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tht "f. ! L \. Evrstii!. ;…

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tht "f. L Evrstii!. .Qi. n r t/ r n LH (1 it t g J ¡ r ( .tW r n 1 U REGISTERED FOR TRANSMISSION ABROAD. Haverfordwest, July 2nd, 1886. THE Election which opened this week, as it has been forced upon the country quite need- lessly by the obstinate determination of Mr Gladstone to thrust his scheme of Irish Sepa- ration upon a bewildered and astonished country, so it will hold a place in English annals absolutely unique. We can do no better service than in calling to mind, in the shortest and simplest style the question upon which the Electors of the Pembroke and Haverfordwest Boroughs are now called to vote. This is the more necessary on account of the assiduous and persistent efforts of Mr Gladstone and his adherents to draw away attention from the real issue to be decided to a number of things personal or others which have no relevance to the real matter to be decided, although they formed the staple of that vast continent of talk of which Mr Gladstone was the creator during his late northern progress. Let us first say negatively what the question is not—so that the voters may not be befogged. It is not whether Lord Salisbury did or did not say in a certain speech which he delivered in St. James's Hall, London, two or three months ago, that his remedy for Irish discontent was twenty years' coercion." As a matter of fact, his Lordship said no such thing. But as far as the contest in which we are now engaged, it is not of the slightest consequence whether Lord Salisbury said it or not. Nor is the question whether Lord Randolph Churchill, in that address he wrote to the Electors of Paddington, which promises to have m Eng- lish literature as honourable and as abiding C, a place as the Letters of Junius, exercised a wise political discretion or exhibited what is called good taste," in exhausting there- sources of our honest Saxon speech in strip- ping and holding up to public scorn and exe- cration the vilest sham that has ever been attempted to be practised on the British public, before which pale the deceptions and the falsehoods of all modern demagogues and political quacks. Opinions may differ as to whether the fact of Mr Gladstone being 77 years old should be a mitigation or an aggra- vation of his offence in his present reckless policy, and whether the punishment admin- istered by Lord Randolph Churchill was too much or too little, but it does not affect the question in the slightest degree, and Lord Randolph's words, written or spoken, have nothing whatever to do with the issue the Electors have to decide. Nor yet is it the question whether Lord Carnarvon on the part of the Tory Government opened a negociation with Mr Parnell with the object of forming an alliance for the repeal of the Union as Mr Parnell asserted. It is indeed proved by the most conclusive evidence, that the Irish leader has uttered a string of falsehoods absolutely and totally baseless, & that he stands convicted of a most audacious attempt at fraud in his charges against the late Cabinet may be an interesting fact, but it has nothing whatever to do with the question on which the nation is called to pronounce. Nor is it of the least importance whether or not. Mr Gladstone caused to be communicated to Lord Salisbury when he was Prime Minister, his readiness to aid him in carrying out a project of Home Rule. It is true that a document was sent to a gentleman connected with the Govern- ment, expxessing Mr Gladstone's desire to treat favourably a proposal for the settlement of the Irish difficulty, but it was perfectly vague, and might refer to coercion as much as to Home Rule. The only reply given to it was that any communication on the subject must be made in the House of Commons. The fact is that neither the Cabinet of Lord Salisbury or any member of it ever broached or even contemplated any scheme of any kind, but if they did it would not have the slightest bearing on the question awaiting the verdict of the country. Nor is it the question whether Mr Chamberlain some time ago pre- sented to the Cabinet of Mr Gladstone a scheme of Home Rule, True, it has been proved that he did no such thing and that which Mr Gladstone's statement was mis- leading and inexact. But if it were not so it would make no difference, and affect in no degree the question on which the electors of the United Kingdom are about to vote. These, and other things that we might specify, j have been pushed into prominence by Mr j Gladstone and his adherents, while they steadily refuse to enter into any consideration of the details of the proposition they have made, and decline meeting the difficulties and objections presented by pract:?al statesmen to the scheme. The matters ivolved in Mr Gladstone's Irish policy now submitted to the judgment of the Electorate are these two— (1) Shall the Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland effected 86 years ago be repealed ? And (2) Shall the taxpayers of Great Britain be burdened with a responsi- bility to the landowners of Ireland moderately estimated at £150,000,000, for the purchase of the soil of Ireland. With regard to the first, all thoughtful statesmen concur in the conviction that the repeal of the Union or the establishment of an independent Parliament with an independent Executive means the inevitable eventual separation of the country from Great Britain with all the consequences that it would involve. Against this proposal two-fifths of the Irish people resolutely and vehemently protest, and they say the Imperial Parliament has no constitutional right to transfer their allegiance to another, and to them a foreign Government. As Lord Salis- bury expressed it on Tuesday, "Y ou may rule them if you will, but you have no right to sell them. Nor will those Irish Protestants be sold. They will resist to the death the despotism that would separate them from England. Are the loyal people of England going to sanction such a crime as Mr Glad- stone thus contemplates, even without any consideration of their own interests ? But when this disruption scheme is looked at from the light of British interests the only wonder is that any man with the feelings of an En- glishman and with any pretensions to being a Statesman could give a moment's heed to the wild and reckless project which has got no better definition than that which Mr Gladstone in his saner moments has given it, as leading through rapine to the disintegra- tion of the Empire." With regard to the second—the payment to the Irish landlords,— the commonest principle of justice demands that if the contemplated revolution be carried out, the owners of the soil should be protected from the confiscation that would inevitably overtake them. This is the moment for the taxpayers of this country by their verdict at the present election to declare resolutely that it shall not be. This is the plain issue on which the electors have to de- cide. It is one it will be seen that has no- thing to do with party, and in which Liberals and Conservatives have precisely the same in- terest as Englishmen. The more the question is discussed, and the better it is understood, the mace clearly is perceived the tremem- •r.s consequences that are involved and the uiore will be the effort to secure the return <Jf%u^mbers to the House of Commons r Gladstone's policy. The crisis. /4s inej-jp bas never before arisen in the fs count,IT, and upon the ..the Gladstone-Parnell con- It the polls will depend the jspenty—perhaps the ex- Empire. The electors *lproughs are doing their w" rhe, yart in t £ i <

Dxstffl^fcg or BA3TABi>f..…

HAVERFORDWEST GRAMMAR SCHOOL.

IST. MARY'S CHURCH.

JOTTINGS.

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