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HOUSE OF LORDS.
HOUSE OF LORDS. TUESDAY, FIB. 12.—Lord Elleaborough moved for a return of the foreign trade with China also a prospective return of the revenue of India, to be furnished by the Court of Directors. DISTURBANCES IN HI EI. AND. Earl Grey gave notice that, on Friday, he would bring in a bill to put down the disturbances in Ireland. LUNATIC COMMISSION BILL. After some debate, in which Lord Wynford stated his objec- tions to the measure, which were replied to by the Lord Chan- cellor, the house went into committee on the Lunatic Commission Bill, which was ultimately ordered to be read a third time on Monday next.—Adjourned. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 13.—Their Lordships met pro forma at three o'clock and after postponing some private business, ad- journed till the same hour on Thursday. THURSDAY, FEB. 14.—The Earl of Shaftesbury took his seat on the Woolsack, and, after postponing some private business, their lordships adjouined till Fiiday.
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CORN EXCHANGE, MARK LANE, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 13. -The wheat trade continues very heavy, although there have been no fresh arrivals since Monday, and what samples were left over from that day still remain on hand being so much out of condition, owing to the damp weather, that the millers were not inclined to buy them, except at very low prices. Barley was also exceedingly heavy sale at Monday's quotations. The oat trade remains extremely dull in consequence of the immense ar-. rivals, and, although offered at reduced prices, scarcely any pro-, gress was made in sales.
TUESDAY'S LONDON GAZETTE,…
TUESDAY'S LONDON GAZETTE, FEBRUARY 5. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. R. Pearce, Bishopsgate, tavern keeper. R. Reynolds, Manchester, cabinet maker. T. Sandys, Bell-court, bookseller. BANKRUPTS. W. Bowditcb, Exeter, grocer. J. Innes, St. Mildred's-court, merchant. J. Wilson, Ernest-street, victualler. J. and W. Jacombs, Coventry, ribbon manufacturers. Sarah Hill, Godalming, schoolmistress. H. Joyce, Milford-lane, oilman. W. M. Rowe, Stamford, grocer. W. Rather, Grantham, scrivener. W. Etches, Doncaster, auctioneer. T. Nelson, Stibbington, paper manufacturer. E. Matterson, Leeds, chymist. C. A. Busby, Brighton, builder. T. 1. Brunt, Whittington, Derbyshire, tanner. T. Gilbert, Birmingham, coal dealer. W. Hooper, Farmington, farmer. J. Sim, Whitehaven, currier.
FOREIGN.
FOREIGN. New York papers, to the 26th ult., have been received. They contain all the official papers relative to the Carolinas which have been laid before Congress, and a highly import- ant message from the President Jackson, who has at length drawn the sword, stating that he will employ all the naval and military forces of the United States to put down the rebellion in the Carolinas. The President has ordered the Custom-houses of Charleston to be removed to the neigh- bouring fortress, and denies the doctrine laid down by the Legislature of the Carolinas, that one State can withdraw from the Union without the consent of the whole. It is reported that the President had ordered the arrest of Gover- nor Hayne, of Carolina, on a charge of high treason. The message occupies nearly seven columns of the American papers. The editor of a New York paper makes the follow- ing comment on the messuage. 1!1 -1 The special Message of the President cf the United States, upon the subject of the recent high-handed and unlawful mea- sure of South Carolina, is one of the most important documents that has ever emanated from the American Executive. Who- ever may have been its author, it is written with consummate ability. The President has, at length, exchanged the knot of evil and irresponsible advisers, who have so long been like mill- stones upon his -Administration, for Counsellors who have the talent, the principle, and the nerve to put forth such a noble document as this Message, in which there is no refining of terms, no Jesuitism or obscurity and what is more satisfactory still, there are no attempts in this document to soften or explain away the sound and wholsonre federal doctrines of the late proclama- tion. On the contrary, all is frank and manly. There are two or three incidental points in the Message from which we should dissent, as, for instance, the proposition that the Federal Govern- ment is cf limited powers. This is an error the Government is one of specified powers. So also where the Message asserts that the taxation and representation have uniformly gone hand and hand together it is not so while the inequality of the slave re- presentation exists. The recommendation for enforcing the laws in South Carolina appears to be very judicious. The removal of the Customhouse from Charlestown to the neighbouring fortress seems to have been a measure of just precaution, and, on the whole, we look upon the entire Message as being just such a document as the crisis demanded and such a one as ought to give universal satisfaction to the American people." Our readers may infer from the tone of these comments that the President is resolved to enforce obedience in South Carolina. It is worthy of remark that there was no conviction for murder, or any other capital offence, in the State of New York, comprising about two millions of inhabitants, in the year 1832. From the papers of Sunday it appears that the process of disarmament is in extensive operation in France. The works of Strasbourg are to be immediately dismantled. Some bustle is observable, however, in the French seaports. Orders were received at Toulon, on the 4th instant, for the imme- diate sailing of a sloop of war to Alexandria with a messen- ger, the bearer of important despatches. Don Miguel was reported to have refused to give satisfaction to France for recent affronts offered to the French flag, One of our private letters states that intelligence had reached Paris from Madrid, that the decree for calling together the Cortes (solely, however, for the purpose of formally concurring in the abolition of the Salic law) had received the signature of King Ferdinand.
DOMESTIC.... !
DOMESTIC. --co-- SLAVERY IN THE WEST INDIES.—The government have intimated to the merchants, &c. connected with the West Indies, that they will be ready to communicate confiden- tially with them before they submit to Parliament any pro- positions upon the subject of West India affairs; that go- vernment would neither propose nor object to the renewal of the Committees of the Houses of Lords and Commons; but that in the event of the renewal, his Majesty's govern- ment, "feeling.it to be their duty, in the present crisis of West India affairs, to act upon their own responsibility, deem it incumbent upon them to state, that the ap- pointment of such Committees would not cause them to abstain from maturing and proposing such measures as they may upon full consideration, and after communication with the West India body, deem to be best calculated to bring this important subject to a safe and satisfactory termina- tion." The West India body, in reply, contend for the re- newal of the Committees, and that the government should suspend their measures on the subject until the Committees had terminated their labours. They have also requested an interview with Ministers, to receive a communication- respecting the plans to be brought forward by the Mi- nisters, and that the West India packet might be de- tained till they could communicate something decisive on the question, otherwise that a rebellion among the slaves might take place; the two latter have been acceded to; so rests the question at present. # The petitions from Leeds to both houses of parliament, praying for the immediate abolition of colonial slavery, were sent off on Monday evening last to Earl Grey, and to John Marshall, jun., Esq., and Thomas Babington Macauley, Esq., members for this borough, for presentation. The number of signatures amounted to upwards of 16,000. The address to the King, signed by the chairman of the meeting, had been previously transmitted to Lord Brougham.- Leeds Mercury. We hear that it is the intention of government, in their corporation reform and extension scheme, to allow corporate officers to be elected for life. As this plan would, materi- ally lessen the responsibility of these civic dignitaries, it will be resisted, we understand, by Mr. Tennyson, who will move, as an amendment, that they be elected annually by the whole of the rate-payers in each town, pursuant to the notice of motion which the right hon. gentleman gave last session.-Chronicle. In consequence of the death of Mr. Alderman Waiihman, an active canvass has commenced in the Ward of Farring- don Without. Among the aspirants for the vacant gown are the Deputies Blackett and Tickner, Sir J. Williams, Mr. Grote, M.P., Messrs. Harmer, Rundell, R. Taylor, and Spottiswoode. By the Alderman's demise a vacancy occurs in the City Representation; and Mr. Alderman Venables, Mr. Lyall, the Lord Mayor, and Mr. LJoyd, are already in the field. THE MARQUIS OF ANGUSEA.Since the return of the noble lord to Uxbridge-house he has been a great sufferer from the tic douloureux, which has confined him to his chamber, wherein he has been several times visited by the ministers. We learn that his excellency has consented to continue in office as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and will return as soon as his health will permit. Lord Brougham, it is said, proposes to constitute a Chief Justice in Equity, with a salary of £ 7000, on whom the present labours of the Chancery Court will devolve; retain- ing the office of Lord Chancellor, with a salary of £ 10,000 per annum, and all its present patronage. The duties of the Chancellor would then be only three-fold-as cabinet minis- ter, judge of appeals, and speaker of the Lords. The marriage between Mr. Sanderson, the member for Colchester, and Miss Manners Sutton, eldest daughter of the Speaker of the House of Commons, was solemnised on Tuesday. The East India Company have offered the services of their regiment to take the Tower duty, should Government require the services of the regiments stationed there for Ireland. TAXES ON N nvsPAPERs.-Lord Althorp has declined stating what course he shall propose to Parliament, with respect to the duties on newspapers, till the finance returns of the year are complete that is till after the 5th of April. In discharging a rule for a criminal information (Ret v. Merridew) against a printer at Warwick, for a libel, the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench observed- That the Court was of opinion that it ought not to encourage these applications, which had of late come on the Court in such multitudes." The rank of King's counsel has been conferred upon David Pollock, Philip Courtenay, W. H. Maule, and John Blackburne, Esqrs. Lord Melbourne has sent off a respite for John M'Cabe, the young man who was sentenced to be executed for rob- bery, unattended by aggravated circumstances. At the Middlesex Sessions, on Tuesday last, Lady Sarah Briscoe, wife of Sir W. Briscoe, Bart., was found guilty of composing and publishing three libels upon a Mrs. Mary Toulson. It was proved that she had written the libels in question, and taken the copy to a printer; and so anxious was she that the hand-bills should be distributed, that she accompanied the bill-sticker in the disposal of fifty of them. She was sentenced to two months' imprisonment in the house of correction. The Bishop of Durham has, in the most quiet and unos- tentatious manner, dispensed in private charity, during the last year, upwards of £ '9000. Well may it be said to the detractors of this excellent and pious individual, Go you I e,, and do likewise."—JSeiccastle Journal. ^vemment has permitted a patent to be taken ou; for
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
HOUSE OF COMMONS. TUESDAY, FEB. 12.-Dr. Lvshington presented a petition for Jewish emancipation. It was supported by Mr. O'Connell. SHIPPING INTEREST. Mr. Young gave notice that, on the 22d April, he should move for the appointment of a select committee on the shipping interest. ADDRESS TO HIS MAJESTY. The Speaker announced that the house had attended his Ma- jesty this day with the address of the house, to which his Majesty had been pleased to return the following most gracious answer —" I thank you for your loyal and dutiful address, and rely with confidence upon the determination you have expressed to main- tain inviolate the legislative union between Great Britain and I Ireland and you may be assured, that in exercising the powers I- le of government for the suppression of all acts of violence and out- rage, I shall think it my duty to assist you, to the utmost of my power, in removing all just grounds of complaint in every part of my dominions." (Loud cheers followed this answer, especially from the opposition.) CHURCH REFORM IN IRELAND. Lord Althorp said, that although he was fully aware that the Secretary for Ireland would be more competent to bring forward this important motion, it was thought better, as this was a mea- sure of his Majesty's government, to follow the example set us by preceding administrations, and appoint a person standing in the highest situation in this house, to bring forward this measure, rather than the particular minister, to whose department it might naturally be thought to belong. (Hear, hear, hear.) His lord-, ship deemed it desirable to go back a little into the history of the legislation of Ireland, in order to show what has been done and what still remains to be done, to remedy evils under which that country laboured. The noble lord then took a retrospective view of many of the grievances of Ireland, and of a measure brought forward by himself nine years ago his lordship proceeded to show, that since the measure of Catholic emancipation, govern- ment have made their appointments without reference to the creed of the parties, and that ministers would continue to do so. As to the tithe system, he thought it unnecessrry to point out to the house the mode in which it interferred with the cultivation of the soil, and with the application of large sums of capital in its improvement, by making the clergyman a partner in all the be- nefits which the application of that capital might produce, with- out making him a partaker in the loss to which it was also liable. The government was now endeavouring to get rid of the mis- chievous parts of that system. The principle upon which they were acting might not be to the satisfaction of the hon. member for Dublin and his friends opposite but that principle was to take away from the farmer that undue pressure under which he laboured at present, but not to give up to the landlords that charge upon their lands to which their lands were subject when they or their ancestors originally acquired them. (Hear, hear, hear.) With respect to grand jury presentments, his right honourable friend would shortly present a measure for the consideration of the house, and it will be for it to amend or alter it as it may think proper. (Cheers.) With re- spect to the church establishment, the tithes that press upon Ire- land, the internal tithes, are not great in numbers, but they press heavily upon Ireland. He could assure the house that whatever can be done, shall be done for Ireland. Ireland wants capital, that is its great evil, and peace and good order will encourage people to lay out their capital in that country. (Loud cheers.) He wculd now come to the question of the church establishment. Upon this question many others had arisen, and of these not the least was the exaggerated difference between the amount of the population of Ireland, and that of the church establishment. I confess (said Lord Althorp) that I believe I have exaggerated that differenc e in my own mind. The first part of the revenues of the Church of Ireland comprises the revenues attached to the bishoprics. I am sure I shall surprise the house, after what they have heard upon this subject, when I state that by the returns we have had of the actual revenues of the bishops, the net amount of the sees is only £130,000 a-year. The gross amount is £ 150,000, but the net amount is only £ 130,000. It is certainly true that a very large tract of country belongs to the bishops of Ireland, but, sir, the bishops have not themselves the beneficial interest in that value. Those, in fact, to whom they lease the land, have five- sixths of the value. The amount of the real value is somewhat ii t at600,000, but obviously the biships do not receive more than £ 100,000. This, I apprehend, partly accounts for the ex- aggerated ideas which gentlemen entertain of the ecclesiastical revenues in Ireland. With respect to the deans and chapters, their whole incomes amount to £;23,600 a-year, but the necessary expenditure, before it can be divided, amounts to £ 21,500, being little more than a surplus of £ 2,000 a-year. With respect to the value of other Irish benefices he was not prepared to give any very accurate statement. The whole of the other benefices amount to 1,401 those from which we have received returns amount to 1,149, which leaves 252. The whole amount of the revenue will be £580,000 a-year but we may take it at £ 600,000, and in that we do not go below the fair calculation. According then to the statement I have made, the bishops receive £ 130,000 and the deans and chapters, not the holders of other benefices, receive £2,000, and the amount of the other benefices is £ 600,000, so that the total revenue of the Church of Ireland, applicable to its support and maintenance, does not exceed £ 800,000. Now, (said the noble lord), whatever difference of opinion there may exist, as to the right of parliament taking part of that property, and applying it to the state, all will agree that the first claim upon the property is from the church itself, if the church esta- blishment is to be maintained at all. If not, those who think so will not agree with me. It will, however, be generally agreed that the revenues of the church, as at present existing, ought to be applied to the necessary purposes for supporting and giving to the people the benefit of the church. Lord Althorp then pro- ceeded to point out defects in the church system. We think it best to get lid of the Board of First Fruits, and the first fruits themselves, and in lieu of them to make an annual reduction from the amount of benefices. Those which are under X200 vve'j do not propose to reduce. From those from f200 to .£500, we propose to take five per cent. From £500 to £800 seven per cent. From £800 to £ 1,200 ten per cent. And from all the latter sums fifteen per cent. This would give, taking into con- sideration those that pay no per centage, a fund of £42,000, but it was impossible for him to say what would be its future amount. I should say, that when persons went voluntarily to work on differ- ent livings, they ought to be considered as one. For instance, if a person has one of £ 700, and another of £ 300, it should be taxed as upon £ 1,000, namely at ten per cent. instead of the two sums of seven and five per cent. In the proposition are in- cluded deans, and chapters, and prebendaries. But it is evident that if this ratio should go on and affect the bishops in the same proportion, they would be taxed unfairly, because the expenses of the bishops exceed in proportion those of the private clergy, and it would not be fair to commence with the lowest sees with a reduction of fifteen per cent., and to increase by the enormous per centage to the highest annual amount. It is proper therefore to make a difference in the scale. We propose, that from all sees below £4,000 a-year, five per cent. be deducted all below £6,000 a-year, seven per cent.; all below £10,000 a-year ten per cent., and all above that fifteen per cent. I am aware that in making this proposition 1 go at least the whole length which justice would justify me in going but when I consider the nomintl amount of first fruits that have hitherto existed, and when I consider the great advantage it must be to the church to submit to a sacrifice in order that the clergy may secure to them- selves the affections of the people, I do feel the strongest hope that we shaH not meet with any strong opposition from them upon this point. I will say more, I have reason to hope that we shall not. (Hear, hear.) A board will be appointed, which, though composed of members of the Church of England, will be as independent as possible their duties will be laborious. I think the house will agree with me, that wherever you have a church establishment, it is the duty of the legislature to provide the means of reliHous worship, both as regards the edifices in which it is to be performed, and the expense of performing it. (Hear, hear.) Now, in Ireland, great complaints have been made, and I admit they are well founded, of the mode in which this obligation of the state to maintain religious edifices has been performed. The rate levied for that purpose in Ireland has been for the most part paid by Catholics, while the management of this expenditure has been placed under the direction of a Pro- testant vestry. (Hear, hear.) This is a double grievance but the church rate, I think it will be acknowledged, is quite of a different nature from tithes. (Hear, hear.) Tithe is a burden upon land, which the person who buys land knows his estate has been subjected to, and will be subjected to. (Hear, hear.) In fact, the tithes of an estate are a part of its produce, which do not belong to the owner of the rest. A church rate is of a dif- ferent nature. It is the determination of government to abolish f re church latesaltogether. (Loud cheers, which continued for some time.) We estimate the annual amount of church rates in Ireland to be between £ 60,000 and £70,000. Sir, as churches may be built when t ley are not required, it is intended to be provided that the Commissioners shall not have the power ommencing the 2vy churches unless a cei" l-.ave been raised by private individuals, or a certain amount of pew rents have been subscribed for. (Cheers.) At present, sir, the reve- nue of the Primate of Ireland, about which considerable exagge- rations have gone forth, amounts to about £ 14,422. Now it is proposed that this should be reduced at the expiration of the pre- sent incumbent, to £ 10,000 a-year that all such benefices should be reduced 10 per cent. (Cheers.) With respect to the Dean and Chapter, whenever they are unconnected with the cure of souls, the proposition of his Majesty's government is to abolish them altogether, or else attach cure of souls them, so that sinecure situations of that nature should in future be entirely re- moved. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, I admit that twenty-two bishops is a number more than necessary. (Loud cheers.) It is then for us to examine how many may be reduced, after the decease of the present holders of sees, so that the duties of the established church might be performed fully and efficiently and, with the best considerations that could be brought to the subject, we think that the number may be fairly reduced by ten bishops. (Loud and continued cheers, re-echoed by Mr. O'Connell.) These bishoprics were—Drumore, Kilmore, Raphone, Killaloe, Clon- felt, Elphin, Cork, Kildare, Ossory, and Waterford of these, the latter was at present vacant, and would remain so. (Cheers.) The duties of these sees would be performed by their being an- nexed to others. Lord Althorp shewed the grievances of the present system of bishops' leases. It is proposed (said his lord- ship) to enable any tenant who thinks it right to demand, upon certain terms, which I will state immediately, that he shall have a perpetuity in the land which he now rents of the bishop, at a fixed corn rent. (Hear, hear.) As the law stood at present, bishops in Ireland could grant leases for twenty-one years, and the fine granted on the renewal of such lease, together with the rent, formed the annual income of the bishops. As he under- stood the subject, the value of a bishop's lease in Ireland was twelve years and a half's purchase. In many instances, however, the lease was renewed every year; and it was still in the power of the bishop (and he believed that circumstances of the kind had occurred) to run his life against the tenant, and to deprive him of property which his family had possessed veais before. For this, as the law now stood, there was no remedy. The tenant was also placed in such a situation, that if the land were much improved by his industry and by the outlay of his capital, he was liaide on the renewal of his lease, to an increase of fine. In order to i-en-,etly this defect, it was proposed that every tenant who chose should be enabled to demand from the bishop a lease of his land in perpetuity, at a fixed corn rent. (Hear, hear, hear.) Now, looking at those terms, the value of such a lease, at a fixed con rent, would be twenty years' purchase instead of twelve and a half, being an increased benefit of seven and a half years' pur- chase. But it was proposed that the bishop should grant leases in perpetuity at a corn rent, on a tender of six years' purchase being made to him. That would confer a very great benefit on those who held bishops' leases, because it would give them the full advantage of any improvement which they might effect in the value of the land, and it would also provide against any hazard that might be apprehended from the bishop running his life against the tenant. The bishop would receive the same amount of rent as he did at the present time, but he would no longer have the power of running his life against the tenant. If, there- fore, an increased value would be created by the contemplated act of parliament, then he had the right to assume that that increased value could not be claimed by the church. He therefore felt that even those individuals who objected to the interference with church property, or the appropriation of it to any other than church purposes, might, without any scruple, agree with him in this proposition, that whatever additional proceeds were realised by the new system might be applied to such purposes as parlia- ment might think fit. They might give tolerable accurate guess as to what was the value of the"e lands. He believed that £500,000 a-year was the value to the tenants of all the bishops' lands but the value to the bishops was only £ 100,000 per an- num. The amount of the proceeds arising from the grant of leases at six years' purchase would be from X2,500,000 to £ 3,000,000. This might He converted to the certain benefit of the state, at the same time that the system would be a great relief to the church tenant, and would not operate to the disadvantage of the bishop. I do not mean to say that this is the only mea- sure that is required with respect to the church of Ireland. I do not mean to say that there are not other measures with respect to non-residence, with respect to pluralities (hear), and for the pur- pose of inducing the landlords to take on themselves the payment of tithes. All these measures must be brought under the consi- deration of the house they will necessarily be so during the present session of parliament but this is the measure which I now bring forward with respect to the temporalities of the church. The measure I have proposed provides for not continuing the scandal of persons holding benefices and receiving the revenues of a living where no duty is performed, and diminishes to as great an extent as it could possibly tl e number of the Irish hierarchy. I will not detain the house fuither, but beg at once to move for leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend the law relating to the temporalities of the church of Ireland. Mr. O'Connell I will not detain the house many minutes, but I cannot refrain from expressing the grsat satisfaction and dehght which I have this evening experienced. (Loud and con- tinued cheering.) If I feel it my duty to oppose strongly mea- sures which I think (perhaps erroneously) injurious to my coun- try, I am as ready to give ail the little s-nd insignificant support I am able, to measures which I think for her welfare. (Cheers.) To this plan of the noble lord I can see no objection, and in its principle carries the seeds of future amelioration. I would only implore the noble lord to believe that there exists no other class in Ireland which wishes to be placed in the situation of the esta- blished church, so that he might put out of his calculations en- tirely the claims of any such class. If I may speak on behalf of those who concur with me in religious belief, they do not compose that class and no man would more decidedly oppose such an object, nor ever will, than myself. The plan proposed by the noble lord will eventually raise a sufficient revenue from the land of the established church to support it in a proper manner, for it will improve the tenure of church property in that country, now so bad. Another thing that makes me rejoice in the plan is, that all corporate property may hereafter be brought within its prin- ciple. Although the measure does not go so far as I could wish, for it does not extinguish so soon as it ought some particular causes of grievance, yet, as it will establish a most invaluable principle and plan on this subject, and as it will give the power to parliament hereafter to allocate the funds to other purposes, I give it my most hearty support. Sir Robert Inglis was very imperfectly heard. He drew from the support which the hon. and learned member had given to the noble lord, a new argument against the admission of those gen- tlemen who, by the King's writ, were assembled there to discuss the subject of the established church. If the noble lord (Al- thorp), as the minister of the King, who was at the head of the church, could stand in that house and recommend such measures as he had this night disclosed, he (Sir R. Inglis) could only say that those measures were, in his opinion, inconsistent with the principles upon which the Church of England was founded. (Hear, hear.) He would again bring to the attention of the noble lord opposite, and to the house, the oath taken by members at that table. (Much laughter.) Gentlemen might laugh, but that would not deter him from doing his duty. It would be seen by the oath, that gentlemen pledged themselves to preserve to the bishops and clergy all such rights and privileges as by law should appertain unto them. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He (Sir H. Inglis) was more astonished at this measure than at that of the late Reform Bill and he believed that the member for Dub- lin, after having for three or four days assailed ministers with his speeches, could not have expected any thing to excite his gratifi- cation equal to the propositions of the noble lord. It was a pan- dering to popular opinion he would say it was a pandering to the bad passions of those out of doors, when a measure was pro- posed in direct opposition to the coronation oath-to the Act of the Union-and the oaths of members of parliament. Sir F. Burdett said that he differed toto ccclo from the hon. bart. who had just addressed the house for so far from think- ing that the measure would tend to produce the evil conse- quences which the hon. bart. believed, he thought, on the con- trary, that instead of weakening the church, it would restore and strengthen the bonds which united that establishment to the corn- munity and instead of endangering any desa.ption of property in the country, it would tend to confirm all the ties of civilization at present existing in this country. It was but just and fair to the administration, which the hon. member for Dublin had him- self given the meed of his praise to, to say that they had nobly redeemed their pledges, and merited the confidence which had been reposed in them. (Cheers.) It would be an earnest of their good intentions, and of what they would do it would bind Ireland to this country by bonds stronger than any other, and would promote those good and confiding feelings, from which he augured the happiest results. (Cheers.) He believed that, in introducing this measure, the ministers were doing more than any one thing could do to preserve that Union, which, in his opinion, was necessary to the safety, the prosperity, and the grandeur of the empire. (Hear.) IIlr. Goidburn considered the bill to be an unjust and unwar- rantable attack upon the hierarchy of Ireland. He begged leave now to enter his most serious protest against a measure which he considered as most important, as it related to civil society in Ire- land, and to the state of the church in that country, and to the interests of the church and its property in this. Mr. Barron supported the motion, as he was of opinion, if such amendments were not effected, there would not long be any vestige remaining of the church establishment in Ireland. He deprecated, in strong language, the opinion of some honourable members, that Catholics were capable of a breach of their oath. lie thought be had as good a right as other men to legislate upon church property. Lord Ebrington gave his support to the proposed alterations, which he thought would provide abundantly for the Protestant Church in Ireland, and remove the odium in which it was now held bv the great body of the Catholics. He assured the two members for the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge (hir R. Inglis and Mr. Goulburn), that, as far as he was acquainted with the dispositions of ministers, there was no intention to over- throw the church establishments of Ireland. Mr. Ruihven was not satisfied with the reductions proposed by the bill, and moved as an amendment, that the revenues of the church should be appropriated to tbi purposes for which they were at first intended. He thought that four bisheps would be a sufficient number for the discharge of the whole duty to de- vol"e upon the twelve. Mr. Warn cordially approved of the proposed measure, and highly complimented ministers for so nobly following up the principles of reform. Sir Robert Peel opposed the extensive interference with the property of the Irish Church, contemplated in the bill. He thought that a proposition such as this-one so materially affect- ing religion—should be brought forward according to established usage, in a committee of t,he whole house. It must be well known to many whom I have the honour to address, that there is actually a standing order of the house against matters relating to religion being brought forward in the manner which the proposi- tion of the noble lord has been introduced. He wished to learn if he had understood the noble lord aright, that the Tithe Com- position Act is to remain in full force, and whether the acts alluded to in the speech from the throne, are to be passed in ad- dition to that, and not for the purpose either of its repeal or mo- dification 1 In a word, he wanted to know whether or not tithes are to be commuted into a fixed charge upon the land, and in that form continue to be collected? The house will recollect, that in the last parliament a proposition was made for the esta- blishment of diocesan corporations. I should like to learn whether or not that plan at all enters into the contemplation of his Majesty's government? I think I understood the noble lord to say, that we are now to have in Ireland one great spiritual corporation for the management of all the temporalities of the church, whether arising from tithes or from the lands in the possession of the bishops. Lord Althorp-I did not speak of it as a corporation what I said was, that the funds now derived from the church cess should be placed at the disposal of a board of commissioners, hereafter to be appointed for the management of that fund, and by them applied to all the purposes of buildings and repairs to which those funds have been in all times applicable. This was not the same with the diocesan corporations. Sir Robert Peel was anxious to ascertain this. Are diocesan corporations, or the general board of commissioners to have the management of the tithes 1 and whoever may have the manage- ment of them, I wish to know to what purpose it is intended to appropriate them ? Lord Althorp was understood to reply, that the funds accruing from the composition of tithes were to be paid to the clergy; and he was further understood to say, that the bill then intended to be introduced, would not touch upon the subject of the tithe composition. Sir R. Peel would not press the noble lord with any more questions, but he would call upon the unprejudiced portion of the house to suspend their judgments till they were really acquainted with this great measure, and qualified to form an opinion upon its principles and details. I admit (said Sir R. Peel) that the time is arrived when the whole state of the church ought to be submitted to an enlarged and comprehensive consideration but I desire it to be understood that I make this admission not for the purpose of conciliating any party, but because I think that that consideration should be entered on for the purpose of adding to the stability of that church, by the correction of any real abuses that may be found to exist; but, above all things, I desire it to be understood, that I do not admit that in any change which might be made, there should be any alteration made in the pro- perty of the church, which would in the slightest degree have the effect of diverting it from ecclesiastical purposes, for that, I have always maintained, would shake the foundation upon which all property rests. Sir Robert Peel concluded a powerful speech by declaring, that to the proposal of government he should give his most serious consideration. He agreed in the propriety of the abolition of the charge of vestry cess, and there were other parts which he should support, and parts to which he should give his most determined opposition but he greatly feared that the latter port of the noble lord's plan, which implied no fixed principle as to the future appropriation of this property, might lead expecta- tions to be formed that, by future parliaments, this property might be applied to very different purposes than the support of the established church. To this omission in the plan he de- cidedly objected, aud considered it fraught with permanent evil consequences. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Stanley gave his cordial support to the measure because he was convinced that it would strengthen the Protestant interest in Ireland. He hailed the manner in which the measure was received by the house; he hailed this as a happy omen of the kind benevolence all seemed inclined to manifest towards Ire- land and he also hailed it as a good augury of the sound and unimpassioned discretion that the nation might with reason ex- pect from a reformed parliament. (Hear.) He did not consent, and never meant to consent, to any measure at all likely to de- stroy or weaken in any part the Protestant religion in Ireland, for he was most anxious—as anxious as any human being could be -that the Protestant religion should prosper in that country. I support, then, (said Mr. Stanley), this measure, as it un- questionably tends to promote Protestant interests in Ireland—I do not mean Protestant interests in the offensive acceptation of those terms, but I mean the true interests of religion—those which promote harmony between Catholic and Protestant, and, by so doing, materially increase the security of the church. Mr. Stanley then went into some details of the measure. The whole income of the bishops' property might be taken in round numbers to be £100,000 a-year. Taking the bishops' interest at that sum, that of the tenants must be as £ 500,000 a-year. If the bishops were all to run their lives against the leases, it might easily be imagined what ruin would ensue to the tenants but such practically did not nrise, for there were many families who had held lands under such a frail tenure, for above 200 years. The first object of this measure, in this respect, was to give to the tenants of such lands a steady interest, and to charge the lands with the payment of a steady rent, varying only with the price of corn, on a calculation by a public accountant. The right hon. baronet had asked to whom was this to be paid-to the church? He would answer No; to the state. (Deafening and continued cheers from the opposition.) He would say the payment ought to be paid to the state and that assertion he made without fear of being charged with a violation of their duty by thus interfering with the property of the church. The right hon. gentleman then went on to prove the honesty of his inten- tions towards Ireland, and his ardent zeal for her welfare, and sat down amid loud and long continued cheers. Mr. Shaiv, in an eloquent speech, protested against the prin- ciple that, when additional value was given to church property by legislative enactments, the surplus revenue might be appro- priated to other uses than those of the church. Mr. Keane supported the measure. Mr. Ruthven withdrew his amendment and the original mo- tion was then agreed to. THE CONSTITUENCY. On the motion of Mr. Hume, the following returns were or. dered :-A return of the number of electors enrolled in the regis- ters of each county, city, and borough in the united kingdom, under the Reform Bill, distinguishing freemen and scot-and-lot voters also the number of voters who polled at the different elections also a copy of the account for legal expenses charged by every returning officer to the candidates or their proposers for the hustings at the late elections also a return of the number of barristers employed at the late elections, their names, the num- ber of days they were employed, and the sum paid to each of them for their services also a copy of the account charged by returning officers to the candidate or candidates for the expense of making booths and polling-places, and the number or booths and polling-places in each place. CORPORATIONS. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he had given notice of a motion for some alterations in the old, and also in the new, cor- porations, on Thursday next. He meant now to postpone his motion, on account of some information he had received, which induced him to alter the terms of his motion. He hoped the hon. member for Middlesex would agree to postpone the motion on the subject of corporations, of which he had given notice, to a future day. Mr. Hume had no objection to postpone his motion. Mr. O'Connell said that the plan proposed to be adopted in regard to English corporations, would be equally fitting for Ire- land. He did not see why the same measure should not be adopted towards them.-The Chancellor of the Exchequer had no objection to refer the case of the corporations of both countries to the same committee.—Sir R. Peel doubted the policy of referring them to one committee.—Mr. O'Connell was decidedly of opi- nion that one committee was preferable. The same principle applied to both countries, and by referring the subject to one committee they were more likely to arrive at sound principles.- Adjourned at eleven o'clock. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 13.-Several petitions were presented for the removal of local grievances. Among other petitions against the house and window tax, was one presented by Sir F. Burdett, from the parish of St. Anne, Westminster. Sir J. Hobhouse said he had been instructed to support the prayer of the petition, and he could assure the house that the same feeling that pervaded the parish of St. Anne, relative to those taxes, pervaded all other parishes in Westminster. He hoped that his Majesty's ministers would see whether they could not, consistently with the state of the revenue, do something to relieve the country of these burdens. (Hear, hear.) Sir M. W. Ridley stated that the same feeling respecting these taxes prevailed in all parts of the country, and if his Majesty's government would pay some attention to this subject, they would render more immediate and effectual relief, than by the repeal of any other tax. (Hear, hear.) He hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer would see that it was his duty to give his attention first to this subject, and repeal a tax which pressed so heavily on the industrious classes. Mr. C-obbett said, that the house and window tax did not press so heavily on the industrious classes as some others he cculd name, but it was more odious on account of its great partiality- its great and notorious partiality. The burdens were heavy enough in themselves laws, though severe, might be just; but they could not be just if partially administered. If any proposi- tion should be made to put money into the hands of the King's servants on the vote for the supply, he should make a statement which he thought would induce the house to consider whether a change should not be made in the manner of imposing the taxes. In some instances the poor man paid forty times, and in many instances ten times, as much as the rich, and that was the great ground of complaint—the poor man paying the taxes for the rich, who received them. He, however, would do the noble lord the justice to say that he did not believe the noble lord was aware of the verv grievous manner in which the taxes were imposed. General Palmer, Mr, Roebuck, and other members, also joined in condemning these taxes as odious in their nature, and pecu- liarly oppressive to the poorer classes of society. Mr. D. W. Harvey moved for certain returns relative to the locality and description of ecclesiastical property charged with any rent, pension, stipend, or other payment on leases specify- ing the probable number of acres, and the value thereof, and the customary returns of renewal held under ecclesiastical bodies, either for years or lives. Lord Althorp objected. It appeared to him (Lord Althorp) that such returns were not necessary, at all events in connexion with the subject under discussion last night. (Hear, hear.) If the returns were granted it would be absolutely necessary to have a valuation of all the church lands, which would be extremely operose and very expensive. Lord Stormont asked Lord Althorp to explain whether the pro- ceeds arising from letting out ecclesiastical lands in Ireland in perpetuity, were to be devoted to ecclesiastical purposes or not. Lord Althorp replied, that all such proceeds he considered to be applicable to the purposes of the state. Mr. Hammond begged to ask the noble lord whether he in- tended to diminish the number of the Irish bishops in the House of Peers? Lord Althorp replied in the negative. Mr. Hume begged leave to ask the hon. member for Stafford- shire opposite (Mr. Lyttleton) who was a member of the eccle- siastical commission, whether the ministers had directed their at- tention to the subject of the motion of the hon. member for Col- chester? The noble lord's objection seemed to be, that there was at present no measure before the house which would require the assistance of these returns. It was clear, however, that if the Church of England were at any time to come under the revision of the house like the Church of Ireland, it would be absolutely necessary that the house should have the information now sought to be obtained. Besides, if the returns should show that the amount of property in the hands of the bishops was large, that of itself might be a reason for bringing the subject under the re- vision of the house. Mr. Lyttleton, as one of the ecclesiastical commissioners re- ferred to, had no hesitation in saying, that compliance with the motion of the hon. member would produce the information re- quired. The only way in which it could be obtained was by va- luing all the church property, which would materially delay the report which the commissioners were anxious to make. He would take that opportunity of observing, that never in the whole course of his life, had he met with any body of gentlemen more anxious to forward the public business, and give the fullest information required of them, than the Prelates of the Church of England, with whom he was brought in contact. Mr. Harvey withdrew his motion. The Marquis of Chandos put some questions to Sir J. Graham, relative to the correspondence between him and Sir H. Neale, to which Sir J. Graham replied. The adjourned debate on the sessional orders was then resumed. On the motion for the house going into a committee of supply, Sir R. Peel gave notice of his intention to bring forward the question of the embargo on Dutch vessels. EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER. Mr. A. Baring begged to ask the right hon. President of the Board of Control when it was likely the question of the East In- dia Company's Charter would be brought before the house? He trusted that a subject of such magnitude and importance would not be deferred till a late period of the session. Mr. Charles Grant felt that the importance of the subject had not been over-estimated by the hon. member for Essex. It was now under discussion by government and as they were aware of the high interest it occasioned, they had strong hopes that the matter would be introduced at no distant period. He would not exactly pledge the government to time, but he hoped before Easter the subject would he brought by them before the house. Mr. Warburton wished to know when the evidence of the com- mittee would be in the hands of hon. members. Mr. Grant could only assure the hon. member that no time had been, and no time should be, lost about the matter. In answersto a question respecting the usury laws, Lord Althorp said it was not the intention of government to bring forward any measure on the subject. Mr. Bernul brought up the report of the committee on the factory bill, and the house then adjourned.
THREATENING THE LIFE OF HIS…
THREATENING THE LIFE OF HIS MAJESTY. On Friday, in consequence of an order from the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Home Department, Sir F. A. Roe, the chief magistrate of police, issued a warrant for the apprehen- sion of a man named Michael Lovragan, on the charge of high treason, in having sent letters to the King, threatening the life of his Majesty, unless certain claims, which he asserted he had upon the Government of the country, were satisfied. Ellis, the Bow-street officer, was entrusted with the warrant, and suc- ceeded, at a late hour on Friday night, in apprehending him. He was taken immediately before Sir F. A Roe, and underwent a long private examination. The prisoner admitted the charge, and so far from evincing a desire to retract, stated that he should persist in his endeavours to obtain vengeance whenever an oppor- tunity offered. The result of the examination was, that he was committed to prison preparatory to being conveyed to Whitehall, to undergo an examination before the Privy Council. The pri- soner is a respectable looking man, about forty years of age, dressed in black, and has a military air about him. His real name is Philip Lonergan, although he has passed of late years under that of Michael Lovragan. He is a native of Limerick, and was for several years a serjeant-major in the 67th regiment of foot, in which capacity he served a long time in India, and was present during the whole of the Burmese war. While in India, he wrote and published some letters of an inflammatory kind, upon the subject of the Deccan prize-money, and other matters connected with the service, for which he was tried by court-martial, and sentenced to dismissal without pension but a reduced pension was afterwards awarded to him. On his re- turn to England, about four years ago, he opened a school at Manchester, which, for a time, was a flourishing establishment, until his very unsettled habits rendered it otherwise. For the last two years he has been in the constant habit of writing to the King, and to Lords Melbourne, Brougham, and others of his Majesty's Ministers, setting forth alleged grievances, and latterly he has made use of threatening language, especially in his ad- dresses to the King, of so violent a nature as to leave no doubt that he had wound himself up to a state of desperation, and would not fail to put his threats into execution, if opportunity offered. A warrant was, therefore, issued for his apprehension. He had been in London only nine days, and during that time had lodged at the Star and Garter, in St. Martin's-lane. Ellis, the officer, found a number of papers upon him, besides a quan- tity which he had left at the inn. It appears that he had made a great many applications for payment of prize-money, to which he conceived himself entitled by his services. The following is a copy of an answer received by him in Au- gust, 1831, from Mr. R. Bellamy, the chief clerk of the Deputy Treasurer's Office, Chelsea Hospital "Deputy Treasurer's Office, Royal Hospital, Chelsea, 12th August, 1831. "Mr. Philip Lonergan,-I am desired by the Deputy Treasurer to acquaint you, in reply to your letter of the 4th instant, that no second distribution of prize-money has yet been made on account of the 67th Foot, for captures in the Deccan, in 1817 and 1818. R. BELLAMY, Chief Clerk." The Globe of Monday, in reference to this man, says—"The following is the true state of the facts :—Michael Lovragan, who was taken before the Chief Magistrate of Bow-street on Saturday last, was not charged with treason, but with having sent a threatening letter, addressed to the King in consequence of which he was required to find sureties for his good behaviour. Not being able to give the security required, he was committed. The same person was also committed for writing a letter threat- ening to assassinate Lord Hill."
MARKETS.
MARKETS. Monmouth, Saturday, February 9.-Wheat, 8s Od to 8s 3d Barley, 3s 9d to 4s 3d Oats, 2s 6d to 3s Od Beans, 5s 6d to Os Od per bushel of ten gallons. Abergavenny, Feb. 9.—Wheat, 52s Od Barley, 29s 6id Oats, 00s Od; Beans, 00s Od Peas, 00s Od per Imperial quarter. Hereford, February 9.—Wheat per bushel weighing 801bs. 8s Od to 8s 3d Barley, 4s Od to 4s 6d Oats, 3s Od to 3s 3d Beans, 4s 9d to 5s 6d Peas, 4s 9d to 5s 6d per bushel of ten gallons. Bristol, Feb. 12.—Wheat, 47s 6d Barley, 26s lOd Oats, 16s 5d Beans, 32s lOd Peas, 47s 5d per quarter.