The Aberystwith Observer

VICTOR EMMANUEL'S ADDRESS! The following proclamation has been addressed by the King of Sardinia to his troops :— Soldiers !—Austria., who is increasing her armies on our frontier, and threatens to invade our territory because, here liberty reigns with order,—because, not, might, but concord and affection between the people and the Sovereign here govern the State,—because the groans of oppressed Italy here find an echo,-Austria dares to ask us, who are only armed in self-defence, to lay down our arms and submit to her clemency. That insulting demand received the reply it deserved. I rejected it with contempt. Soldiers, I tell it to you, con- vinced that you will take it as an insult to your King and to your nation, as an insult to yourselves. The announcement I make to you is the announcement of war Soldiers, to arms "You will have to face an enemy not new to you. But if brave and disciplined you need not fear the comparison, and you may quote with pride the battles of Go'ito, Pastrenga, Santa Lucia, Somina-Compagiia, ami even Custozza, where four brigades alone struggled for three days against five corps d'arrnee. I will lead you. We have made each other's acquaintance before this, on more than one occasion, in the heat of battle, when, fighting by the side of my magnanimous father, 1 had opportunity to admire your courage. I am sure that on the field of honour and of glory you will maintain, even add to your reputation for bravery. You will have for companions those intrepid soldiers of France, conquerors inso many noted battles, who were your brethren- in-arms on the Tchernaya, and whom Napoleon III., who is always to be found where there is a just cause to defend or civilisation to promote, sends generously to our assistance in numerous battalions. "March, then, confident in victory, and twine new laurels round your flag, that tricolour under the folds of which the glite of the youth of Italy is collected, and which indicates to you that the task before you is the independence of Italy— that just and holy work which will be your battle-cry. "Turin, April 27. "VICTOR EMMANUEL." In addition to the proclamation addressed to the army, the King of Sardinia has issued a proclamation, countersigned by Count Cavour, to Italy. The sub- stance is as follows Austria, who boasts of her love for peace, attacks us by refusing to submit to a European Congress. She violates the promises made to England she asks us to reduce our army, and to abandon those brave volunteers who have thronged from every part of Italy to defend the sacred flag of Italian independence. I intrust the cares of Government to my well-loved cousin and draw my sword. Side by side with our soldiers will fight for liberty and justice those valiant troops of the Emperor Napoleon, my generous ally. People of Italy Austria attacks Piedmont because she maintained the cause of our common country in the councils of Europe, and because she was not insensible to your groans of agony. Austria now publicly tears to pieces treaties which she never respected. Henceforth, by-right, the Italian nation is free, and I may conscientiously fulfil the oath I took upon my father's grave, "Let us place confidence in Providence, in our union, in the bravery of Italian soldiers, in the alliance of the noble French nation. Let us trust in public opinion. I have no other ambition than to be the first soldier of Italian inde- pendence. Long live Italy!"

FRANCIS JOSEPH'S ADDRESS! The subjoined manifesto, which was published in the Wiener Zeitung of the 29th ult., was posted at the corners of the principal streets of Vienna:— IMPERIAL MANIFESTO. "To MY PEOPLE. "I have ordered my faithful and gallant army to put a stop to the inimical acts ianfeindungen) which for a series of years have been committed by the neighbouring State of Sardinia against the undisputable rights of my Crown, and against the integrity of the realm placed by God under my care, which acts have lately attained the very highest point (auf ihrem hohenpunkte angelangt). By so doing I have fulfilled the painful (schwere) but unavoidable duty of a Sovereign, My conscience being at rest, I can look up to an omnipotent God, and patiently await His award. With confidence I leave my decision to the impartial judgment of contemporaneous and future generations. Of the approbation of my faithful subjects I am sure. More than ten years ago the same enemy-violating international law and the usages of war, and without any offence being given -entered the Lombardo-Venetian territory with the in- tention of acquiring possession of Althougth the enemy was twice totally defeated by my gallant army, and at the mercy of the victor, I behaved generously, and proposed a reconciliation (reichte die hand zur wrsdhnung). I did not ap- propriate to myself one inch of his territory, I encroached on no right which belongs to the Crown of Sardinia, as one of the members of the European family of nations. I in- sisted on no guarantees against the recurrence of similar events. The hand of peace which I in all sincerity extended, and which was taken, appeared to me to be a sufficient guarantee. The blood which my army shed for the honour and right of Austria I sacrificed on the altar of peace (dern frieden-brachte Ich das blut meiner armee zuin opfer) The reward for such unexampled forbearance was an immediate continuation of enmity, which increased from year to year, and perfidious agitation against the peace and welfare of my Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom. Well knowing what a precious boon peace was for my people and for Europe, I patiently bore with these new hostilities. My patience was not exhausted when the more extensive measures which I was forced to take, in consequence of the revolutionary agitation on the frontiers of my Italian provinces and within the same, were made an excuse for a higher degree of hostility. Willingly accepting the well-meant mediation of friendly Powers for the maintenance of peace, I consented to become a party to a Con- gress of the five great Powers. The four points proposed by the Royal Government of Great Britain as a basis for the deliberations of the Congress were forwarded to my Cabinet, and I accepted them, with the conditions which were calculated to bring about a true, sincere, and durable peace. In the consciousness that no step on the part of my Government could, even in the most remote degree, lead to a disturbance of the peace, I demanded that the Power which was the cause of the complication and had brought about the danger of war, should, as a preliminary measure, disarm. Being pressed thereto by friendly Powers, I at length ac- cepted the proposal for a general disarmament. The mediation failed in consequence of the unacceptable- ness of the conditions on which Sardinia made her consent dependent. Only one means of maintaining peace remained. I addressed myself directly to the Sardinian Government, and summoned it to place its army on a peace footing and to disband the jfree corps. As Sardinia did not accede to my demand the moment for deciding the matter by an appeal to arms has arrived. "I have ordered my army to enter Sardinia. I am aware of the vast importance of the measure, and if ever my duties as a Monarch weighed heavily on me it is at this moment. War is the scourge of mankind. I see with sorrow that the lives and property of thousands of my subjects are imperilled, and deeply feel what a severe trial war is for my realm, which, being occupied with its internal development, greatly requires the continuance of peace. But the heart of the Monarch must be silent at the command of honour and duty. On the frontiers is an armed enemy, who, in alliance with the revolutionary party, openly announces his intention to obtain posses- sion of the dependencies of Austria in Italy. To sup- port him, the ruler over France,—who under futile pretexts (nichtigc vorwaude) interferes in the legally established relations of the Italian Peninsula,-has set his troops in movement. Detachments of them have already crossed the frontiers of Sardinia. The Crown which I received with- out spot or blemish from my forefathers has already seen trying times. The glorious history of our country gives evi- dence that Providence, when there is a foreshadowing that the greatest, good of humanity is in danger of being over- thrown in Europe, has frequently used the sword of Austria in order to dispel that shadow. We are again on the eve of such a period. The overthrow of the things that be is not only aimed at byfactions, but by Thrones.* The sword which I have been forced to draw is sanctified, inasmuch as it is a defence for the honour and rights of all peoples and States, and for all that is held most dear by humanity. "To you, my people, whose devotion to the hereditary reigning family may serve as a model for all the nations of the earth, I now address myself. In the conflict which has commenced you will stand by me with your oft-proved fide- lity and devotion. To your sons, whom I have taken into the ranks of the army, I, their commander, send my martial greeting (waffen-grusx). With pride you may regard them, for the eagle'of Austria will, with their support, soar high. Our struggle is a just one, and we begin it with courage and confidence. We hope, however, that we shall not stand alone in it. The soil on which we have to do battle was ,{ru 1Y l^le blood lost by our German brethren when they won those bulwarks which they have maintained up to the present day. There the crafty enemies of Germany have generally begun their game when they have wished to break her internal power. The feeling that such a danger is now imminent prevails m all parts of Germany, from the hut to the throne, from one frontier to the other I speak as a sovereign member of the Germanic Confederation when I call attention to the common danger, and recall to memory the glorious times in which Europe had to thank the general and fervent enthusiasm of Germany for its liberation. "For God and Fatherland! "Given at my residence and metropolis of Vienna on this 28th day of April, 1859. "FRANCIS JOSEPH." "FRANCIS JOSEPH." The original cannot be rendered literally, but its sense is, that the present revolutionary movement is caused by monarchs as well as by private individuals.

A SKETCH OF THE THEATRE OF HOSTILITIES The following details (which we extract from Galignani's Messenger) respecting the theatre of hostile operations in Italy possess considerable interest at the present moment, and will be found useful in explanation of telegrams If Alessandria, which was dismantled by the Austrians in 1835, when they gave it up to Piedmont, but which has recently been fortified, were made the basis of operations of an invading army against Milan, the army would have two routes to follow; the first, in which there are a number of torrents, up to the Ticino, which separates Lombardy from Piedmont; and the second, the easier one, presenting an obstacle in the Po, which is the southern limit of Lombardo-Venetia. Now, Austria, which occupies Piacenza, on the right bank of that river, has established an intrenched camp at that place. Lower down are Cremona, and on the left bank Mantua, to defend the passage against an army which should leave Piacenza in its rear. On the first road to Milan, behind the Ticino, is Pavia, which seems to have been lately fortified, in order to be made a base of operations against Ales- sandria, if besieged. On the north are Bergamo and Brescia -strong places, but not impregnable, and able to disquiet an army passing them to attack Verona and Mantua, winch are the key of the country. This territory was the theatre of the campaign of 1796, and Austria has accumulated defences there, in the belief that in a future war the same plan of jattack would be followed; but that is perhaps doubtful. On the Mincio, which is only ten leagues long from the Lake of Gardo, in which it rises, to marshes which surround Mantua, where it falls into the Po, and which can be forded in several places, means of defence have been accumulated, and Peschiera and Mantua protect its two extremities. The Adige is in the rear, and flows parallel to the Po for a certain dis- tance. It is perpendicular to it behind the Lake of Gardo from Verona to Legrano-a length of 15 leagues. It can nowhere be forded, and its banks, on the side of Verona, are covered with gardens and vineyards, and those on the side of Mantua with rice fields and marshes The road from Verona to Legrano runs between the Adige and a canal; and an army placed within the square formed by Peschiera, Mantua, Verona, and Legrano, protected by the water which is found on the east and west by mountains to the north, and by the marshes to the south, is free in its movements, and can march on any point that may be menaced. Peschiera, of which the defences are scattered, is the refuge of the flotilla which, acting on the Lake of Garda, would menace a corps d'armee desiring to cross the Mincio, and protects the locks which enable the hanks of the lower part of the river to be inundn,ted. By an inundation the flying bridges constructed by the enemy would be carried away. Mantua is, like Peschiera, on an island in the Mincio, surrounded by a lake, which should be drained in order to allow the town to be taken, and draining would leave a pestilential marsh which would render the place unin- habitable. The fortress is reached by raised causeways protected by forts. It is very difficult to take, but can be easily blockaded. As this place appears to Austria too unhealthy and too far from the Tyrol, she has established her head quarters at Verona, and has disbursed a large sum in fortifying the place. Verona, like all the positions fortified by Austrian engineers, comprises in addition to numerous fortifica- tions, an intrenched camp, capable of containing an army. It is believed that the fate of the place would be decided rather by a battle than by a siege, which last would require a vast force. Legano is a tete de pont fortified by Napoleon, which would enable the army of Verona to proceed to Mantua, as Peschiera on the north would give it an issue on Brescia and the northern part of the Milanais. More- over, an Austrian army, defeated and obliged to remain at Verona, could be relieved by troops arriv- ing from the Tyrol on the front and rear of the be- siegers. The numerous roads in the Tyrol are protected by forts which a handful of men would be capable of defending against a victorious army. If however, Verona were to be taken, the conquest of Venetia would not be difficult. As to the Adriatic, Austria has taken the precaution of protecting herself against an attack on its coasts. From the banks of the Po to the frontiers of Istria, the shores of the Adriatic are very insalubrious. In some places it is impossible to pass a night without being at- tacked by fever, and the sea is shallow to a considerable distance from the coast. Venice, in fact, is the only place which can receive vessels even of a secondary size, and they must enter by passes which are protected by strong forts. If the city were taken, Fort Malghera would remain, and it cannot be approached either by land or water. In 1848 the insurgents in that fort re- sisted the besieging Austrian army until men and am- munition were exhausted.

PREDICTIONS OF TREACHERY. A Merchant," writing to the Liverpool Albion, com- plains that his letters have been refused insertion, when forwarded, first to one editor and then to another, since these letters contained assurance that, if allowed, he proposed to be able to demonstrate such "breakers ahead" as would astonish the civilised world. Not- withstanding that his cry has been 'Ware wolf!" so long, the wolf has now come, and still our Government are unprepared for it. The Merchant" says that:— No single point of danger has as yet appeared in print which has not been placed before my correspondents gradually from the 21st May, 1856, and this with such earnestness and argument as must have attracted attention if admission had been conceded in the London journals of the day. The French and Russian understanding or alliance I have persisted in, and have alluded to the Danes as likely to join the coalition nor has the cordiality of Spain with France in the Chinese waters escaped my remark. I have insisted that the first aim of France was to break up our alliances, by destroying the power of Austria, and of all Germany, whilst professing the strongest feeling of friendship towards us; and we may soon find that, if we cry for aid, we shall cry in vain, for our natural allies may either he powerless, or may reply, <<it serves yon right; reap as you have sown." I go further, and have long prophesied that France will send an army to Eccypt to protect M. Lesseps, who is sent there for the pur- pose of making a cam* hdli. I go further still, India will be successfully revolutionised, and the Sikhs .will take the lead and then what of India bonds and rails ? Why are our militia not called out, and volunteer regiments enrolled ? Why are gunboats allowed to be contracted for in this country by Governments professing peace? Why has coal been allowed to be exported of late from our shores, and why has Belgium not been asked to take this precaution also? Is her turn not coming ? Are we to wait until a coalition fleet and army is ready to visit Ireland for the purpose of paying homage to the "'Sacerdotal vestments" sent there by Louis Napoleon, the chosen champion of liberty and religion ? Let it not be said that one voice has been wanting to prepare the people of Great Britain for the coming struggle."

VIGILANCE OF THE GOVERNMENT In the money article of Saturday's Times we read the following It has transpired that about two or three months back one of the principal chart-sellers in London received an order simultaneously from the French and Russian Governments, to the extent of 5001 each, for a number of copies of each of the charts and surveys of the English coast and fortified plages, as well as those of our stations in the Mediterranean, &c. Struck by the magnitude of the order, he considered himself bound to mention it to the Admiralty, but no ob- jection was made to its being executed. About three weeks back a similar order, to the amount of nearly 300 £ came from the Spanish Government; and to-day fresh orders of 5001. each have arrived from France and Russia. In this case the charts of the ports and coasts of our Indian possessions are included. The Admiralty, of course, are not to be blamed for sanctioning the sale, because if a refusal were given the required copies could easily be obtained by indirect means; but the circumstance of such fact having been re- ported to the Government without exciting, when taken in conjunction with the various other sisjns around them, the slightest suspicion such as might qualify their Parliamentary cry of peace, and their assertion that Lord Malmsbury was indispensable to its maintenance, must be classed among the marvels of political history. The same article contains also the following import- ant statement bearing on the same subject :— The screw steamship Bceotia has been chartered at Liver- pool by the French agents to carry coals from South Wales to Brest. Some of the principal houses in London connected with France and Russia have also been actively engaged in making large purchases of coal, their orders being to take what they could get, irrespective of quality, price, or port. The question has accordingly been very strongly discussed whether such supplies can be fairly furnished by us as a neutral Power. Fifty years back no one would have dreamt of including coal among munitions of war, but the intro- duction of steam has raised it to equal importance with powder, lead, or any of the other materials usually prohi- bited. At the same time it is contended by many that even if there should be any disinclination to adopt this view an export duty might appropriately be levied, with the object not merely of improving the revenue, but of bettering the prospect of the relative supply for our own purposes in case of need. All warlike orders at present attract attention, and it is therefore noticed that as many as twenty-seven gunboats of very light draught, together with some vessels of larger size, are at present building on the Thames for the Spanish Government. In the present relations of Spain surmises naturally arise that site might possibly in such matters be acting merely as an agent for others.

AN AUTHORITY SPEAKING. fn his speech at Horsham, on Friday, Mr. Fitz- gerald (Under-Secretary for War) said that the Govern- ment had addressed to the Emperor of Russia a direct question— "Did a treaty exist containing anything hostile to England?"—and that the answer received from Prince Gortschakoff was as follows :— I do not. deny that there may exist a written engagement between France and Russia, but I can assure you in the most positive manner that such arrangement contains nothing that, in the most distant manner, could be inter- preted as constituting a hostile alliance against England. If Lord Malmeshury should be questioned on the subject, he may answer with confidence in the above sense, and I give you my personal guarantee that the declaration will not be falsified by the facts. Upon which the Times, with a good deal of common sense, remarks We could scarcely expect the Russian Minister to admit that a Treaty which he keeps shut from the eyes of Europe contains an agreement for the partition of Europe. It is enough for us to know that. not a Treaty, but a written agreement, exists between France and Russia which those i'o wers trunk it for their interest to keep a secret from any third l ower. Prince Gortschakoff gives his personal assu- rance that tins written agreement" does not "constitute a hostile alliance against Europe." And upon this we are to lap ourselves into security, putting our trust firmly in the frankness of Princa Gortschakoff's reading of the written agreement, and in the mnocency of this little secret between the two great aggressive Emperors. We can place no faith in the Russian s view of this Treaty, for it is a mere prevari- cation to call a written agreement concluded by two Em- perors by any other name. If we are to believe in the innocuousness of a Treaty under which armies are put in motion, we sbeuld first lIke to know something of the articles agreed to. Denials have of late lost much of their former value. We recollect how firmly the mission of Prince MenschikofF was denied, and we have had much more recent opportunities of seeing how, day after day, every event that was about to happen was in the columns of the Mnniteur most circumstantially denied. An official denial has now come to be the almost certain forerunner of an indefensible enterprise.

THE DUPLICITY OF NAPOLEON. Under this heading, the Saturday Mevievj refers to the visit of Napoleon and the Empress to London, and the enthusiastic reception he met with. "lloyahy smiled on tlicoi, the City feasted them, Minktera bowwl to the ground before them, the mob ell' ered them. Here was the saviour of society, the apostle of peace, ) the scourge of unscrupulous Russia." Only a few dis- sentients ventured in secret to ask whether the "suc- cessful leopard could have so completely changed its spots as was supposed." They distrusted the man and cL his system, for they recollected that "from his youth up he had been a conspirator. Intrigues, plots, every kind of deceit, every kind of treachery, had been his daily occupation for twenty years." A time must come when the system he represented would bring him into collision with England. For Napoleonism can never stay still. He ended the Crimean war in a way which was unsatisfactory to us. Then France and Russia became intimate, and England had to look to Austria for support in her demands on Russia. Then came the colonels, Cherbourg, and the Portugal busi- ness. But in official quarters all suspicion of Napoleon's treachery was discountenanced. England has now found that she has been the victim of a long-contrived plot. Only recently Ministers denied that France was not arming. A very few days ago Lord Derby was ignorant of the terrible change which was coming over the face of our European interests. Louis Napoleon has succeeded twice in his life in deceiving where alone deception would have seemed scarcely possible. He has hoodwinked England as he hoodwinked the Na- tional Assembly. Now he has banded with Russia to destroy England. "At any rate we have now the comfort of knowing the worst. Our second of December is over."

FRAN CE AND SARDINIA. The French official journal, the Moniteur, of the 1st mst., publishes a most important circular dispatch signed by Count Walewski, addressed to all the di- plomaticagents of the Emperor, dated the 27th of April. It is a very lengthy document, but we extract the most important points. After reviewing the proceedings anterior to the proposition of a Congress, M. Walewski says:— England had just settled, with the assent of France, Prussia, and Russia, the last conditions for the meeting of that assembly where the place which justice and reason assigned to the Italian States was granted to them. Sardinia, on her part, adhered to the principle of a simultaneous and previous disarmament of all the Powers which for some time past had increased their military strength. To these tokens of peace the Vienna Cabinet suddenly opposes an act which, to characterise it as it deserves, is equivalent to a declaration of war. "Thus Austria destroys alone, and with intent, the earnest labours of England, seconded so honestly by Russia and Prussia, facilitated with so much moderation by France. Not only does she exclude Sardinia from the Congress, she summons her, under penalty of coercion, to disarm without any conditions within three days. A large military force is displayed at the same time on the banks of the Ticino, and, to say the truth, it is in the midst of an advancing army that the Austrian commander- in-chief awaits the reply of the Turin Cabinet. "You are aware, Sir, of the impression produced at Lon- don, Berlin, and St. Petersburg by the untimely and fatal resolution of the Vienna Cabinet. The astonishment and disapproval of the three Powers was displayed as a protest which public opinion has echoed throughout all Europe. RELATIONS OF FRANCE AND SARDINIA. "Ancient remembrances, community of origin, a recent al- liance of the Sovereign Houses Unite us to Sardinia. These are serious reasons for sympathy, which we fully appreciate, but which, perhaps, would not suffice to decide us. What distinctly points out our pathis the permanent and hereditary interest of France, the absolute impossibility for the Em- peror's Government to allow a blow to be struck which would establish at the foot of the Alps, contrary to the wishes of a friendly nation and to the wish of its Sovereign, a state of things which would subject the whole of Italy to a foreign influence. HOPES OF ENGLAND'S MEDIATION. His Imperial Majesty, strictly faithful to the words which he pronounced when the French people recalled him to the throne of the chief of his dynasty, is not animated by any personal ambition or desire of conquest. It is not long since the Emperor gave a proof, in a European crisis, that moder- ation was the soul of his policy. That moderation still presides over his designs, and, while shielding the interests which Providence has intrusted to him, his Majesty has no dea, you may most positively assert it, of separating his views from those of his allies. Far from it, his Government, referring to the incidents which have marked the negoti- ations of the preceding weeks, entertains the firm hope that the Government of her Britannic Majesty will continue to persevere in an attitude which, by uniting by a moral bond the policy of the two countries, will allow the Cabinets of Paris and of London to give mutual explanations without reserve, and to combine, according to eventualities, an entente destined to preserve the Continent from the cffects of a struggle which may arise at one of its extremities. RUSSIA AND THE GERMAN POWERS. "Russia, we are perfectly convinced of it, will be always ready to direct her efforts to the same end. As regards Prussia, the impartial and, at the same time, conciliating spirit of which she has given proof since the commencement ot the crisis is a sure guarantee of her inclination to neglect nothing to circumscribe the explosion. "We sincerely hope that the other Powers which form the German Confederation will not allow themselves to be led astray by the remembrances of a different epoch; France can only behold with sorrow the excitement which has seized upon some States of Germany. She does not understand how that great country, ordinarily so calm and so patriotically imbued with the knowledge of its strength, should fancy its safety menaced by events the theatre of which must remain far from its territory.

SHIPWRECK AND. LOSS OF 386 LIVES. A most appalling calamity has happened on the Irish coast, by the wreck of the Pomona emigrant ship, from Liverpool for America, on the morning of the 29th ult., on Blackwater Bank, near Wexford. Out of 375 emigrants only four' were saved. Of a crew of 30, 15 were lost—making a total loss of 386. The captain, when nearing Tuskar, seems to have lost his reckoning and mistaken his position, for a little past midnight the ship was driven on to a sandbank some seven miles off Ballyconigar, near to Blackwater, the sea making a clean breach over her and sweeping her decks. The passengers rushed in crowds to the deck, most of them but partially dressed, and many with only their night-clothes mi. For a short time a wild scene of terror and confusion ensued, which, however, gradually subsided as the calm orders of the captain were obeyed by the crew, and something like order was re-established. All, however, was in vain she became a complete wreck; the lifeboats were stove in and all on board perished. The heartrending scenes that must have occurred are fearful to think of, but are known only to God, for beyond those in the whale-boat not a soul was saved. The captain and first and second mates remained on the sinking ship, the only officer in the boat being the third iiiate, who succeeded in reaching the shore in company with 18 others of the crew and three passengers, five being washed out in their passage from the vessel. On the beach at Ballyconigar were found the lifeless remains of several of the unfortunate passengers. which were removed to the boathouse near there to await an inquest. One of the first bodies rescued from the waves was that of a lady, apparently about 40 years oldr who in life must have been a "handsome woman, and evidently moving in a respectable sphere of life. Here, however, we blush to record it, we must notice an act of barbarism so gross that it is hardly creditably that any person in this age of civilisation would be found guilty ot it. The body of this lady, when found by th,) coastguards, was stripped of all its clothes, with exception of the body-linen, an 1 it was ascertained that'tins diabolic il act had been committed by one of the same sex, a woman residing in the village of Blackwater, who had thus desecrated the dead body and made off with the clothes. On the arrival of the constabulary, however, this brute in human shape was made to give up her plunder, and it is to be hoped that she will meet with the just reward such inhuman con- duct deserves. Much indignation has been aroused at the mercenary conduct of some of the resident labourers, who refused to assist m rescuing the drowned bodies unless they were paid." At Ballyneskar, some two miles from Blackwater, were found the remains of a very beautiful young girl, the calm expression of whose pallid countenance indicated the peaceful sleep of innocence rather than an untimely and violent death. The dress of this poor unfortunate was of an expensive descrip- tion, and from the similarity of-features to those of the elder.y lady mentioned above, there can be little doubt but that she was the daughter spoken of bv the sailors as being with that lady on board the Pomona before her loss. An indiarubber lifebelt-inadequate to save life, but sufficient to rescue the body from its watery shroud—was also found attached to these remains a fact which strengthens the supposition that they were of the same family—united in death as they had been un- divided in life. From Curracloe to the Raven Point the shore was strewn with pieces of the wreck, including doors and panels from the saloons and cabins, beautifully painted and gilded, handsome carved chairs and couches, patent life-seats, beds and bedding, the cabin skylights and other fittings, with the remains of the two shattered lifeboats, first attempted to be launched. In conclusion, we cannot withhold a word of praise to the coastguardsmen and constabulary, who were un- tiring in their efforts to recover whatever property might be washed ashore, and decently caring for the relics of such of the passengers whose bodies had been given up by the seething and troubled waters.

A BLOODLESS REVOLUTION! At the latter portion of last week intelligence was received of a revolution in Tuscany, which has been followed by 10 similar demonstrations among other Italian provinces, and which are undoubtedly but the precursor of a general declara- tion of Italian independence. We are now enabled to give some particulars of the Tuscan outbreak: — On the 27th of April the Grand Duchy—not the Grand Duke-of Tuscany declared in favour of Italian independence, or, in other words, cast in its lot with France and Piedmont. Of all the Italian States the Grand Duchy has been the least misgoverned since 1815; but even there the rulers in the hour of trial find a long score of arrears which they must now discharge. Even so short a while back as 1818 the present Grand Duke might have conciliated to himself the goodwill and respect of his people—for his, in truth, had never been a grinding tyranny. The fanners and .peasantry of that rich valley of the Arno had lived happily and peacefully enough under his rule, and they remembered it to him in the hour of his need. When he absconded -for there is no other term in which to describe the manner of his precipitate flight-after the events of 1848, he was recalled by the affection of his people, and tranquilly replaced on his petty throne. The return he made was to fill the Archduchy with Austrian troops, and to convert it into a mere satrapy of Anstria. He had sworn to a Constitution—he repealed it. He vio- lated every promise, express or implied, which he had made in the midst of the turmoils of that eventful year. Now, whether it is that the Tuscans were a more en- during and patient race than the inhabitants of the other Italian States-whether it is that the manner in which the rulers had exercised their sway, despotic as it may have been, was far milder than was the fashion of other Italian Princes whether Tuscany lay so near to the great Austrian garrison, and was itself so filled with Austrian troops, and so weak, that any attempt at insurrection could not but be instantly crushed or, finally, whether, taught at last by the events of 1848, the Italian friends of Italian independence had re- solved never to move again until they could act in concert, it is certain that the reactionary policy of the little Tuscany Court was tolerated with a singular dis- cretion and forbearance by the people. The desire to free themselves from the despotism of Austria was there, but they engaged in no idle plots, and gave no excuse to their foreign taskmasters for the infliction of useless misery and pain. They had made up their minds to bide their time, and the time arrived at last. The Grand Duke and his family were tolerated, not abhorred their presence excited no gesture of menace. aroused no scowl of hatred in the streets; a good- humoured shrug of indifference expressed the feelings of the people. They knew that when the axe was aid to the great tree which had struck its roots so deep in Upper Italy the branch which overshadoweth Tuscany must wither and perish. So it has proved- the tricoloured flag was hoisted on the tower of the Palazzo Vecchio. The superior officers of the Tuscan troops presented themselves to the Grand Duke at Florence, and declared to him tha.t the only way to prevent the revolt of his little army was to unfurl the flag of independence and to unite at once with the Piedmontese. The scene is thus described :—"At an early hour on the morning of the 27th ult., the people (to the number of 20,000) assembled in the Piazza Santa Maria Antonia. Here th", tricolour of Italy was raised amid rapturous acclamations, and bands of men of all classes, soldiers and citizens, dispersed themselves in every direction, each troop led by a bearer of the national standard. In less than an hour the tricolour was floating over the tower of the Palazzo Vecchio and the fortresses of San Giorgio and San Giovanni. The greater portion of the assembly proceeded at once to the Palace of the French Minister, who thanked the people for their sym- pathy with the Emperor and France; they then pro- ceeded to the Sardinian Ambassador's. Amid a thousand vivas a,nd the waving of banners he presented himself to the people, reminded them that the eyes of Italy and Piedmont were upon them, exhorted them to respect religion, law, and property, and recommended discipline to the army, quiet and order to all. The moment will come," he exclaimed,—"nay, is now at hand, when you will be called upon to employ your arms in d efence of your country." He next announced that the Grand Duke had declared his intention of abandoning Tuscany, demanded in the name of Victor Emmanuel and the national honour that respect should be paid him, and trusted that the citizens should obey,the Government that should be organised to meet the present emergency. He then disclaimed on the part of Sardinia any inten- tion of interfering in the affairs of Tuscany, further than to provide for the public tranquillity and the exigencies of war. The object for which Piedmont drew the sword was independence, not ambition. Let them all remember that liberty was only acquired by great sacrifices, by acts of virtue and entire obedience. Before the public announcement of the Grand Duke's abdication, the scene before the Palazzo Pitti was most exciting. The very guards and servants of the Grand Duke had mounted the tricolour, while thousands were moving to and fro across the Grand Piazza. The most important fact was the perfect command which the leaders of the people seemed to possess over each and all. They might be seen going from group to group, recommending order and tran- quillity. Throughout the entire day no single act of, turbulence occurred, as far as I have been able to dis- cover. The cause of this can only be found in the entire unanimity of the people in their hatred of Aus- tria, which, so far from being confined to Lombardy and Piedmont, is universal throughout the Peninsula." The Grand Duke sent immediately for a popu- lar Tuscan nobleman, requested him to form an Administration for the purpose of granting such reforms as might be deemed necessary. But it was too late. The time for sedatives and emollients was past. Two preliminary steps were indispensable to the formation of any administration,—the first, that the Grand Duke should abdicate; the second, that there should be a declaration of alliance with Piedmont. With such conditions the Grand Duke refused to comply, and, pre- ferred to abandon the Grand Duchy altogether with his family, leaving its future destinies to chance—to the will of the people-to the fortune of war. When we add that the King of Sardinia has been declared Dictator of I uscany during the war we give the sum of the intelligence, we conclude our narrative of the Tuscan revolution.

MR. DISRAELI AT AYLESBURY. On Monday the Right Honourable the Chancellor of the Exchequer addressed his constituents, the electors of Buck mghamshire, in a long and elaborate speech, delivered with all the appearance of calmness and responsibility. It was almost entirely devoted to an explication of the troubles of the Continent. The little the right hon: gentleman said about the Reform Bill was with a view to show that it in- volved a large increase of the constituency of England, and the representation of considerable places not now repre- sented. As to the future, Mr. Disraeli promised nothing, and indeed made his escape from the Reform question, and began to speak about Europe. He detailed the history of the European complication, and afterwards proceeded to answer the accusations made by Lord Palmerston at Tiver- ton. Mr. Disraeli said :— Lord Palmerston says the Government has made two great mistakes. The first was the undertaking of the mediation between France and Austria without pre- viously obtaining from France and Austria a formal re- cognition of our capacity as mediator. If you will give me your attention for a moment, I hope to show you that this charge has no foundation. Undoubtedly, it would have been a great advantage if, before we at- tempted to mediate between France and Austria, we could have gotten some written instrument from them, by which we were empowered to mediate, and which distinctly laid before us the points in which we were to mediate. But that is begging the question of the whole business. You know well in private life how very fre- quently it happens that two proud men quarrel. They don't perhaps clearly and precisely know what is the cause of misunderstanding between them, but a gradual, and at last a complete, misunderstanding occurs. How frequently it happens that a mutual friend, some person whom they respect, some person of influence, a man of good sense and good temper, enjoying the confidence of both, talks first to the one and then to the other, to find out the real cause of misunderstanding between them. How often, in some cases, you find that there is really no foundation for misunderstanding; how often, in others, that the misunderstanding may be easily remedied. WHAT THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON WISHED. The fact is, I believe the Emperor of the French was desirous of peace, provided he could obtain peace with honour, provided he could have it with a diplomatic triumph, and could have done something for the Italians, which would have been in one way a check upon Aus- tria, and in another would have added lustre to his own authority. And as he had no confidence that the mission of Lord Cowley-or rather visit I should call it, since it had no official character-would be success- ful, he seized upon the proposition which Russia made for a formal meeting of the great Powers, knowing that if a Congress were agreed to, it would be an assemb- lage of great importance and weight, which would prove his influence in Europe and which would lead to the results which he desired. I can account for Russia making that proposition, because it is never agreeable to a Power of the greatest rank to see the affairs of the world settled as they would have been by England, France, and Austria. It was, of course, pleasing to the pride of Russia, and I have no doubt her proposal may be accounted for in that way. THE "SECRET TREATY" DENIED. It would have been impossible for me to make these observations a few days ago, because the country was informed on authority which, though anonymous, was of that bouncing character that no one dared say "No" to it—that a secret treaty had been formed between France and Russia—that their fleets were to be united for the destruction of our maritime supremacy and tor the partition of Europe. Of course, then the obser- vations which I have made would not have oeen listened to even upon these hustings, where 1 e always been received with so much indulgence. can give you no information as to the quarter fron* k,or by what means these enormous statements wer_ nade. They have, I believe, ruined many virtuous families in this country; they have shaken ctedit m every nation; but this I can assure you, that there is not tlie slightest tittle of foundation for those statements. There is no treaty existing between France and Russia, there is no secret treaty between i ranee and Russia, there is no secret convention existing between France and Russia. There is between France and Russia what may be called an engagement, which they .were not bound in any way to communicate to this country, but which was commurncated to this country voluntarily some time ago by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs. It amounted simply to this—that, in case of a war between France and Austria, Russia should assemble an army of observation on her German frontier. Russia has as much right to assemble an army of observation on her German frontier as England has to send, as she is about to send, a commanding fleet to the Mediterranean. Both may be, probably are, means to maintain peace rather than to make war. v WHAT THE GOVERNMENT HAVE DONE. But I have further to acquaint you that we have felt it our duty not only to request and to receive those communications from the Governments of France and Russia, but we have gone beyond this, and have asked the Russian Government what perhaps, according to the strictness of diplomatic etiquette we were not justified in asking, but which we asked in the confidence of a Powerthat always acts with frankness and straight- forwardness towards her allies-we have asked the Russian Government whether in case of a war between France and Germany they have entered into any engagement to declare war against Germany. And we have received from the Russian Government the most explicit and most unequivocal declaration that no engagement of the kind exists or ever has been asked. So much, then, for the secret treaties, so much for the secret conventions, so much for the secret engagements between France and Russia, directed only to one obi ect-the humiliation, and perhaps the destruction of England. You see, gentlemen, how necessary it is that a country should not decide in heat and passion. NO TREATY WITH DENMARK EITHER! Why, the very same day it was also announced, on great authority, that there was a secret treaty between Denmark and France, with the same purpose. Every one sees what the object of that was-that the whole Scandinavian navy should probably be united to that of Russia and France, in order to destroy the supremacy of England. Well, we have made inquiries of the Court of Denmark. Denmark is our natural ally and friend, and I am bound to say a Power which has on all occasions of late exhibited the utmost friendliness and confidence towards England. And I have the very best authority for thus publicly stating that there is not the shadow of a foundation for that statement (cheers), and that if—which God forbid!—we ever have to call on our allies and friends to rally round our standard and support the cause of freedom, truth, and .justice, I look with the utmost reliance to the spirit of Scandinavia being enlisted on our side. (Cheers.) But what was the origin of these enormous falsehoods? There was a party once which we were told practised enormous lying. (Laughter.) I believe it was a calumny, although the observation was made by one of the members of that party. (A laugh.) But whether, as some say, it was an attempt to create a prejudice against France and Russia, and that appears to be probably too deep a design to be true-whether it was a great stock-jobbing manoeuvre—and for the credit of human nature I trust there is no foundation for that suspicion—or whether it be as I fear is the natural and correct solution, that it was to create at the moment of the general election a prejudice against Her Majesty's Ministers—all these conjectures I must leave for your better judgment to determine. Possibly time may reveal the mystery. ENGLAND AGAINST THE WORLD. I was told by one of the hon. gentlemen who preceded me that nothing would satisfy him but that we should have a powerful fleet in the ChanneL You will have, before six weeks have passed, not only a powerful fleet in the Channel, but also a powerfrl fleet in the Medi- terranean. What nation in the world, then, can com- pete with England? For, with all these, you have a condition of your finances which is most wholesome and healthy and these great armaments, which will never be exercised except for your defence, or for the j maintenance of your honeur and the vindication of your 1 absolute interests, will be supported by a people lightly 1 taxed, greatly prospering, and whose heart and soul are with the institutions of their country. (Cheers.) Why, then, are we to be alarmed ? Why, ought we not rather to feel that ours is the position to give tern- perate counsels, prepared as we shall be to support those counsels with that authority which belongs to a counsellor who is known to be strong ? (Cheers.) But what is the condition of other countries ? I shall not single out for remark any particular State, Sovereign, King, Emperor, or dominion; but we have seen some- thing of European war on a great scale within our recent experience; and let us look to the ways and means by which those haughty princes and their mighty armies carry on war. Why, when the second campaign comes the shoe always pinches. (Hear.) I cannot see that there is any Continental Power which can enter upon a third campaign. ■ MR. DISRAELI'S DEFINITION OF "A FLEA-BITE." We know very well that war, always a very costly operation, has immensely increased in its expenditure from the circumstances under which it is now waged. Your armies are larger, your munitions are much more extravagant, your artillery now costs as much as the whole of your armaments in old days, and the means of destruction are much more complete. Well, what P the condition of England ? The world has been startled by an announcement made within these few days, that a great Sovereign has gone down to his Council and obtained a vote of 20 millions of money to carry war. The world seems quite frightened at a xnona who can raise 20 millions,—the funds fall, and eve y- body thinks that even the independence of England threatened. What is 20 millions of money to carry on a war? It goes like water. [A Voice But then 800,000,000?."] Why, 800.000,000?.. if owed by an in- dustrious and free people, is a fleabite. (Laughter and cheers.) My friend seems quite frightened by our national debt. OUR INEXHAUSTIBLE RESOURCES. Let me tell you how England carries on war. A» Emperor of the French, or of Russia, or of Austria, has a loan of 20 millions—all to be spent in a year; and allow me to remind you that that is an experiment Emperor of the French, or of Russia, or of Austria, Let me tell you how England carries on war. A» Emperor of the French, or of Russia, or of Austria, has a loan of 20 millions—all to be spent in a year; and allow me to remind you that that is an experiment which cannot be very often repeated. (A laugh.) But what does the Queen of England do ? She goes down to her Parliament, and with their concurrence, by one single tax, and that not heavily imposed, can in an) emergency raise 20 millions per annum. (Cheers.) Why, if the country were in danger, we could, by the aid of the income tax alone—and God forbid that this should ever come to pass, or that I should be the Chancellor of the Exchequer to propose it (laughter)-r but by levying a simple income-tax of 10 per cent. we could have 20 millions a year-not in loans, not' by borrowing money, not even adding to the terrors of my alarmed friend (cheers and laughter,) but out ot our annual revenue, and all this not grudgingly but heartily given. And adding to that sum derived from taxation a loan of 20,000.000/ a-year if you want loans -for England could give the Queen a loan of 20,000,00W- per annum for 10 years running, if necessary—if j1^ honour of the country required it; and at the end ox that period the national resources, instead of being exhausted, would not really be found, considering the circumstances of the case—that the freedom of bJBT people, the independence of her realm, and the great- ness of her empire were at stake--to have been seriously impaired by such a contribution.^ (Cheersd When 1 know these things I am not intimidated by the leagues of kings and emperors. I know well that n there is to be a war of nationalities, of opinions, an of races—a war of revolution and reconstruction, shall weather the storm.

WHAT A FRENCH PAPER SAYS OF The language of the Steele on the present state o affairs in England is anything but complimentary. runs thus t We know nothing positively of the intrigues of the Catling ( of Vienna and of its accomplice, the Tory ministry | England, but what we do know is, that this oiler of m,eS' tion is ridiculous. Three of the great Powers have Ft0hnS | ted against the act of savage barbarism which AusWj4''rseif I committed, thinking to frighten a nation weaker thah „0n, by an insolent ultimatum they saw, and with good ie'' an insult in the decision come to by the Government °l.orts Emperor Francis Joseph, at the very moment accept- were being made to base an arrangement tQ tjje very able conditions, and when France had Government, extreme limit of concessions The Fre to piedmont) called to the assistance of its ally, ^greatest enthusiasm. where they have been received with J«>t0 gt t]>0 Under such circumstances, is it pow f a c&h\ t witll0llt vague and imperfect Pr?PO«%nsolution, and struck to the li^arMbv'the^enresent^trves oif» country ? After having neart oy tlie representative the ^asis of the negotiations dec ared in Par lament that i and liussia were not^cceptcd11 it was'fo"' ttie dignity of the L^i^ Govern- ment to cease all f«rther mfKf,ion. after having blamed the unifistiflable conduct of Austria, it suddenly comes to a precisely contrary decision, and takes a step un- kZwn to its allief and to those who have been also outraged bv lhe inexpHcahle and audacious refusal of the Cabinet of Vienna. (>t own authority, this Ministry, without mandate, l'as annihilate the effect of a European protest! J lie wl?"'e ('f. Germany begins to open her eyes, and is detaching herseh from Austria and leaving her isola- ted- It is not at such a moment that Lord Derby and colleagues, suireplatiously maintained in power, will succeed in dictating^a ws to us. France in accepting their pretended mediation >\<.uhl fail in the consideration which she owes tc h l08* 1'russia and Russia, who have, likehei> resented the insult offered to Piedmont.

FEARFUL EARTHQUAKE AT QUITO. On the morning of the 22nd of March, a se- vere earthquake destroyed the city of Quito almost entirely. The churches, convents, and Government buildings are most of them thrown down, besides many private residences. The houses not thrown down are so injured as not to be habitable. The damage is esti- mated at 3,000,000 dollars. The deaths aire reported at 5,000, but this we believe to be greatly exaggerated. I A number of small towns to the north of the capital | have also been destroyed, and in Guayaquil the shock was felt severely, and did some damage.

For the information of our readers, we may add that Quito is a presidency of Colombia, and is celebrated as having been the scene of the measurement of a degree of the meridian by the French and Spanish mathematicians in the reign of Louis XV. Forty thousand souls were hurled into eternity by a dreadful earthquake at Quito, which almost overwhelmed the city, February 4th, 1797. The earthquake extended also between Santa Fe and Panama, when the whole country betwixt those places was destroyed, including the city of Cusco, and Quito, as above-mentioned.