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THE PRESENT ASPECT OF PARTIES.…

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THE PRESENT ASPECT OF PARTIES. We see an attempt is making in rerrain quarters to prevent any effort being made to eject the present Minis- ters, on the ground that there is nobody to take their places. The assumption is altogether gratuitous. It is only a renewal of the old argument for allowing tlip Whigs to remilin in Downing-street when they were in power. Lord John Russell and his colleagues existed ministNiallp, for at least two years, under the pretext that nobody could be got to take their places. Eventually the absurdity was seen through, but not before Lord John himself had bpcome so inoculated with the idea, that he resigned in a fit of ill-humour, and found that he could not get back to the Downing-street elvsium which he had left. Had the Whig ex-Premier not felt that there was no one to take his place, lie would not have tendered his resignation to her Majesty. Tie would still have remained in power. He found out his mistake, when it was too late to remedy the evil. There was some one to take his place. Lord Derby unhesitatingly took it, and, what is more, seeins determined to keep it. Not less absurd is the assumption which we find to prevail in all quarters in which we should not have sus- pected its existence,—that there is no one among the Liberal party to take the place of Lord Derby, now that Lord John is put on the shelf as a useless article alto- gether unfit for further service. There are 'many such men in the country. All that is needed is that they should be called forth. Hitherto the Family Cabinet had acted as an incubus on all talent, no matter how great, where its possessor had not the good fortune to belong to the aristocratic clique out of which the Whig Ministry had selected its members. If a man in the middle classes of society possessed the abilities of an augel, he would not have worked his way into the Cabinet, unless, indeed, he had been taken by the hand by some of those titled ladies, who were so well known to exercise an omnipotent influence over the ex-Premier. Now, however, that this aristocratic exclusiveness has been broken through, and that it is ascertained that men may be fitted for office who have neither aristocratic titles nor position to recommend them, nor are the nominpes of cprtain Duchesses, who shall be nameless, the difficulty of finding suitable suc- cessors to the present Cabinet, has very much diminished. We are no longer limited in our choice to Lord John Russell among the Liberals. The Noble Lord, indeed, is put aside altogether. No one looks to him. No one wishes to see him again in Downing-street. The country is resolved that it shall have some new man,—some Pre- mier whose principles are in harmony with its own, and whose policy would be in consonance with his principles. Lord John Russf 11 seeins to be fully aware that, were he to attqmpt to re-instate himself in office under the same circumstances, and with the same political con- nexions as those with which the name of the Noble Lord was associated while in office, there would not be the remotest chance of success. He knows that the family clique could not be brought back to power with him, or rather, that were he still to connect himself with them, it would be impossible for him ever again to crohs the thres- hold of office. The Noble Lord iQ. therefere prepared to submit to circumstances which he cannot control, and rather than not regain his lost position as Premier, he will consent to achieve his return to Downing-street on the shoulders of Sir James Graham and Mr. Cobden. That is evidently the tack on which the ex-Premier is going just now. The organs of the Noble Lord will be instructed to harp on the fact of the readiness of Lord John Russell to form a new Government, on a broad and really popular basis. To this conclusion he had evidently come, soon after he found the Derby Ministry fairly installed in poiver. Not only did he then have a consultation with Sir James Graham and Mr. Cobden, but as an indication of his dis- position to fraternise with the Manchester party, he invited Mr. Bright to dinner,-an honour, which, we believe the Member of Manchester never before received at the hands of the Ex-Whig Premier. Adversity, the proverb tells us, makes as acquainted with strange bedfellowj. In the days of his Premiership prosperity, Lord John Russell knew not the Manchester School. He had heard of them, and sometimes spoke of them, but only to snub them. When he found it neces- sary. only a few months before the break np of the Mi- nistry, to adopt measures for extending its basis," it was not towards Manchester that the Noble Lord looked. At the time his adversity was not complete. It was to the Peelites that he turned his eyes. The Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Sydney Herbert, and Mr. Cardwell were then the men of his choice. But they would have nothing to do with the Noble Lord. They peremptorily refused to associate themselves officially with him. They saw that his Ministry was tottering, and besides they expected, as they still do, to be called on to form a Ministry of their own. Mr. Cobden and the Manchester party have no great reason, therefore, to plume themselves on the advances which the ex-Premier is now making to them. It is his poverty, not his will, that consents. It is not choice, it is stern necessity, that prompts him to the course he is pur- suing. It is not that he loves them, but that he loves office with a consuming affection, and sees no other door but them through which lie can re-enter Downing-street. We shall deeply regret, for Mr. Cobden's own sike, should he consent to join a Ministry of which Lord John Russell is to be the head, and Sir James Graham to be a leading member. It will be the most imprudent step he ever took. It is impossible he can co-operate cordially ever took. It is impossible he can co-operate cordially with the Noble Loru ana the Kight Hon Baronet. He has no views in "ommun with them, except on the question of free trade. And that question being settled, by the adoption of an unrestricted commercial policy, that bond of union would not be sufficient to keep them long together. On all the great political questions of the day, !\fr. Cobden's principles, and those of Lord 'John Russell and Sir James Graham, are as different as can be imagined Mr. Cobden is not ignorant of this. He has had proofs of it not to be mistaken, night after night, during each suc- ceeding session, ever since the Member for the West Riding had a seat in the House. The division lists are important documents. They tell a plain, unvarnished tale. There is no mistaking their language. They are facts, stubborn facts. There is no getting over them. What, then, is the language they speak ? Let Mr Cobden answer the question. How often has his name during the many years he has been in Parliament, been found, on any great political question, in the division litft in association with that of Lord John Russell? This is a plain practical question. Let Mr. Cobden ponder it I defore he takes so perilous a step as that of joining a Ministry with Lord John Russell at its head, and Sir James Graham as one of its most prominent members. If it shall be found that in almost every instance he and they have been voting on opposite sides on the great political questions of the day, what reasonable prospect can there be of their acting harmoniously together when in office? The very moment that the ex-Premier feels that he has again securely reinstated himself in power he will. without hesitation, and without the slightest qualm of conscience, get rid of Air. Cobden,—through whom and his party he got restored to Downing-street. He may not do this in the rude unmannerly manner in which he expelled Lord Palmerston. But he will nevertheless do it no less surely. He will only have to propose some measure which he knows Mr. Cobden cannot support, to impose on the latter gentleman the necessity of resigning, unless he lie prepared to sacrifice the high character which he has earned for himself by a long and consistent public life, By that ingenious device Lord John Russell will be able at any time to get rid of Mr. Cobden, and to replace him, and any other independent Liberal, by scions or nominees of the Sutherland, the Devonshire, and Bedford families. We cannot conclude without expressing our deep regret i that another Noble Lord, on whom the eves of the country have been fixed for the last six months, should not come forward in this crisis of the State, and adopt some sub- stantive course, which would rally the Liberal party round his standard. Let Lord Palmerston only avow himself a convert to the ballot, or make any other thoroughly Liberal declaration, and before three months he ,ill be the Prime Minister of England.—Morning Advertiser.

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