Monmouthshire Merlin

HOUSE OF LORDS. FRIDAY, FEB. 22.-Several petitions were presented, praying for the abolition of negro slavery. DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND SUPPRESSION BILL. Earl Grey moved the order of the day for the third reading of the above bill. Lord Teynham said he should strongly protest against this bill, as a gross infringement of the constitution of England and Ire- land. The union, the inviolate union of England and Ireland, was worthy of the strenuous support of every rightly-thinking man. Could this bill, he would ask, have the effect of consoli- dating that union ? Would it not, on the contrary, give rise to a spirit of resistance in every part of Ireland ? It was a measure which he deeply deplored, and he believed that ministers (as honest ministers, he admitted, as ever this country saw), in bringing forward such a bill, were acting under some delusion or another God only knows what! He hoped, from the en- lightened and liberal feelings of the day, that prosecutions before court-martial would not be carried into effect. He would raise his voice against such a measure, because it appeared to him to be opposed to the constitution of the country, and contrary to the interests of the British empire. The Earl of Westmoreland supported the bill, and argued that the state of Ireland required prompt and decided measures. The bill was then read a third time and passed, and ordered to be carried to the Commons. VENUE (IREIAND) BILL. Earl Grey said he rose to move the second reading of the bill having for its object the more impartial trial of offences in certain cases in Ireland. The necessity for this measure arose out of the disturbed state of Ireland, and the inadequacy of the law, in its present state, to insure the impartial administration of justice. He could assure the house that he never executed a more painful duty than that which he had to perform in bringing forward these measures. (Hear.) He must observe that there did exist in Ireland a system of violence and intimidation which prevented the due execution of the law, and which hindered prosecutors and witnesses from coming forward as they ought to do. Under circumstances of this description, he proposed, in cases where such a necessity did arise, to remove the trial of the party or parties prosecuted from the place where the offence was com- mitted to the adjoining county, or to the county of Dublin. In the 11th and 12th of George III., passed in 1772, their lordships would find provisions for the same purpose; and both in that act and in an act of George II. it would be seen that offences pre- cisely the same as those contemplated by the present bill (attack- ing houses at night, houghing cattle, &c.) were pointed out. The outrages provided against in these different measures were the same. It was proposed that the removal of the venue should only take place at the instance of the Attorney-General by an order from the Court of King's Bench, granted upon the affida- vits of the parties complaining of intimidation. The duration of the bill should be limited to the same period as the bill which their lordships had just passed. A clause was also introduced allowing the expenses of a party prosecuted in Dublin, in the event of his being acquitted, on the production of the necessary certificate. The noble earl then moved that this bill be read a second time, which, after a few words from other noble lords, 'was agreed to, and the bill ordered to be committed on Tuesday. —Adjourned till Monday. MONDAY, Fru. 25.-The Lord Chancellor, assisted by Lords Panmure and Dinorben, sat this morning, at 10 o'clock, to hear Scotch Appeals the arguments in which were of no public in- terest.-Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. THURSDAY, FEB. 21.—A long conversation took place re- specting the Merchant Tailors' Company, and whether its affairs ought to be subjected to the municipal corporations' committee but the point was not determined, Mr. Attwooil contending that it was a trading company, while Mr. ill. Hill maintained that it Y. exercised municipal functions. Mr. Hume moved for estimates of the probable receipts and -expenditure of the year, urging that the present system of ac- counts was very defective, and that there ought to be estimates for the charges of collecting the revenue, amounting to four mil- lions sterling, the same as there were estimates for the army, navy, tkc. At present the items of charge for such collection could be in no way checked by the house. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he had a bill to improve the Exchequer department, so as to secure accounts of receipts -and expenditure and those items would enable the house to judge of the fitness of subsequent estimates and charges.—The motion was eventually withdrawn. Mr. Slaney moved for a select committee "to consider the best means of securing open spaces in the immediate vicinity of populous towns as public walks, calculated to promote thehealeh and comfort of the inhabitants." The hon. gentleman intro- duced a great number of statistical facts in support of his motion. Within eight miles of St Paul's there was a population of 1,750,000, and 1,500,000 in the town itself. For these the parks afforded a resort. Not so with the inhabitants of the great 10wns of the north. Though their population had doubled within the last thirty years, they had no public walks, and most of the old footpaths were stopped up. Six oat of ten of ihe manufac- turing population died before twenty, in consequence of had air and little exercise. The hon. member deprecated interference with the recreations of the poor, by the suppression of wakes and fairs, See. Workmen in large towns were forced into the public- house, there being no other places of amusement for them. Public walks would cherish the love of fine clothes, and thereby stimulate to industry. He was convinced they might be pro- vided at a small expense, and that they would improve the feel- ings and habits of the people. Several members spoke in favour of the project, and the com- mittee was appointed. LIGHT-HOUSES. Mr. Hume submitted to the house a proposition which fe- lated to the duties levied upon the shipping interest to defray the charges of public and private light-houses. The committee upon foreign trade had made a valuable report, in which they pointed out the injury which these duties inflicted on the shipping inter- est. They did not question the right of the crown to grant leases of public lights to private individuals but they proposed that, as the present leases fell in, they should not be renewed, but should be granted to the Trinity Board for the benefit of the public. He was sorry to say, that instead of that recommenda- tion having been adopted, the Dungeness leases for the lights at Harwich, at Orfordness, and at Winterton, had been renewed to Mr. Coke, and other private individuals—a proceeding by which a tax of £ 30,000 had been inflicted upon our mercantile navy. The King had no prerogative to tax a portion of his subjects for the benefit of another nortion, by means of these leases. The tax was imposed for the purpose of maintaining the lights, and ought not to exceed the expense of maintaining them, whereas, in the last forty years, the lights at Winterton and Orfordness had pro- duced no less a sum than £ 22,000 a-year to private individuals. He should on a future day move for a select committee to see how far these charges might be reduced or otherwise altered. The hon. member then proceeded to state the amount of sums levied upon the merchant service by means of these duties. 1 he managers of Scotch lights were all of them either bailies or law- yers. [f Scotland was bad, Ireland was still worse. The Tri- nity Loard was composed cf men who did justice to the charge reposed in them but he could not say the same of the Scotch bailies and lawyers, nor of the Irish bankers. He was desirous of knowing what had been done since the report of 1833. Since the establishment of the reciprocity system, the British govern- ment was bound by treaty to defray all the extra charges which foreign vessels had to pay in our ports, beyond those which our vessels paid in foreign parts. This subject charged a sum of £20D,OOO a-year upon the shipping and commerce of the coun- try. He concluded by moving for a series of returns relative to the amount of revenue collected by fees from light-houses, pub- lic as well as private, in England, Scotland, and Ireland, from the year 1828 to 1831, and to the appropriation of that revenue in each year. Mr. Pease said that he could but congratulate the house that public attention had been called to this important subject. It was one in which he felt an interest, as being connected with the county which he represented but, still more, it was one which concerned the interests of humanity-it related to the interests of a class of men in whose welfare the public were much con- cerned,-those who were employed in the commercial and naval service of the country. It was well known that the lives of this valuable portion of our fellow-subjects were often placed in jeopardy by the state in which the light-houses were kept at the mouths of some of our principal rivers and it was therefore most desirable that some efficient controul should be kept over such lights by some responsible public board. To him it appeared singular that, while the names of some of the highest persons in the kingdom appeared to subscriptions of £ 50 and £ 100 for dif- ferent societies, whose object was the preservation of human life-such as the Humane Society, the Society for extending the benefits of Captain Manby's apparatus, and others of that de- scription,—there should at the same time exist a tax levied on our commercial navy for a purpose which turned out in the gross more injurious than beneficial to the safety of that large class of men who navigated our shores. He had heard with much re- gret that the funds which were destined to increase the number of light-houses, could not be wholiy applied to such purpose, and that the number of lights must be less in consequence of the claims on it for pensions to widows and orphans of seamen. Now, that these were fit objects of public commiseration, no per- son would deny but they were so much so that he hoped other means of provision for them might be easily found without any diminution of the lights necessary for the guidance and security of the vessels approaching our coasts. On grounds of humanity, on grounds of the necessary protection of our commerce, he hoped that such funds might not be diverted from their legitimate pur- pose. It was to him a great satisfaction that, after the rather desultory discussions in which they had been engaged since the commencement of the session, they had at last come to something practical. By some of those discussions he had been amused, by some instructed, and perhaps by some edified but, on the whole, looking on them as far as their tendency to practical re- sults went, he would say, as a new member, that he had been rather disappointed. (Hear, hear.) It was, therefore, a satis- faction to him to see the house come at last to some measure from which a practical good might be derived, and on that ground he gave his support to the motion. After a few words from hon. members, the motion was agreed to. —Adjourned. FRIDAY, FEB. 22.-Petitions for the better observance of the Sabbath, for the abolition of slavery, for the repeal of the as- sessed taxes, against the coercive measures for Ireland, &c. &c. were presented from different places. SUPPRESSION OF DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND. Messengers from the House of Lords brought down" An Act for the more effectual suppression of disturbances and dangerous associations in Ireland," which had been passed by that house. -Lord Althorp moved that it be printed and be read a first time on Wednesday next.—Mr. Hume hoped the house would not pass this bill till they were satisfied those for the remedy of grievances were safe.—Lord Althorp said the church reform bill and the grand jury bill would be introduced before the end of next week. Mr. O'Cortnell said anything that was brought forward really for the advantage of Ireland, would be sure of an unwelcome re- ception in another place—(hear)—but anything of a malignant character, anything conceived in hatred, would be sure of respect and favour. (Hear, and no, no.) Mr. Stanley said, if the hon. member would pause a little time-if he would but give credit for good intentions and upright views-if he would wait to see what was done, instead of ex- citing violent passions and prejudices, his Majesty's ministers would be found not to disappoint the expectations of the public, or belie the intentions which they professed to act upon—the re- dress of all real and acknowledged grievances. (Cheers.) So ¡ anxious were his Majesty's ministers not to give any reason for doubting their professions, that they had taken the earliest pos- sible opportunity of explaining to the house those plans which they intended to benefit IreJand-measures which the hon. and learned member for Dublin had stamped with an approval which he now vainly attempted to qualify. (Cheers.) At the same time they had announced measures which they had resorted to reluctantly, and which were necessary—not for the maintenance of their administration—but of any administration howsoever constituted. (Cheers.) He declared most solemnly, that if he sat on the opposite benches be should vote for these strong mea- sures, whatever administration had proposed them-of whatever party it had been formed, whether in or out of office-he should equally have upheld the necessity of these, not coercive, but pro- tecting measures. (Loud cheers.)—Some other members briefly expressed their sentiments, and ultimately the bill was ordered to be read a first time on Wednesday, for which day, on the mo- tion of Mr. O'Connell, a call of the house was directed. GOVERNMENT OFFICES. Mr. Hume moved for the appointment of a select committee to examine into the number of members of both houses of parlia- ment who held offices under the crown, and were moveable at pleasure. He should take that opportunity of saying, that in his opinion such persons ought not to be members of either house of parliament, indeed, he should go further, though he well knew how much his sentiments on that point were at variance with those of other men, that neither officers in the army nor navy ought to have seats in that house. (Oh oh!)—This remark of the hon. member provoked some severe observations from several hon. and gallant members. Captain Berkeley said he had the honour to hold a commission in the navy, and he thought that the honourable member for Middlesex did not know what the word honour" meant, if he thought that an officer, for the sake of his paltry half-pay, would sell the interests of his constituents. (Cheers.) He would tell the hon. member for Middlesex, that every officer of the army and navy threw back upon him his imputations. (Hear, hear.) Men who thus accused others did but judge of others by them- selves and he believed that if the hon. member were placed in the situation of those men whom he now calumniated, he would act as he accused them of acting. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Hume said he flung back the imputations against himself with contempt, he had not calumniated any man. He was in a different situation from the hon. member. The King could not strike him out of the list of officers as he could strike out the hon. member--(Hear, hear)-and, consequently, the hon. and gallant member was to that extent a dependent man. (Hear, hear, and no, no.) He could show hon. members a printed list now on the table of 1000 men who had been struck out of the list of commissioned officers, no reason given, and who could get no redress. Lord Althorp had no objection to the appointment of the com- mittee. He only suggested that it should be an instruction to the committee to report on the number that had sat in parliament in several antecedent periods. The motion, as amended, was agreed to, and the committee appointed. Mr. Hume moved for a return of the several prosecutions for selling unstamped publications, from the 26th of July to the pre- sent time. He condemned in very strong terms the course pur- sued in the matter, and thought that there should at length be an end to practises that were a disgrace to the country. The Attorney-General said that the prosecutions in question had been instituted by common informers, and the government were by no means responsible for them. Mr. Cobbett said that he was the innocent cause of the acts under which those prosecutions had beeen set on foot. Let the government only try now the effect of repeal. By taking that course they might perhaps regain some portion of their now totally lost popularity. Lord Althorp said it would not be practicable to repeal the whole of those acts, though perhaps some portion of them might be done away with at the same time he could not undertake to say that any alteration on the subject could, during the present session, be proposed by his Majesty's government.—Motion agreed to. At the conclusion of a long, and, to the public, uninteresting discussion, respecting the Merchant Tailors' Company, Lord Al. thorp said ha wished to draw the attention of the house to an im- portant circumstance. In the discussion on the subject of mem- bers of both houses holding places under government, very strong language had been used, and he had reason to fear, that in con- sequence of several expressions made use of by both parties, some consequences were to be apprehended which the house would be most anxious to prevent. Under these circumstances he offered himself to the house. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Middlesex had made use of some expressions relative to British officers. The hon. member for Gloucester, an officer, had used some expressions towards the hon. member for Middlesex in re- ply, and the latter had retorted in very strong language. He, therefore, wished that hon. gentleman to state what he knew must be the case-that he meant nothing personal. Mr. Hume said he had no hesitation in saying this he could have meant nothing personal. What he had said was, that from what he had known of former houses of parliament, he was not without some suspicion of what might occur in the present one. He meant nothing personal but the hon. member for Glou- cester got up and said, that such a suspicion could only proceed from a consciousness that he (Mr. Hume) was capable of so doing. He naturally felt indignant at such an insinuation, and certainly gave vent to it, saying he returned such an imputation with contempt. Contempt he knew was not a proper word to make use of in the house but he felt very indignant. He in- tended no personal affront. The Speaker expressed his feeling that the house was highly indebted to the noble lord. (Hear.) He could not but feel that the strong language made use of was highly indecorous. If, however, his memory had not failed him as to what the hon. member had said, the hon. member had not meant to make any personal attack. The hon. member had meant to express the same contempt for the insinuations which the hon. member sup- posed to have been thrown upon him from the other side, as the other side threw upon his insinuations. The hon. member had not, he thought, conveyed any other meaning, and, therefore, he had not, at the moment, interfered. He was always slow to in- terfere, fearing he might create an offence where none was ever intended. Since, however, suspicions had been given to the noble lord, the house was deeply obliged to the noble lord for having brought the matter before it, and would, probably, be satisfied with the explanation of the hon. member for Middlesex. (Cheers.) If the house were satisfied, the most gallant and hon. man that ever lived must feel himself satisfied. (Cheers.) If he did not feel confident that the explanation was sufficient, the house, he should say, would not do its .duty if it did not send for the hon. member for Gloucester at once, to see whether he were satisfied. He did not propose that, for what gave satisfaction to the Commons, must give to the most sensitive feelings of any individual, entire and perfect relief. (Cheers.) Lord G. Lennox said, if he might express the feelings of his hon. and gallant relative, he would venture to say that he was satisfied.-Adjourned till Tuesday.

MILITARY SINECURES. To the Editor of the M'onmouthshire Merlin. SIR,—The debate and division in the House of Commons on Mr. Hume's motion for the discontinuance of sinecure offices in the army and navy, is calculated to excite, and loudly demands, the consideration of every man who knows the country MUST be relieved from some of its burthens of taxation, or perish, and who has flattered himself that a reformed parliament will be the speedy medium and means of that relief. There are certain go- vernorships and lieutenant-governorships, at home and abroad, of which that of Berwick, now vacant, is an example, which are complete sinecures. On all hands it is admitted that they are mere nominal offi(es-that there are no duties to discharge—and that, in point of fact, those on whom they have been conferred neither have resided, or are expected to reside, on them. In re- ply to the arguments for their abolition, it is said they are neces- sary, as additional rewards due to long and extraordinary ser- vices performed in the army or navy—that those on whom they are conferred have frequently only their whole or half-pay as Major-Generals, and others—that they cannot live like gentle- men thereon, and therefore these sinecures must be given them. The short answer to this is, that the nation has been so plun- dered, and the middle and lower classes reduced to such extremes of embarrassment and distress, that it cannot afford to be thus generous. Better that half the Major-Generals in existence should live on the amount of the pay which is known to be at- tached to the service, than that a whole nation should be starved, and the country be reduced to a state of anarchy and confusion. There is not one of them but what might, and must, if he were to speak the truth, address the nation in the words of Sir Philip Sydney, who, when mortally wounded, took the water untouched from his lips, and gave it to a dying soldier, saying, "thy ne- cessities are greater than mine." But then, it is said the amount is so small, it would be but a drop in the ocean of abuses. Granted but it is a beginning-a beginning in the right place- the practical establishment of the principle of relief. When a little is asked of government—oh it is not worth having candle-ends and cheese-parings! When a greater reduction of taxation or saving is desired, then too much is asked—govern- ment cannot afford it! Government not afford it! Government not afford, at almost any sacrifice, to give the people, who pay for it, a cheap government! The servant say to the master, "you shall have establishments you cannot afford to maintain you shall be taxed to the back-bone—to give £ 500,000 a year to one, £100,000 a-year to another, two thousands and five thou- sands to many, and ten thousands a-year to some, whilst the seventh part of you are reduced to pauperism by the expenses of mis-government—while some of you starve for want, and while the temptations and necessities imposed by poverty, have in- creased crime to a degree frightful and terrific!" Is this lan- guage fit for any government to use to the people ? Is this the language, implied or real, of the present ministers of this coun- try ?-Certainly not-not yet decisively, only provisionally. Stay till the estimates are brought forward, says the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when these matters may be regularly canvassed. Well! we stay till then this much ought to be conceded to those who, backed by the people, have given us the machinery of reform—the means by which, if this reform be worth having, sub- stantial relief will be afforded to the country. Nay more, we, the people, who are perishing at home, or driven into exile abroad, we will duly consider the trying situation in which ministers are placed, assailed on all hands, by the Tories for their destruction by the people for the means of comfortable subsist- ence surrounded at court, in office, in one of the houses of parliament at least, by open or secret foes—inhaling the impure atmosphere of a court, where those who have most, want more—• where prejudice, and pride, and vanity, conspire to exclude or vilify the truth, and to mislead for the sake of destroying. Yes the people of England, long sufferers as they are, are too just and too generous to overlook these things when once they are made aware of them but let not ministers mistake their ene- mies for friends, and, above all, let not oar attention be diverted in the mean time from the principle of the thing, by being told that the people are not the fittest distributors of their own money, or be mystified by Sir John Ilobhouse's hocus pocus of sine- cure and no sinecure, nor partake of Sir Francis Burdett's horror of figlirts, nor be frightened by this cidevant hero of Palace- yard's denunciation of popular orators. No! but we will stiio the question of all its collaterals-we will not be diverted from viewing it in all its nakedness of truth and simplicity, even by the allegation of the Secretary of War, that means of rewarding old and meritorious officers were wanting, or by its profound ex- emplification in the appointments recently made of Lord Munster and his younger brother !-and for their own sakes, as well as that of the country, it is most earnestly to be hoped that the multitude of reform members who voted against Mr. Hume's motion, will review the question in the same simple, unsophisti- cated manner. These gentlemen know full well that it is not in the power of the people much longer to bear the present weight of taxation, rates, and tithes and that, even if it were, as Mon- tesquieu says, Ce n'est point a ce qui le people peut dormer qu'il faut mesurer le revenus publics, inais a ce quit doit donner." Let not ministers deceive themselves by thinking that they can do without the hearty, active, and zealous support of the people and let not reform members be surprised out of their consistency, by claims on them, on behalf of a reform administration, for support of any measures which are opposed in the slightest de- gree to the principle of relief from taxation, whether it be the £ 300 a-year sinecure salary of the Governor of Berwick Castle, the military pension of the Duke of Wellington of £ 8889, or Lord Grenville's sinecure tellership of£10,000 per annum and when this same grand revieiv-day of estimates next comes, let them inquire whether, in addition to the King's civil list of £ 435,000, the Royal Family, married and unmarried, legitimate and illegitimate, still continue to receive £ 218,822 a-year (in- cluding £ 17,250 to the Duke of Cumberland, and £ 6000 to his son)—whether the militarij dead weight, i.e., the useless military expenditure, amounting to the enormous sum of £2,669,697 per annum, is still paid, and the naval dead weight of £ 1,229,381, which gives us in return two pensioned or paid ad- mirals, and four surgeons, for every ship But they must not stop here the country is blessed also with a civil dead weight, said to be of the amount of £982,370 this must be sifted thoroughly and the actual expense of the navy (still upwards of £4,000,000 annually), of the army above £5,000,000, and the cost of the colonies the three millions for collecting the re- venue I-and the immense sums paid to the Bank of England for managing the debt and using the public money,—must all be inquired into. But subjects for serious inquiry multiply as we proceed. Inseparably associated as these enormous expenditures of their money are with the embarrassment of the middle and heart-rending miseries of the industrious classes, they produce a loathing, which must be suspended till I can resume the subject without sickening* In the mean time, it would be well if mi- nisters and members would ponder well on the following mo- mentous truth :— SOMETHING MUST BE IMMEDIATELY DONE FOR THE SUBSTANTIAL lil.l.l i 1 OF TilE MIDDLE AND "INDUST RIOUS CLASSES. Shaped as the motion of Mr. Hume was—circumstanced as were ministers on the occasion—premature as was alleged to be the resolutions submitted to the house—and known, as many of the supporters of ministers on that occasion are, to be amongst the most honest and zealous advocates for reform and retrenchment, and consisting of some of the most tried and hearty friends of the people,—it would be great injustice in the country not to wait for the grand review-day of' estimates, when their views on these subjects will be fully, as well as appropriately, developed and when their good faith and fidelity to the cause of the people will be fully vindicated. HAMPDEN. From a return of the House of Commons recently published, it ap. pears that the army and navy of Great Britain cost the country upwards of fifteen millions of money, of which nearly five millions are paid to 139,697 NON-EFFECTIVE MEN!

AGRICULTURE TO BE DONE IN MARCH. The beginning of March usually concludes the winter and the end of the month is generally indicative of the succeeding spring. This is a laborious and trying month, both for men and cattle engaged in field operations. It is the proper time for getting seed barley into the ground crops sown later may be very beneficial, but if all circumstances were equal, the March- sown would be superior to any at a later season. By asserting this, it is not to be supposed that April is an improper month for sowing it experience has proved the contrary. Barley is cultivated in most parts of Britain as a rotation crop, and gene- rally sown after turnips, though sometimes after beans or peas, and even after a bare fallow, if the land be not thought fit for wheat, or if the weather has prevented it from being sown at the proper season. To whatever crop barley succeeds, the harrow and roller, when the plough alone is sufficient, should be em- ployed in reducing the soil to a considerable degree of fineness after turnips, eaten on the round by sheep, the land, being con- solidated by their treading, sometimes receive two ploughings, hut if only one, it should be well harrowed and rolled. Barley is sometimes sown on the first ploughing, and covered by a second shallow ploughing. As it is found of great importance, with a view to speedy and equal vegetation, that the ground should be fresh and moist, barley is generally sown upon what is termed hot fur—that is, as soon as possible after it is turned up by the plough. White oats should be sown now, in preference to any other season and in the general conduct of them, the farmer should, by ail means, avoid the common error of sowing them after other corn crops, by which they exhaust the land they should always receive the same preparation as barley, nor ought a good husbandman to think of their not paying him as well for such attention as that crop. It is a very mistaken idea to suppose it more probable to sow barley on land in good order, than oats. An opportunity should be taken for sowing all sorts of peas, that were not sown in February. Nor is it 11 proper to delay any of them later, if the weather suits white peas should be sown last, and on lighter land, for they do not succeed well on heavy or wet clays. There are scarcely any soils that do not suit some peas or other: fotiff clay do well for the hardier hog peas all lighter loams and sandy, answer very well for the ten- derer kinds. In common management, they are sometimes ploughed, and at other times harrowed. Peas should be sown after corn they always come in best after wheat, barley, or oats. This is the proper seed time for the main crops of most esculent, in addition to those plants which, from different degrees of tenderness in constitution, the gardener is totally or partially restrained from sowing in the open garden till spring is some- what advanced, the weather temperate, and the ground divested of the rotting effects of excessive moisture. Another consider- ation deters the experienced from sowing a few species of the hardy tribe for full crops, as soon as the seed may be safely trusted in the soil that, is the tendency to shoot too early for seed, which particular kinds are observed to shew when raised before a given time. The first thing in March, sow the drum- head cabbage and Scotch-grey, both for cattle sow also, two or three times during the month, turnip and other kinds of radishes. Sow peas and beans for full crops in succession also lettuce and spinach twice or thrice in the month. In the first week, sow savoys for an early crop, and in the last for a succession. In the last week, sow the small silver-skinned onion, for drawing young in summer.

MARKETS. CORN EXCHANGE, MARK LANE. Monday, February 25.—Our supplies have been, since this day se'nnight, of English, Irish, and Scotch wheat, English, Scotch, and Irish oats, and English peas and beans good of English barley, malt, and flour great; of Scotch and Irish flour, foreign wheat, Scotch malt, and seeds, from all quarters but limited. In this day's market, which was moderately well attended by Lon- don and other local buyers, but by very few from more distant parts, trade (owing, as was observed by several extensive dealers, to the speculative part of it being, both here and in the country markets, much paralysed by the pending discussion of the Corn Laws) was, with each kind of corn and pulse, as also malt, seeds, and flour, exceedingly dull, at last week's prices with the ex- ception, however, of a few small parcels of very superiur wheat, being said to have produced an advance of about Is per quarter. Current Prices of Grain, per imperial quarter.—English Wheat, 45s to 62s; Rye, 32s to 35s Barley, 21s to 34s Malt, 35s to 63s; White boiling Peas, 36s to 41s Grey Peas, 30s to 34s; Small Beans, 32s to 35s Tick Beans, 28s to 30s Potatoe Oats, 19s to 23s Poland Oats, 16s to 20s; Feed Oats, 12s to 18s; Flour. 40s to 50s.—Rapeseed, new, £ 21 to £ 25 per last.-Lin- seed Oi1-cake £11. 00s to £ 11. lis per 1000. I-- Account of Wheat, Sîc. arrived, in the Port of London, during the Weelc ending February 16, 1833. n Wheat. Barley. | Malt. { Oats. Beans. Peas. ^1S- 8,725, I 15,063 12,846 24,096 | 2,712 j 1471 Flour, 11,876 sacks, and barrels. Imperial Weekly Average Price of Corn and Grain. Wheat 52 3 Oats 16 8 Beans 30 5 Barley 26 7 ) Rye 34 3 [ Peas 35 3 Aggregate Average of the Six Weeks, which regulates Duty. Wheat 52 10 I Oats .17 1 | Beans 31 0 Barley.27 4 Rye 33 5 f Peas .37 1 Duty on Foreign Corn. Wheat 34 8 Oats .21 3 Beans 22 9 Barley 21 4 ( Rye 19 9 Peas 14 0 SMITH FIELD MARKET. Monday, February 25.—This day's supply of beasts was, for that of a Lent Monday, moderately good but the supply of sheep, calves, and porkers, was but limited. Trade, owing to ad- vanced prices being pretty generally and stiffly demanded, was, throughout, very dull. With beef and mutton at an advance of 2d veal at a depression of from 4d to 6d per stone with pork at Friday's quotations. (Per stone of 81b. sinking offal.) Inferiorbeef, from 2 2 to 2 6 1 Prime beef, from 3 10 to 4 4 Ditto mutton 2 4 to 3 0 Ditto mutton. 4 10 to 5 6 Middling beef ..210 to 3 4 Veal 3 8 to 5 6 Ditto mutton 3 8 to 4 2 J Pork .3 2 to 4 10 Suckling calves, from 12s to 30s and quarter old store pigs 12s to 18s each. Supply of Cattle at market:—Beasts, 2,522 sheep, 13,880 calves, 96 pigs, 110. HOPS. Borough, Monday, February 25.-New hops have gone off' since this day se'nnight to a limited extent, at their last week's, prices but in old ones next to nothing has been doing. The- higher quotations have been obtained in but very few instances^ Currency: East Kent, in pockets, 1830, J5. 5s to J26. 5s; 1831, £7.78 to X-P. 10s; 1832, E8. 8s to £ 10. 10s Mid-Kent, 1830, £4. 15s to £ 6. 0s; 1831, f6. 6s to £ 7. 10s 1832, £7. 10a to X9. Os; Sussex, 1830, X3. 15s to £5. Os; 1831, X-5. 5s to £ 6. 10s; 1832, X6. 6s to X7. 7s; Essex, 1831, £0. 00s to £ 0. 00s. METALS. LEAD. £ s. S. TIN. S. d. s.d. On bd. Pig per f. 12 0 to 0 0 In Bars, per cwt. 74 6 to 0 0 Sheet, per ton.. 14 0 00 Ingots. 730..00 Bar 14 0 0 0 Grain Blocks 93 0 0 0 Patent shot 1 to 5 16 0 0 0 COPPER. A. B. 6 to 12. 17 0..0 0 In Sheets, per lb. 0 11 0 0 Ore, Red 15 10 0 0 Cake, per ton £96 0 to fOO 0 White Lead. 21 0 0 0 Marme Metal for Sheathing Litharge 17 0..0 0 Vessels, per Ib. 4d. MONMOUTH: Printed and Published for the Proprietor by JOHN NASH, at the General Printing-Office, Monnow-street. London Agents:—Messrs. Newton and Co., Warwick-square; Mr. R. Barker, Fleet-street; Mr. G. Reynell, Chancery-lane; and Mr. S. Deacon, Coffee House, No. 3, Walbrook, near the Mansion House, where this Paper is regularly filed. Agents for Ireland, Johnston and Co., Eden Quay, Dublin.

LINES ON HEARING AN ÆOLIAN HARP. How sweet and softly on the breeze, those airy murmurs float, Resounding so melodiously, the ever varying note So calmly and so mournfully upon the evening breeze, It fills the balmy air around with richest harmonies. How wild and plaintive o'er its strings, the breezes gently sweep, Then die away so distantly, so calmly, and so deep It seems as tho' some seraph choir had stopped upon their wing, And hovered near this lower world, amidst their wandering. These are no chords so sweetly strung, by beauty's magic pow'r, Here are no art and measured tones, the senses to allure No voice is heard, no fairy hand, to strike the chords is seen, But heavenly borne, they float away, melodious and serene. Alas with us they stay not long, but quickly pass away, Fit emblem of life's varying scenes and of its quick decay Over its strings the wild winds creep, in sweet and mournful strain, Then in the distance die away, and all is hushed again PERDU.