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eüt Jnnban teesfimDra!.

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eüt Jnnban teesfimDra!. fWd /fcemltright to state that we do not at all times identify «ne)veK ivith our correspondent's opinions.! The opinion appears to gain ground that we shall next Session have a dissolution of Parliament. For myself, without the slightest means of knowing more than we all know, and judging only from the aspects of the political world, I cannot but think that an ap- peal to the country is highly probable. It was ru- moured some little time since that Col. Taylor, the parliamentary secretary, had issued a circular to the Conservative agents warning them that an appeal to the country would take place in the spring or summer. It subsequently turned out that the rumour was erroneous, but had such a circular been sent it would only have forecast a political probability. Without entering on the niceties of party politics it may safely be stated that at least two things are probable—the introduction of a Ministerial Reform Bill and its failure. In that case an appeal to the country would appear to be almost a certain consequence. Ministers could not continue to hold office without acknowledging their defeat, but, they might well acknowledge their defeat and still hold office, appealing from Parliament to the country. This course would be all the more legitimate seeing that the present House of Commons was not elected under the auspices of Lord Derby, but under those of Lord PalmerstOD. The numerous trade outrages which have recently startled and pained the public have done something to injure the position of the working classes in their demand for Reform. I mention this as a fact which is forced upon you almost every day, but I confess I cannot see the slightest connection between such out- rages and the demand for the suffrage. Another effect of these outrages has been to create in the public mind generally, a dislike and a distrust of trades unions. This feeling is far easier to understand. Opinions vary greatly as to the value and operations of these trade organisations. I, for one, having paid some earnest attention to the matter of trade unions, have long since come to the conclusion that were every trade union abolished to-morrow, and were all kinds of labour left to the free operation of the law of supply and demand, neither masters nor men would suffer, and that the changes which would take place on such an event occurring would not have any permanently injurious effect even on the lower and unskilled class of work- men, while the higher and more skilful workman would have a greater chance of rising than he now has. But I refrain from using arguments in support of my views, when arguments from much abler pens have failed. But neither argument nor sophistry can excuse even intimidation, far less outrage, and the working men g ene- rally are doing well to repudiate any sympathy with men who have proved themselves the very worst enemies of their class. The law which affects this subject is clear enough, but it may be useful to remind your readers what are its exact provisiona. The Act 6 George IV., cap. 129, which repeals all former Acts, and now regulates trade combinations, provides that it shall be legal for any persons to meet together to determine the rate of wages for which they will work, and to enter into any verbal or written agreement as to the wages or hours of employment; and the same pro- cess and privileges are stated to be legal with respect to the masters. Bat the Act also makes it illegal to endea- vour to force any journeyman, manufacturer, or workman, or other person to depart from his hiring, emp oyment, or work, or to return his work before it is finished; or to endeavour to prevent any journey- man, manufacturer, &c., from hiring himself; or to endeavour to force or induce any person to belong to any club or association, or to contribute to any common fund, or to pay any fine or penalty, or on account of his refusing to comply with any rules, &c. or to endeavour to force any manufacturer, &c., to make any alteration in his mode of regulating, &c., his business. All this is clear enough, but there is another Act, the latest on the subject (22 Vict., cap. 34,) which was passed to protect the working man, which provides that no one shall, by reason of his entering into any agreement with any workmen, &c., to fix their rate of wages, kc., or by reason of his en. deavouring, peaceably and in a reasonable manner, to persuade others to cease from work, shall be deemed guilty of molestation or obstruction; but it is also provided that nothing in this Act shall authorise any workman to break any contract, or induce any other workman to do so. Now I regard these two Acts, which are virtually one, as perfectly fair to masters and men. They authorise combinations and strikes on the one hand, and locks-out on the other; employers and employed are perfectly free to combine. But they impose a penalty of three months' imprisonment with or without hard labour for acts of intimidation and outrage. In my opinion this penalty for such an outrage as that at Sheffield is not severe enough, and I suppose that the actual perpetrator of the outrage would be convicted under some other Act without any reference to the crime being a trade outrage. Certain it is that some very severe punishment is required to satisfy the public feeling and indignation. Pleasant it is to read the descriptions of the Anglo-Belgianjetes and rejoicings. Surely never were British volunteers more honoured. It is almost a wonder that they have not been off their heads with praise and pleasure. There is however a more im- portant consideration than the mere holiday-making and welcoming. A stronger fraternal feeling than ever between England and Belgium will thus be pro- moted, and this feeling will doubtless be still further developed should the Belgian volunteers pay us a return visit to Wimbledon next year. Apropos of this expected visit it is to be hoped that it will not present too much of a contrast to the hearty and profuse hospitality that our volunteers have enjoyed in little brave, free, and enlightened Belgium. Reading the accounts of the balls in Brussels, many a one has perhaps recalled Byron's beautiful lines- "There was a sound of revelry by night, And Belgium's capital had gathered there Her beauty and her chivalry, and bright The lamps shone o'er fair women and brave men; A thousand hearts beat happily; and when Music arose, with its voluptuous swell, Soft eyes looked love to eyes which spake again, And all went merry as a marriage bell." But how different the sequence of the revelry in Belgium's capital now and on the eve of the battle of Waterloo. May England and Belgium continue to be as firmly united in peace, as they ever were united in war. The only existing Jewish synagogue that I know of in a very large district south of the Thames is a little obscure building, the existence of which no one but the Jewish community appears to be aware of, and perhaps not one out of a hundred who pass its dark and murky entrance notices a Hebrew inscription over the door. The Jews are now, however, about to erect a large synagogue near Mr. Spurgeon's Taber- nacle. Only 4,5002. have been required for the purpose, and though the project has been on foot for many months this small sum (for so rich a community) has not yet been collected. But the greater portion of it has been promised, and there will be, I suppose, no difficulty about the remainder. The fact of money coming in so slowly for a synagogue is remarkable, especially as the Jews are so liberal in the matter of hospitals, schools, and institutions which are not even confined to their own persuasion. Add to this the fact that no Jew is ever a burden on the country, the Jews supporting their own poor, and I think it must be admitted that many of the ignorant prejudices against the Jews, — which, by the way, decrease daily—are very unjust. But to what are we to attribute their extraordinarily slow action in raising a syna- gogue which surely is needed if the Jews value public worship at all ? Extraordinary advertisements seeking the loan of a small sum for a short period often appear, but I doubt whether any more startling than the following have ever appeared:—" LM. wanted. Any private party advancing 14Z. for three weeks may hold property value SOl. as security. 19Z. returned. Omega," &c. "401* required for one month upon business of im- portance. 101. for accommodation and security for 1501. deposited. Address by letter, Alpha," &c. If this be not the alpha and omega of money-hunting, I know not what is. These words are suggestive of the advertisements emanating from the same private party," but be this as it may the advertisements may be genuine, and may emanate from different persons, but it is difficult to believe it. I can imagine circum- stanzeg under which a man in business might want pecuniary accommodation so urgently that a few poun lefor interest might be no object to him; but if there be disposable security why do not these adver- tisers resort to that friend in need whose aims are those of the Lombard merchants? Why does not Alpha or Omega exclaim Oh my prophetic soul, my uncle: and pay a visit to his establishment through that con- venient side-door, which is open to all comers ? Now and again I hear of people answering these advertise- ments and lending their money on the faith of sham duplicates or false deeds, and of course they get very little pity from theur good-natured friends at having been bitten in this way. s

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