a great and numerous constituency, and as representing not only their feelings but the feelings of the whole of the people of the north of Ireland—-to give his and their concurrence to that measure. He had come from Ireland within the last few days, and he could say, that in the part of it which he left, all the property, all the moral worth, and all the integrity of the country was in favour of entrusting his Majesty's Ministers with powers to put an end to the horrid state to which Ireland was reduced. (Cheers.) Ireland was like a vessel which had struck upon a rock, and might require to have a roast cut away, or even to have some of its cargo thrown overboard before she could be got off. He had heard a great deal about the tyranny and despotism of this bill but he would say that the effect of it would be to get rid of greater tyranny and despotism than ever existed in any country. Mr. Finn rose to order. He had never in an assembly heard such opprobrious language. (Order, chair.) The Speaker hoped that the hon. member would see that there was a difference between what he (Mr. Finn) considered good taste, and what the house considered out of order. (Hear.) Mr. Barron, in giving his support to those who opposed this bill, said he did so, not from personal feelings, but from a sin- cere conviction of its dangerous tendency. He protested against this bill, because it would infallibly cause a separation between the two countries. The discontent and dissatisfaction which be- fore prevailed, had increased very much since the bill was brought in. He had received several petitions, to present against it, signed by men of property and honour, by good Whigs—by men who had always supported the present ministers-by men who had never belonged to any secret or public association-by men who had fought the battle of ministers-by men who had never been agitators, -but always opposed to agitation and they were all against the bill. All his letters from Ireland express the same feeling. What was the bill to do? It was to coerce the Irish"people but coercion had been already tried and failed. It was time to change the system, and try healing measures. They had given them Catholic emancipation, but that was not They had given them Catholic emancipation, but that was not enough that was the foundation of better measures, but it had not been built on. He denied—notwithstanding the assertions of the right hon. Secretary—that disturbance was now greater than formerly. For seventy yeai-s-as he could show from public documents—Ireland had been disturbed, and frequently more disturbed than at present. Coercive laws had been frequently tried, and they had always failed. The Insurrection Act had been renewed several times, and the land had been governed un- der it for many years but acts of kindness—acts for redresssing grievence, were almost unknown. The habeas corpus act was suspended from 1793 to 1800; and from 1803 to 1806; and again in 1822; but that had not given tranquillity to Ireland. The special commissions, however, which had been sent to Clare: and Queen's County, had restored tranquillity there and if a second special commission had been sent to Queen's County, he had no doubt that tranquillity would have been completely res- tored. It was the opinion of Chief Justice Bushe that the ordi- nary law was always sufficient to suppress disturbances, when it was vigorously executed. The hon. member, in a long speech, went into the state of the country, and, citing many parts as un- disturbed, shewed that agitation had increased since the menace of the bill, that many magistrates had signified their intention not to act under it, and that several respectable persons, amongst others Lord Miltowne, had joined the Irish volunteers. He dwelled on the misery of the country, and in conclusion said,— At the last Doneraile assizes there had been no less than 1200 processes for tithes, none of which were for more than six shil- lings. (Cries of oh, oh "-much uproar; one gentleman en- tertained the hon. members with an exceedingly natural imitation of the braying of an ass.) The hon. gentleman, after order was comparatively restored, cited some of the evidence given by Major Bryan before the committee in the course of last session, which, however, we were totally unable to catch the tenor of, from the uproar recommencing, which only ceased when the hon. gentle- man who had been speaking sat down. Mr. Chapman said that were the bill only proposed for the punishment of those persons in Irelend who had committed the atrocious acts described, he would be one of the last to oppose it. But he should oppose it because he thought it would have the effect of implicating the innocent with the guilty. He thought the bill might be divided—first, as against local disturbances- secondly, as against illegal associations in the country. Mr. Lambert said there were two questions before the house— whether additional powers ought to be granted to government, and whether the precise powers demanded were those best cal- culated to restore tranquility? The speech of the right hon. Secretary for Ireland, able as it undoubtedly was, threw no con- siderable light on the subject; it was too much occupied by personal invective—(cheers)—and too little with the sound views of a judicious statesman that speech contained a triumphant statement of crime, but it contained no sentiment of commise- ration—it communicated no hopes of relief, and gave not the slightest promise of the beginning of that retribution and com- pensation which should atone to Ireland for centuries of mis- government. (Cheers.) The condition of Ireland was, how- ever, correctly described in the speech. It was with a feeling of deep humiliation he heard the record of atrocities detailed, which struck at the root of all social order in Ireland and he acknow- ledged that the moment was come when it must be decided whether the King's government or agitation should be put down. (Loud cheering from the treasury benches.) The hon. gent. commented in strong terms on the nocturnal atrocities and system of anarchy in Ireland and, in supporting ministers, expressed the hope that some means of avoiding courts-martial might be devised in the committee. Mr. Tennant supported the bill. He wished the government would endeavour to alleviate the condition of the Irish peasantry —afford them opportunities of obtaining remunerating employ- ment—snatch them from starvation—and give a legal mainte- nance foi the helpless and the infirm. (General cheering.) Let them do this, and agitation would cease but if they did not do this, the reign of agitation would be perennial. (Hear, hear.) He could not refuse to give his sanction to the principle of the bill which had for its object the restoration of liberty, security, and good order in Ireland. (Cheers.) Mr. T. Fitzgerald, spoke at some length, but was totally in- audible in the gallery. He read a letter from the Lord Lieute- nant of the county of Louth, and from other gentlemen, for the purpose of showing that the state of that county did not require the application of such a measure. Lord Duncannon said he should give his reluctant support to the bill but he did so from his personal knowledge of the state of Carlow and Kilkenny. He, however, supported the bill on the understanding that the powers of the bill were not to be used to aid the collection of the tithes. In fairness, he felt himself bound to state that, unless the tithe question were settled, he had no hope of tranquillity in Ireland also that the Government must turn their attention to some system for securing permanent provision for the poor—a sentiment that was loudly cheered. The noble lord then proceeded to read a notice which he observed he knew of his own knowledge had been taken from a church door (cries of name, name, frequently repeated) with which the no- ble lord complied, observing that he did not state the name be- cause it appeared in the document. "NOTICE TO TITI-IE-PAYERS IN A CERTAIN PARISH IN IRELAND. You are called on by the Lord Lieutenant to pay the arrears of tithes for 1831. Beware how you act in this case. The eyes of the people of Ireland are upon you. Now or never This is the time for you to stand out manfully, in common with the rest of your fellow-countrymen. Remember that Ireland in 1832 is not the same Ireland as in 1798. Gibbets, and pitch-caps, and triangles, were then the order of the day, from one end of the kingdom to the other. Thank God the day has arrived when the good sense and energy of the people have put a stop to the proceedings of our unprincipled rulers. We are informed that a few of your parishioners have paid the parson. We are acquainted with their names and persons and let them depend on it, if they do not give satisfaction why they have done so, that some visitor in the shape of Swing, perhaps, will before long bring these people to a proper sense of their duty To the parsons we would say, beware how you be made an instrument in the hands of a Government that is detested by a majority of its own subjects. Remember, that when the Peelers are slumbering in their bar- racks, and Lord Anglesey carousing in the Castle of Dublin, the people will be at their post! You parsons, if you persist in goading the people, may meet your fate when you least expect it-and that without your seeing the hand-writing on the wall' to forewarn you of your doom. Take this as a last and friendly warning.—Signed by order, A TITHE IIATER." When notices of this sort are posted, it cannot surely be pre- tended that the country is quiet. It cannot be argued that mi- nisters ought to disregard such threats as those directed against individuals entitled to protection. Protection, it must be evident from such circumstances, must be afforded by some such a law as that which is now proposed. Mr. Buckingham rose but, from the confusion and cries which were raised from all quarters of the house, it was totally impossible to catch the purport of a single sentence. He at last observed, that if the house would not permit him to proceed, he should move an adjournment, which he accordingly did1"and, on its being seconded, The Speaker put the question as an amend- ment. Lord Althorp thought it was somewhat unusual for an hon. member to attempt to adjourn the business of the house merely because he was not attended to quite so much as he wished. He hoped the hon. member would not persist in his motion. Mr. O'Connell hoped the hon. member would be heard with attention. They had heard those, who supported the measure, and it was right to hear those who opposed it. He concluded by advising Mr. Buckingham to withdraw his motion. Mr. Buckingham said he would be happy to resume his speech. He did net object on personal but on public grounds. His ob- jection to the courts-martial was, that crime might be punished by civil as well as by military tribunals. (Cries of Question.") It was no less for (he good of England than for that of Ireland. The hon. member continued to be indistinctly heard in the gal- lery. Mr. Ward said, that the complaint made by the hon. gentle- man who spoke last came with a bad grace from one who had proposed to limit speaking to fifteen minutes, and who had ex- ceeded that limit himself. (No, no.) He repeated, that the merits of the question had been discussed on their proper grounds, and that the minor fry of debaters (amongst whom he reckoned himself) had exercised their ingenuity in involving in obscurity a subject, upon which the right hon. Secretary for Iteland had shed an overpowering flood of light. The government stood pledged to grant a reform in the church, in the jury system, and in the corporations of Ireland. The hon. and learned member for Dublin would find him ready to vote for any measure which he brought forward for the benefit of Ireland. Let him pursue a really useful course, and agitate for the benefit of his country, abandoning that phantom, which would always elude his grasp- the repeal of the Union. (Hear, hear, echoed by Mr. O'Con- nell.) In that object, not a man amongst them (the English members), he hoped, would follow him. Nothing should induce him (Mr. Ward) to vote for a measure which was fraught with national degradation and national misery. (Hear.) Captain Bayntun expressed his belief that misery and poverty were the cause of the crime which prevailed in Ireland. If mi- nisters wished to put an end to political agitation, why did they not propose remedial measures, by which they would remove the cause of agitation ? The present measure was tyrannical and uncalled for, and he begged to remind the house of the words which Lord Chatham made use of under nearly similar circum- stances It is true that violence prevails, but no man can persuade me that there is not liberty on the one side, and tyranny on the other." He objected to the principle of the present mea- sure, and therefore he would not enter into any observations with respect to its details. Ministers had made out no case to justify the passing of such a bill. He would vote against it, because it was opposed to the principle of benevolence and justice, and ut- terly at variance with religion and humanity. Mr. O'Dwyer spoke against the bill. Mr. T. Attwood moved the further adjournment of the debate. (Loud cries of no, no, and adjourn.) Mr. Lefroy said, that with all respect to the hon. member (Mr. O'Dwyer) he must be permitted to say that the attack which he had thought proper to make on the character of a respectable judge in Ireland was most unjustifiable. In undertaking the defence of that gentleman, it would perhaps be necessary for him to occupy more of the time of the house than at that late hour of the night he thought would be proper. He would, there- fore, consult the feelings of the house, and on its decision would either proceed, or defer the defence he had to make till to-mor- row. (Loud cries of proceed, and adjourn.) The Speaker having put the question on the further adjourn- ment of the debate, Lord Althorp rose, and observed, that he was quite aware that there were many gentlemen who still would have to address the house on the question, and therefore it was not likely the debate would close that night. He was under some apprehension, however, that it might not even be closed to-morrow, and he should rather be inclined to hear the hon. and learned member (Mr. Lefroy) address the house at once, unless a full understand- ing were come to that the debate should be closed to-morrow.— The debate was then adjourned till to-morrow. Mr. Attwood postponed his motion on the distress of the country from the 5th to the 14th inst.-Adjourned.

MISCELLANY! Lord Chief Justice Ellenborough has laid down the rule of law with regard to interest clearly and concisely thus :—" Inte- rest ought to be allowed only in cases where there is a contract for the payment of monies on a certain day or where there has been an express promise to pay interest; or where, from the course of dealing between the parties, it maybe inferred that this was their intention or where it can be proved that the money has been used, and interest been actually made. A note of hand: or promissory note does, therefore, legally carry interest; trades- men's bills, where there is no special agreement, do not." THE SPEAKER'S .iVhSERIES,- We take the Speaker, and bother him, and harass him, from twelve o'clock to three, in order to prepare him for a fresh set to take him up, and work him again from five till midnight; and there he sits (except when com- pelled to stand up to call us to order,) "like patience on a mo- ment smiling at grief." I have looked at him several times, and' have calmly weighed the matter in my mind, whether I would endure for the rest of my life what he has to endure, or leap into the life to come at once by the assistance of a halter. Endure' it I could not, I am sure, for any length of time. Labour! My God what is any labour compared to that 1- Cobbett. TOUT EST PERDU.—The newspapers tell us that several mem- bers of Parliament decline the Speaker's invitations to dinner on account of the dress and etiquette usual on that occasion. This is a very bad symptom we all know what the chamberlain said when Rollin entered the Tuileries with the shoe-strings, Tout est perdu ;the revolution was unavoidable. If this innova- tion is yielded to, it will be a proof of the unfinal nature of the Reform Bill. The next thing will be that lawyers will plead causes in their own hair, and gentlemen go to court in shooting- jackets. Conservatives must make a stand here or never. We now see the wisdom of the choice of Mr. Sutton for Speaker: it was clearly designed that, his love of forms and old usages should be placed in the breach to resist this vile conspiracy against all order and decorum. In favour of mere learning, the poor Catholics of Ireland have made prodigious exertions, such as would not pass for credible, were not the facts attested by those who were unwilling witnesses. By data furnished in 1827, we have in round numbers, the fol- lowing SCHOLARS IN IRELAND. Paid for their Schooling. Free. Protestants. 90,000. 56,000 44,000 Catholics.400,000.320,000.80,000 It is hence obvious, that about one half the Protestant children are free, while not above one-fifth of the Catholics are so. THE WELLESLEY FAMILY.—It appears that the family of Wellesley (grocers in Dublin) sprung from small beginnings. In this family is the singular fact of four brothers sitting at once (in the persons of the Duke of Wellington, Marquis Wellesley, Lords Maryborough and Cowley) in the House of Lords. An attempt has been made at Philadelphia to accuse Miss Kemble of speaking ill of the Americans, and of saying that she had not seen a lady or gentleman fit for her to associate with, since she came to America." Mr. Kemble addressed the audience in contemptuous denial of the whole affair, and all went off peaceably and to the perfect exculpation of the lady. USE OF BREAD.— All animal food has a tendency to grow pu- trid. Its doing so in the human body would be productive of unwholesome humours, indisposing and agonizing the whole frame, did not bread, by the acidity it acquires in process of di- gestion, correct the humours and avert the evil. Thus, but for the use of breast all the wealth of the voluptuary would be insuf- ficient to save him from painful disease and premature death !— Pinnock's Guide to Knowledge. THE GLASTONBURY TnoRN.—A Correspondent of the Gar- dener's Magazine thus writes :—"The unsatisfactory, and even contradictory statements which occur in various works both 00 systematic botany and on horticulture, respecting the Glaston- bury thorn, induce me to trouble you with this communication. Not that I consider myself able to give you full and satisfactory information on the subject; but I hope at least, to be enabled, from my long residence in the neighbourhood, to describe with accuracy whatever is known with certainty at Glastonbury about the plant in question. The Popish legend about the staff of Joseph of Arimathea I may be permitted to pass over in silence and, therefore, come at once to a thorn tree, now standing with- in the precincts of the ancient abbey of Glastonbury for ther& can be no doubt that from this tree and its forefathers (the pre- sent one not being of great age) all others of the kind have been propagated by budding or grafting. The most marked peculi- arity in this tree, and in those descended from the same stock,, is the time of flowering. It is now (December 31) in blossom,, and I transmit you a specimen for examination. It will again blossom in the month of May, and from these latter flowers fruit will be produced. I am informed, but have not myself made the experiment, that plants grown from these haws turn out to be the common whitethorn. A PARIS BEGGAR.—A beggar woman, who for twenty years has implored alms at the door of one of the churches of Paris, gave a dinner of the best viands to the choristers, lately, of the parish, and many of the neighbouring tradesmen, such as the baker, grocer, pastryman, and green-grocer. The party amounted to no fewer than 50 persons. During the repast, which was served in a large room hired for the purpose, the hostess herself waited upon the guests; but at the dessert, having done the needful in the way of washing up the plates and dishes, she donned her holiday clothes, and joined the party, whom she thanked for their goodness and benevolence towards her, to which she was indebted for the means of displaying that mark of her gratitude. A PRETTY SAY ING.-A young lady of fashion having married the man she loved, retired with him into the country from many friends in town. She has done wisely," said Mrs. D she has exchanged one and twenty shitlings for a guinea" (i.e. she has found in one the merits and value of all the rest.) LITTLE WHIG AND TORY.—"What are you thrashing that poor boy for 1" said we to a sweep of some twelve years of age, who was laying it oa thick upon one much younger. Vy, 'cause he insulted me he called me a Tory," was the reply of the son of the clergy." Veil," cried the other, still holding up his little fists in the attitude of defence, as the tears washed two white streaks down his sable cheeks, "he first called me a Fig, Sir." "I cogitated two glorious puns, Higgins," said Gloucester to his fidus Achates, "as I was lying on my back this morning in bed. Lend me your ears." Higgins did as he was bid. Sup- pose Gully, the Member for Pontefract," continued his Royal Highness, were to fight a pitched battle in Ireland, what would you call him, as to his politics ?" A Peel-er, in course," re- sponded Higgy. Good, Higgins but now comes a poser what would he be if he fought a second time ?" The Aid-de- camp was completely abroad." Ah, you dunderhead," roared Gloucester I thought I should floor you if he fought twice, he would be a Re-peeler, booby," Higgins affected to be in ecstacy of admiration. The depravity of the age is absolutely awful exclaimed the Rev. Mr. Irving, after squinting over a daily paper. Any new abomination, my dear Sir?" said Mr. Taplin, to whom the remark was addressed, Not exactly new, perhaps," responded the Rev. Edward but I confess I am moved with indignation, to find in the account of the Vanity Fair fripperies of the Queen's birth-day, which [ have just been reading, a list given of the mistresses that were present on the occasion. What a pitch of wickedness, my friend Taplin turned np the whites of his eyes, and said, he fully expected a shower of fire and brimstone to be rained some fine morning ever the metropolis. Mr. Halford, M.P. for Leicestershire, is the son of Sir Henry Halford, the author of the "celebrated bulletin" and "congra- tulatory letters." In his address to the electors he is said to have pledged himself to purge the House of Commons, and in- vigorate the corrupt organs in the constitution. THE NEW ZODIACK.—Astronomers are about to erase the signs, on the present Zodiack, and substitute the pictures of the follow- ing distinguished characters: — Aries, the Duke of C-d, Taurus, Jack Gully. Gemini, Gloucester and Silly Billy. Can- cer, Mr. Croker. Leo, Marquis of Londonderry. The Balance.. Scales with a Donkey. Virgo, Mr. Cobbett. Capricorn, Lord Ellen h. Aquarius, John Reeve. Pisces, Mr. Crockford.

FRIDAY'S LONDON GAZETTE, MARCH 1. INSOLVENTS. J. Spivey, King-street, Great Hermitage-street, provision dealer; Wm. Twycross, Godalming, Surrey, leather dresser. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. J. Freeman, jun., Drayton, Somersetshire, sailcloth manufacturer.. BANKRUPTS. Gilbeit Witt, Chenies-street, Bedford-square, cheesemonger. William Oaks, Houndsditch, coppersmith. Richard Edden, Newgate-street, tailor. John Newson, Silver-street, Wood-street, whitesmith. Carsten Holthouse, Three Colts-street, Limehouse, baker. Edward Hopson, Stonehouse, Gloucestershire, draper. W. A. Best and R. Best, Birmingham, pocket book maker. Edward Watts, Oldbury-on-the-Hill, Gloucestershire, saddler. John Beare, Pall-mall East, iron and brass founder. John Percy Clarke, Manchester, commission agent. James Freeman, Blaenavon, Monmouthshire, victualler. J. Brockman, Leamington-Priors, Warwickshire, wine merchant. --¡- MONMOUTH: Printed and Published for the Proprietor by JOHN NASH, at the General Printing-Office, Monnow-street. London Agents:- Messrs. Newton and Co., Warwick-square; Mr. ll. Barker, Fleet-street; Mr. G. Reynell, Chancery-lane; and Mr. S. Deacon, Coffee House, No. 3, Walbrook, near tll' Mansion House, where this Paper is regularly filed. Agents for Ireland, Johnston and Co., Eden Quay, Dublin.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. FRIDAY, MARCH 1.—A great number of petitions were pre- sented in favour of the Factory Bill, the abolition of slavery, and the better observance of the Sabbath. On the last-named subject, Lord Roden observed, if the higher classes would determine not to deal with those tradesmen who kept their shops open on the Sundays, the practice of Sunday trading would be soon abolished.—Adjourned to Monday. MONDAY, MARCH 4.—THE BEER ACTo-The Bishop of Bristol said he held in his hand a petition from the city of Bristol, signed by 14,000 individuals against the Beer Act. The right rev. pre- late expressed a hope that his Majesty's Ministers would bring forward some measure to amend the law upon that subject, as the present act tended to propagate vice and immorality. The Marquis of Lansdowne said the noble and learned lord was not probably aware that a committee of the other House of Par- liament had been appointed to inquire into the subject, with a view of removing the present evils. The Bishop of Bangor laid on the table a petition from Brid- lington, in the county of York, praying a more rigid observance of the Lord's Day. The Bishop of Bath and Wells presented a petition, most numerously signed, from the inhabitants of Taunton, complain- ing of the demoralising effect of the Beer Act, and praying some alteration in the law upon that subject. Lord Wharncliffe laid on the table a similar petition signed by the Master, Warden, and others of the Company of Cutlers of Hallamshire (Sheffield.) Earl Grey presented petitions from the inhabitants of New- castle-upon-Tyne and vicinity, from Doncaster, and two other places, praying the abolition of negro slavery.—Adjourned.